Journal articles on the topic 'Dynastic Networks'
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1
Kumar, Satendra. "The Family Way: Manhood and Dabangai in the Making of a Dynasty in Uttar Pradesh." Studies in Indian Politics 6, no. 2 (September 23, 2018): 180–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018797414.
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Only looking at the Congress Party can obscure the fact that political dynasties, in different forms and degrees, exist in a number of political parties in India. There are many examples of political families ruling the roost across the states but digging deeper shows us that the malaise goes to the village level as well. Therefore, to completely examine the extent to which Indian politics is dynastic, this article investigates strategies and networks of a local political dynasty in the Meerut district of Uttar Pradesh (UP). It explores how a family, by getting elected its sons into the local political bodies, becomes a powerful political dynasty over a period of time and how entry of this dynasty into the Indian political system is assisted by political parties and caste associations. Furthermore, this article shows the ways in which popular notions of leadership and manhood play important role in the making of a dynast along with the importance of dynastic ties for the marginalized rather than privileged groups.
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Haliim, Wimmy, and Andy Ilman Hakim. "DINASTI POLITIK: BASIS POLITIK DAN KEPUASAN PUBLIK." JURNAL POLITIK PROFETIK 8, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v8i2a4.
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The opening of political access in a country that was going through a period of democratic transition gave rise to "little kings" through the practice of political dynasties in some regions. They fill the local political space by restructuring patronage networks and strengthening their social, economic and political bases in order to maintain their power. This kind of dynastic political practice generates negative sentiments towards the performance of the bureaucracy as the public policy tend to be beneficial for a particular political family. The research focuses on the impact of the Sutrisno family's political dynasty through the bureaucracy on the level of community satisfaction towards the performance and achievements of their programs. Given the impact of the Sutrisno family's dynastic political practices, some of them show an anomaly. The findings illustrate the high level of public satisfaction with the performance of the bureaucracy in the health, education, and economy sectors. Apart from the fact that the Sutrisno family dynasty was politically established and had consequences for control of the bureaucracy, the social base of the Sutrisno family network also played an important role in increasing public acceptance of bureaucratic work programs in various fields.
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Wade, Mara R. "Women’s Networks of Knowledge." Daphnis 45, no. 3-4 (July 18, 2017): 492–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04503008.
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The emblem book customized as a Stammbuch is a material manifestation of early modern cultural practices of knowledge creation and organization. Dorothea von Anhalt’s use of Andreas Friedrich’s Emblemata Nova . . . (1617) as a Stammbuch created a hybrid artifact of dynasty and devotion as manuscript entries made by Dorothea’s extended family members merged with the existing printed material. This unique book illuminates female practices of recording, circulating, and preserving dynastic and religious knowledge at North German Protestant courts.
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Prabowo, Hadi, and Sri Hartati. "Dynasty Politics in Succession of Village Leadership: A Case Study in the Village of Cileunyi Wetan, Indonesia." International Journal of Science and Society 1, no. 3 (December 6, 2019): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v1i3.31.
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The purpose of this research is to find out the factors causing dynastic politics and the impact of dynastic politics on village leadership for community development in Cileunyi Wetan Village, Cileunyi District, Bandung Regency. This study uses qualitative methods with data collection techniques such as interviews, observation, and study documentation. Dynasty politics is a process of regenerating power for the interests of the political elite that aims to maintain power by placing their families or relatives in certain positions in the field of government. The practice of dynastic politics in the village of Cileunyi Wetan was an attempt to maintain power by the village head's family for several periods. The relationship between the village head and the former village head was uncle and father, who still had influence in the community. The dynasty in the village leadership in the village of Cileunyi Wetan was caused by the strength of capital (economy), the strength of family networks, and the existence of unhealthy democratic practices. The dynastic political impact of village leadership on community development in the village of Cileunyi Wetan is the control of economic resources in the village by a group of people, and the existence of nepotism in the recruitment of village government officials.
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Parobo, Parag D. "The State, Networks and Family Raj in Goa." Studies in Indian Politics 6, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018797408.
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Goa achieved statehood in 1987. While from 1963 to 1989 there were only two legislators with ‘dynastic ties’, since 1990, there have been 23 political families contesting elections, with 10 dynastic candidates voted to the assembly. How might we understand the rise of ‘family raj’ in Goa’s politics? What does Goa teach us about the relationship between economy and politics? This article analyses Goa’s changing political economy and argues that apart from ‘increasing financial returns associated with state power’, it is the ‘networked’ contexts of these families that catapult them and sustain their growth. Two important political families and their particular networks are discussed to show how family raj is weaved in a wider network of power and money.
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Setiawan, Hendy, and Khalimatus Sa’diyah. "The Strength of the Kinship Politics Network and Modalities of Pilar Saga in the 2020 South Tangerang Regional Head Election." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.119-130.
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The issue of kinship politics networks and modalities Pilar Saga is built on the Ratu Atut Chosiyah's dynastic politics. Interestingly, the dynastic political network in Banten contributed to Pilar Saga's victory. Even the various corruption cases that ensnared Ratu Atut's family could not undermine her political network. For example, the corruption case of Ratu Atut for alleged bribery of the Constitutional Court and the trading of positions, T Chaeri Wardana for the corruption case of medical equipment, and Ratu Lilis Karyawati for the Cibenuangen River bypass case in Lebak, Banten. The purpose of this study was to analyze the extent to which Pilar Saga's kinship politics network and modalities influenced his victory in the 2020 South Tangerang Regional Head Election. This study used a qualitative approach with a descriptive method in South Tangerang. The research data was taken through observation and library research to strengthen the conclusion. The results show that the Pilar Saga political network and modalities, apart from being built from the Atut dynasty, were also boosted by the performance achievements of the incumbent Pilar Saga pair. The incumbent in the previous period with Airin Rachmi Diany (Atut's sister-in-law) was able to bring South Tangerang City to be the best Regency/City area in Banten in HDI (Human Development Index) numbers. On this basis, the rational behavior of voters in South Tangerang was not fooled by the various cases that ensnared their relatives in the corruption of the Ratu Atut Chosiyah dynasty.
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Skowron, Ryszard. "Budowanie prestiżu królewskiego rodu. Związki rodzinne Wazów z dyna- stiami europejskimi." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 20 (July 8, 2020): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2019.20.3.
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Marriages enabled the House of Vasa to enter into the network of courts throughout Europe and opened a way to participate in the processes of assimilation, reception or rejection of respective cultural, religious, and political paradigms. The bonds of kinship became one of the most effective instruments to raise the prestige and the standing of dynasty, which sought to occupy an ever higher position in the hierarchy of European rulers. The aim of this paper is to show how the House of Vasa functioned within he contemporaneous dynastic networks in Europe on the examples of several selected issues of strictly familial nature: inheritance of names, christenings, family reunions and financial security.
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Lukitasari. WA, Widia Novita. "Dynamic Politics in The Election of Regional Head (Ogan Komering Ulu Timur Regency in 2020)." PERSPEKTIF 11, no. 2 (March 17, 2022): 577–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v11i2.5924.
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The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.
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Susanti, Martien Herna. "Dinasti Politik dalam Pilkada di Indonesia." Journal of Government and Civil Society 1, no. 2 (February 22, 2018): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/jgcs.v1i2.440.
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The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. In the year 2017 is the second half of a new round of regional head elections, after the first half in 2015. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.Keyword: Political Dynasties, Democracy, The Regional Head Elections
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Bartash, Vitali. "Coerced Human Mobility and Elite Social Networks in Early Dynastic Iraq and Iran." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 7, no. 1 (September 25, 2020): 25–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2019-0006.
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AbstractThe article provides a historical analysis of cuneiform records concerning the circulation of unfree humans among the political-cultic elite in southern Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf during the Early Dynastic IIIb period, ca. 2475–2300 BCE. The analysis of the written data from the Adab city-state demonstrates that the royal house used the unfree as gifts to maintain a sociopolitical network on three spatial levels – the internal, local, and (inter)regional. The gift-givers and gift-receivers were mostly male adult members of the local and foreign elite, whereas the dislocated unfree humans were heterogeneous in terms of age, gender, and the ways they lost their freedom. The author relates the social profiles of both groups to the logistics of human traffic to reveal the link between social status and forms and nature of spatial mobility in the politically and socially unstable Early Dynastic Near East.
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Wardani, Sri Budi Eko, and Valina Singka Subekti. "Political Dynasties and Women Candidates in Indonesia’s 2019 Election." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103421991144.
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In this article, we provide evidence suggesting that almost half (44 per cent) of female candidates elected to Indonesia’s national parliament in 2019 were members of political dynasties. Providing detailed data on the backgrounds of these candidates, including by party and region, we argue that several factors have contributed to their rise. Parties are increasingly motivated – especially in the context of a 4 per cent parliamentary threshold – to nominate candidates who can boost their party’s fortune by attracting a big personal vote. Members of political dynasties (especially those related to regional government heads and other politicians entrenched in local power structures) have access to financial resources and local political networks – increasingly important to political success in Indonesia’s clientelistic electoral system. We show that the rise of these dynastic women candidates is not eliminating gender bias within parties, but is instead marginalising many qualified female party candidates, including incumbents.
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Zerka, Doriane. "Women, Intertextuality, Mobility: Mapping Transcultural Networks in the Fifteenth Century Prose Epic 'Herzog Herpin'." Interfaces: A Journal of Medieval European Literatures, no. 9 (December 7, 2022): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/interfaces-09-06.
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Considering the example of the fifteenth-century prose epic Herzog Herpin, attributed to Elisabeth of Nassau-Saarbrücken, through the lens of Caroline Levine's approach to networks, this essay examines the constitutive role of women in intra- and extra-textual constellations. Herzog Herpin is structured by networks colliding and interacting with each other. The family whose story it follows, the Mediterranean space that condition the movement of family members, and the network of intertextual references to Arthurian and Carolingian materials offer particularly productive examples of forms in which women act as connective agents. In turn, Herzog Herpin's composition is conditioned by the context in which Elisabeth evolves – a dynastic network in which women foster links between courts. Using a network approach to connect the intra- and extra-textual without implying causality, sheds light on a pattern of gender-specific involvement in literature relying on movement and connectivity.
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Espinosa, Aurelio. "The Grand Strategy of Charles V (1500-1558): Castile, War, and Dynastic Priority in the Mediterranean." Journal of Early Modern History 9, no. 3 (2005): 239–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006505775008446.
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AbstractThis paper analyzes two imperial policies, the dynastic strategy of Charles V and the nationalist agenda of the Castilian clerical elite. The Protestant Reformation forced Charles to assess his priorities according to his conviction of religious unity and his dynastic claim of universal monarchy. Charles' ambitions compromised Spain's entrepreneurial agenda, which consisted of the defense of the Mediterranean against the Ottomans. Seeking to protect the coalescing transatlantic system and established commercial networks of Spanish businessmen, the Spanish administration under President Tavera (1524-1539) failed to convince Charles to focus on the Muslim enemy and to allow the German people to decide their own religious destinies. Instead, Charles sought to contain his universal monarchy in Europe, and his decision to restore religious unity in the empire resulted in the overextension of Spanish resources and the eventual decline of Spain.
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McInally, Tom. "Support networks for the Catholic mission in Scotland." Innes Review 65, no. 1 (May 2014): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2014.0065.
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This article explores the support for the Mission in Scotland given by networks formed in the Scottish Catholic diaspora, especially by those key members linked to the Scots Colleges abroad, the Scots Benedictine monasteries in Germany, and the Roman curia during the second half of the seventeenth and first half of the eighteenth centuries. Drawing on sources from the colleges’, monasteries’, and Roman archives, together with extensive historiography, the narrative describes the problems faced by the Mission, the help it needed, and the extent to which it received that help. In doing so, the study attempts to show how the financial and diplomatic initiatives related to this work became interwoven with the dynastic struggles of the House of Stuart, and how this involvement of the Mission and its supporters in the Jacobite cause inevitably compromised their work and severely limited the success which their efforts merited.
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Barkov, S. A., O. V. Dorokhina, A. V. Markeeva, and A. A. Maximov. "Dynasties and brand names in the political sphere of the post-industrial society." RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 801–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-4-801-820.
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During the formation of contemporary democracy, its ideologists strived to create a management mechanism that did not resemble monarchy at all, so that to emphasize the radical nature of social-political changes in the transition from pre-industrial to industrial society. The dynastic transfer of power in all its manifestations and at all levels of governance was denounced as outdated, ineffective, and violating the very foundations of the peoples will. The article shows that, despite the initial criticism, dynasties are widespread in contemporary politics. The family is a part of politics and systems of public administration in a truly post-industrial form - as a brand, image, and symbol. The transition to the post-industrial society predetermines a change in the attitude to dynasties and their role not only in politics but also in systems of interaction with the population (electorate). Based on the analysis of other research and authors data on political dynasties at different levels of government in 17 countries, the article proves the changing attitude to political dynasties even within democratic systems. Political dynasties increasingly often contribute to the creation and expansion of social networks, establishing sustainable political ties, ensuring gender presentation in government, etc. There are numerous manifestations of dynasties in countries with different levels of social-economic development (developed and developing) and different types of government (authoritarian and democratic) due to the application of marketing thinking and technologies in politics. Dynasties allow to effectively use the family potential to create and promote political brands, to ensure sustainable social choices of political candidates and parties, to facilitate political socialization of new generations and relative predictability of politicians behavior, who would follow a family line in making important decisions.
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Ferrara, Eliana La. "Kin Groups and Reciprocity: A Model of Credit Transactions in Ghana." American Economic Review 93, no. 5 (November 1, 2003): 1730–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/000282803322655518.
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This paper studies kinship band networks as capital market institutions. Membership in a community where individuals are dynastically linked has two effects on informal credit. First, the nonanonymity of the dynastic link allows to sanction the defaulters’ offspring and induce compliance even in short-term interactions (social enforcement). Second, preferential agreements can arise in which kin members condition their behavior on the characteristics of a player’s predecessor, expecting others to do the same with their offspring (reciprocity). These effects are incorporated in an OLG game with endogenous matching between lenders and borrowers and tested using household-level data from Ghana.
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Keller, Katrin. "Hidden Figures: The Holy Roman Empire as a “Realm of Ladies”." Central European History 55, no. 3 (September 2022): 339–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938922000024.
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AbstractThe aim of this article is to make clear that, although men largely dominated the institutions of the Holy Roman Empire, beyond these constitutional institutions we can find many examples of women's agency. In particular, women of noble and princely families assumed political roles, both in relation to territories and to the empire as a whole. While it would not be correct to reinterpret the Holy Roman Empire as a “realm of ladies,” it seems clear that the empire, as a communicative context and dynastic network, was constituted with the participation of elite women, and that women were important for the ritual perpetuation of the constitution of the empire. In short, it was not only law and the constitution and the actions of men that held the empire together, but also the actions of women, who helped shape networks and politics just as they influenced the transfer of knowledge and culture.
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Edward Hay, Mark. "TheLégion Hollandaise d’Orange: Dynastic Networks, Coalition Warfare and the Formation of the Modern Netherlands, 1813–14." Dutch Crossing 39, no. 1 (February 11, 2015): 26–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0309656414z.00000000066.
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Spencer, Paul. "The Loonkidongi prophets and the Maasai: protection racket or incipient state?" Africa 61, no. 3 (July 1991): 334–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160028.
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AbstractThe Maasai are widely assumed to be a highly egalitarian society whose past success in dominating their neighbours owed much to the advice of their Prophets (loibonok, ‘laibons’). This article examines the practice of divination and prophecy in relation to the reputation of and the beliefs surrounding the principal family of, Maasai Prophets, the Loonkidongi. Undermining the egalitarian ideal, which is shared by the Maasai themselves, the Loonkidongi are shown to have been accepted as an elite. Throughout the twentieth century they have continued to dominate the Maasai in initiating and controlling sorcery, giving protection on the one hand and fostering the belief in Maasai vulnerability on the other. Living apart from other Maasai, with more wives and larger herds, with their own dynasty and dynastic feuding, with their penetrating mystical powers and networks of influence, the Loonkidongi have the symbolic trappings of a superior class of rulers. From this point of view the Maasai are not egalitarian, but are the clients of a protection racket that in pre-colonial times amounted to an incipient state. Today the Prophets continue to wield influence and are accorded more power popularly than elsewhere in eastern Africa, where surviving traditional rulers have been subordinated to the imposed state apparatus of colonial and post-colonial government.
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Kleve, Heiko, Tobias Köllner, Arist von Schlippe, and Tom A. Rüsen. "The business family 3.0: Dynastic business families as families, organizations and networks-Outline of a theory extension." Systems Research and Behavioral Science 37, no. 3 (April 29, 2020): 516–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sres.2684.
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Gunanto, Djoni. "Tinjauan Kritis Politik Dinasti di Indonesia." Sawala : Jurnal Administrasi Negara 8, no. 2 (December 24, 2020): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.30656/sawala.v8i2.2844.
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Abstract
In the body of political parties in Indonesia, it cannot be denied that there are oligarchies that can affect the nomination and candidacy mechanisms so that they do not work as they should. nomination of candidates by political parties is often based on the wishes of the political party elite, not based on the quality and integrity of the candidates. Political dynasties strengthen networks of power from the regional to the central level, whose orientation is to maintain power within political parties. The purpose of this research is to reveal comprehensively about the developing political dynasties in Indonesia. This research method is a literature review study, by exploring legal products, journals, articles, and documents. The data collection technique is done by noting literature sources. The research analysis was carried out using a qualitative approach using the content analysis model. The results of the study, political dynasties in Indonesia were carried out in two ways: by design and by accident. The political dynasty by design has been around for a long time. Relatively, the network of familism in government is already strong, so that relatives who enter the government or participate in political contestation have been arranged in such a way as to engineer the success of their goals. As for the political dynasty by accident occurs in a situation of succession of government which suddenly nominates relatives to replace them in order to maintain informal power over their successors if they win in political contestation. Dynastic politics can actually be accepted and not questioned as long as the recruitment and selection system for candidates in political contestation in Indonesia runs fairly and professionally. Therefore, the determination of candidates or candidates in political contestation in Indonesia must be based on a meritocratic system, which gives more rights to anyone with good achievements and track records to occupy strategic seats in government.
Keywords: Politics, Dynasty, Candidate, regional elections
Abstrak
Di tubuh partai politik di Indonesia tidak dapat dipungkiri adanya oligarki yang dapat mempengaruhi mekanisme pencalonan dan kandidasi sehingga tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. pencalonan kandidat oleh partai politik seringkali seringkali berdasarkan keinginan elit partai politik, bukan berdasarkan kualitas dan integritas calon. Dinasti politik memperkuat jaringan kekuasaan mulai dari tingkat daerah hingga pusat, yang orientasinya mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam tubuh partai politik. Tujuan penelitian, ini untuk mengungkap secara komprehensif tentang dinasti politik yang berkembang di Indonesia. Metode Penelitian ini merupakan studi literature review, dengan menelusuri produk hukum, jurnal, artikel, dan dokumen-dokumen. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mencatat sumber literatur. Analisis penelitian dilakukan menggunakan pedekatan kualitatif dengan menggunakan model analisis isi. Hasil Penelitian, Dinasti politik di Indonesia dilakukan dengan dua cara: by design dan by accident. Dinasti politik by design telah terbentuk sejak lama. Secara relasi, jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sudah kuat, sehingga kerabat yang masuk dalam pemerintahan atau terjun dalam kontestasi politik sudah diatur sedemikian rupa untuk merekayasa keberhasilan tujuannya. Adapun dinasti politik by accident terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan informal erhadap penggantinya jika menang dalam kontestasi politik Kesimpulan. Politik dinasti sejatinya bisa diterima dan tidak dipersoalkan selama dalam pelaksanaan sistem perekrutan dan pemilihan calon dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia berjalan secara adil dan profesional. Oleh karenanya, penentuan calon atau kandidat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia harus didasarkan pada sistem meritokrasi, yakni memberikan hak lebih kepada siapapun yang memiliki prestasi dan track record yang baik untuk menduduki kursi-kursi strategis dalam pemerintahan.
Kata Kunci: Partai, Politik, Dinasti, Kandidat, Pilkada
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Hay, Mark Edward. "The House of Nassau between France and Independence, 1795–1814: Lesser Powers, Strategies of Conflict Resolution, Dynastic Networks." International History Review 38, no. 3 (June 4, 2015): 482–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2015.1046387.
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Hodson, Simon. "The Power of Female Dynastic Networks: a brief study of Louise de Coligny, princess of Orange, and her stepdaughters." Women's History Review 16, no. 3 (July 2007): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020601022121.
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Byrne, Aisling. "From Hólar to Lisbon: Middle English Literature in Medieval Translation, c.1286–c.1550." Review of English Studies 71, no. 300 (September 9, 2019): 433–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz085.
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Abstract This paper offers the first survey of evidence for the translation of Middle English literature beyond the English-speaking world in the medieval period. It identifies and discusses translations in five vernaculars: Welsh, Irish, Old Norse-Icelandic, Dutch, and Portuguese. The paper examines the contexts in which such translation took place and considers the role played by colonial, dynastic, trading, and ecclesiastical networks in the transmission of these works. It argues that English is in the curious position of being a vernacular with a reasonable international reach in translation, but often with relatively low literary and cultural prestige. It is evident that most texts translated from English in this period are works which themselves are based on sources in other languages, and it seems probable that English-language texts are often convenient intermediaries for courtly or devotional works more usually transmitted in French or Latin.
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Li, Haifeng, Zuoqin Shi, Li Chen, Zhenqi Cui, Sumin Li, and Ling Zhao. "Analysis of Cultural Meme Characteristics for Big Data of Cultural Relics." Information 11, no. 12 (December 17, 2020): 584. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/info11120584.
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The cultural meme is the smallest unit constituting a dynasty′s culture, which has the same inheritance and variability as biological genes. Here, based on the name of cultural relics, we extract cultural memes through semantic word segmentation, word frequency statistics, and the synonym merging method, and construct dynasty cultural meme vectors. We analyzed color, auxiliary, texture, shape, and overall networks of five types of model to construct the culture network, using the social network analysis method, and explored the clustering and degrees of centrality characteristics of cultural memes. We then analyzed the similarities and differences among cultures of the dynasties. The main conclusions are as follows: (1) Cultural memes represent different cultural characteristics of dynasties, and the inheritance and differences among dynasties’ cultures are closely related to their historical background. (2) Prevalence memes construct the cultural label of dynasties, which can roughly restore the cultural appearance of dynasties through fewer prevalence memes. (3) The use of community detection with a cultural meme network can determine the clustering of dynasties′ cultures, and the degree of centrality further reflects the main cultural characteristics presented by successive dynasties.
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Mahsun, Muhammad, Misbah Zulfa Elizabeth, and Solkhah Mufrikhah. "Female Candidates, Islamic Women’s Organisations, and Clientelism in the 2019 Indonesian Elections." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420988729.
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This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.
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Aspinall, Edward, Sally White, and Amalinda Savirani. "Women’s Political Representation in Indonesia: Who Wins and How?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989720.
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This article analyses barriers to women’s political representation in Indonesia and the ways that women candidates overcome them. Surveying the literature and drawing on three data sources – findings of thirteen teams of researchers studying women candidates running in the 2019 election, a survey of 127 such candidates, and a nationally representative survey of Indonesian citizens – the article identifies widespread patriarchal attitudes as one significant barrier, alongside structural disadvantages. It highlights two distinctive methods by which women candidates aim to overcome these barriers: one group of candidates target women voters and draw on women’s networks to mobilise what has been called “homosocial capital”; another group of dynastic candidates rely on the political and financial resources of (often male) relatives. The article briefly surveys the place of political Islam in both impeding and facilitating women’s representation. By surveying these issues, the article introduces this special issue on women’s political representation and the 2019 election.
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Cerda Costabal, José Manuel. "Reigning as partners? Alfonso VIII of Castile and Leonor Plantagenet." De Medio Aevo 14 (April 25, 2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.68879.
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The marriage of Alfonso VIII of Castile and Leonor Plantagenet was not only the first political alliance between a Spanish kingdom and England in the Middle Ages, but it is also a very interesting case of study for the collaborative and corporate nature of twelfth-century royal rulership in Europe. Queen Leonor was described in the sources as a very capable and virtuous ruler and the study of her reign as consort reveals that she exercised queenship as an active political companion and partner in rule to her husband, thus contributing significantly to one of medieval Spain’s most successful reigns and perhaps setting a model for queens in the late medieval period. Una cum uxore sua, the king did not simply exercise his power and authority in the passive company of Leonor, but with her consort reigned over the kingdom as one body, thus making the most of her family prestige and networks, and fully availing her capacity and virtues for Castile’s political, dynastic and cultural prospects.
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Cole, Janie. "Cultural Clientelism and Brokerage Networks in Early Modern Florence and Rome: New Correspondence between the Barberini and Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger*." Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2007): 729–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2007.0255.
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AbstractThis study draws on the unpublished correspondence between Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, a Florentine poet and grandnephew of the artist, and the Barberini family, in an attempt to examine the wider concepts of cultural clientelism and brokerage networks in the early modern process of cultural dissemination (in the areas of literature, music, theater, painting, architecture, and science) in Florence and Rome. Reconsidering the definition and role of a Seicento cultural broker added to the traditional model of patron and client, it analyzes Michelangelo the Younger’s activity as broker, patron-broker, and broker-client in connection with such significant figures as Maffeo Barberini (the future Urban VIII), Galileo, and the painter Lodovico Cigoli, exploring the ways in which these roles supported his personal commitment to promote his family’s social status and revealing the fluidity of roles in the patronage system. By obtaining Barberini patronage for his theatrical works and public recognition of the mythology of his illustrious forebear, Buonarroti’s cultural brokerage supported these dynastic ambitions. Spanning nearly half a century, this archival documentation casts new light on a little-known, but significant, area of Italian social relations and suggests directions for further research on other Seicento cultural brokers and new definitions for a broader concept of cultural brokerage in early modern Italy.
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Pan, Yi-Ru, Pang Hsiao, Chen-Yu Chang, Wen-Jong Ma, Hsiang Hsiao, Pei-Jung Lin, Shih-Chieh Wang, Hui-Jie Yang, Ting-Ting Chi, and Chin-Kun Hu. "Universality and scaling in complex networks from periods of Chinese history." Chaos: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Nonlinear Science 33, no. 1 (January 2023): 011101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0134923.
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Critical physical systems with large numbers of molecules can show universal and scaling behaviors. It is of interest to know whether human societies with large numbers of people can show the same behaviors. Here, we use network theory to analyze Chinese history in periods 209 BCE–23 CE and 515–618 CE) related to the Western Han–Xin Dynasty and the late Northern Wei–Sui Dynasty, respectively. Two persons are connected when they appear in the same historical event. We find that the historical networks from two periods separated about 500 years have interesting universal and scaling behaviors, and they are small-world networks; their average cluster coefficients as a function of degree are similar to the network of movie stars. In the historical networks, the persons with larger degrees prefer to connect with persons with a small degree; however, in the network of movie stars, the persons with larger degrees prefer to connect with persons with large degrees. We also find an interesting similar mechanism for the decline or collapse of historical Chinese dynasties. The collapses of the Xin dynasty (9–23 CE) and the Sui dynasty (581–618 CE) were initiated from their arrogant attitude toward neighboring states.
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Dementiev, Alexey. "Spain vs Portugal: the turbulent past and the complicated present." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2018-2-14-21.
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Spain and Portugal – Iberian neighbors joined by the peninsular geography and disjoint by historical avatars. The Middle Ages were riddled with wars, domination and mutual resistance. The 16th century is characterized by marine splendor and territorial expansion of both nations that for the dynastic reasons lived through a controversial period of “Iberian Union” (1580–1640). In later times they had many coincidences: political and economic decline in the 17-18th centuries, fruitless revolutions of liberal court in the 19th century, fall of monarchies and existence of dictatorial regimes in the 20th century. In an almost simultaneous way (in the middle of the 70s) both countries initiated the transition towards democracy. From the 1st of January, 1986, Spain and Portugal turned into partners in the European space. At present Spain and Portugal are two of the European associates with major economic integration. Nevertheless, controversies as for maritime delimitation, ecology, shared use of water, energy, railway networks and road infrastructure exist between them. Despite a significant approach in many spheres it is not an easy matter to forget the traditional mistrust. Still there persists a suspicion of the Portuguese towards the Spanish and the Spanish indifference towards Portugal.
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Wan, Yingdi. "Research on Dynasty Classification of Dunhuang Murals Based on Convolutional Neural Networks." Transactions on Computer Science and Intelligent Systems Research 2 (December 21, 2023): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.62051/t1svva22.
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Dunhuang Murals are one of China's intangible cultural heritages, which have received extensive attention. Identifying and classifying the dynasties of ancient murals quickly and accurately is extremely important for the study of Dunhuang Murals and the digital protection and inheritance. A method to classify Dunhuang Murals dynasties based on convolutional neural network (CNN) is proposed in this paper. First, the Dunhuang Murals data set is constructed from the mural materials; then, four convolutional neural network models with different depths and structures are constructed and trained; finally, the network model is tested using the test set and an appropriate classification model is selected. The experimental results show that for the Dunhuang mural image data sets of five different dynasties in this paper,the four models obtain high classification accuracy, and the accuracy of VGG11 and VGG19 reach 96%. Among them,the classification accuracy of murals in the Sui Dynasty and the Five Dynasties and Song Dynasties is lower than that of other dynasties in this paper.
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Azizah, Nurul. "Tribalisme, Oligarki Kekuasaan dan Dinamika Politik Kekerabatan Dalam Jaringan Pondok Pesantren." Tebuireng: Journal of Islamic Studies and Society 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33752/tjiss.v2i1.2211.
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Religious elites have an important role in the democratic system in Indonesia. The involvement of chairmen of Islamic boarding schools (pondok pesantren) in local elections in the context of local dynamics has spawned a network of oligarchic power and dynastic politics. There is an assumption that the participation of the elite of Islamic boarding schools in local politics is considered to be inevitable to the democratic process with the spread of corruption cases, and political nepotism. Actors in dynastic politics use famous figures from the pesantren’s family as a political tool to gain power. Power relations and patron-client relationships in Islamic boarding schools provide great benefits to ensure a candidate is elected in a local election. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relation between power, oligarchy, and the politics of kinship of the elite boarding school in the dynamics of local politics. This article shows that dynastic politics undermined the pillars of Indonesian democracy. Factors that cause oligarchy in pondok pesantren are populism, power network, and tribalism. These factors are inseparable from the influence of patronage, the power of local elites, and the effort of the elite to build dynastic politics. This article suggests that religious elites within the circle of political dynasties are expected to work professionally, not merely using the pesantren family.
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FIVA, JON H., and DANIEL M. SMITH. "Political Dynasties and the Incumbency Advantage in Party-Centered Environments." American Political Science Review 112, no. 3 (February 22, 2018): 706–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000047.
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A handful of recent studies have investigated the causal effect of incumbency on dynasty formation in candidate-centered electoral contexts. We use candidate-level data and a regression discontinuity design to estimate the incumbency advantage and its relation to dynasty formation in the party-centered, closed-list, proportional-representation setting of Norway. The results indicate that the incumbency advantage exists even in this party-centered environment; however, in contrast to recent findings for the United States and the Philippines, we find no evidence that incumbency is important to the formation of dynasties. This finding underscores the need for more research into the role of internal party organizational networks in the perpetuation of political dynasties.
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Bystrova, V. S. "The women’s diplomacy in 16th century France: the example of Louise of Savoy." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-23-34.
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This article is dedicated to researching the women's diplomacy in France in the first half of the XVI century from the perspective of gender history. Despite the fact that ambassadorial offices were mostly occupied by men, women could still perform as diplomats both officially and informally. The image of a woman as a politician is revealed on the example of diplomatic activity of Duchess of Angoulme Louise de Savoy, mother of Francis I de Valois. The article determines her position among the power elites from contemporaries' point of view. The article also reveals the role of a high-ranking lady in exercising diplomatic functions and highlights the features of the official correspondence form of the king's mother. The main directions of foreign policy during the regencies of Louise of Savoy are determined. The role of royal women in exercising diplomatic functions in relation to the political aspects of making the Ladies' Peace in 1529 in Cambrai is considered. The author concludes that personality factors, political authority and personal relations played a major role in women's diplomatic work. In the conditions of instability of the French crown, Louise of Savoy manages to avoid the political and economic crisis in the country and create a unique precedent in the sphere of foreign affairs. This allowed her successors to expand diplomatic networks further by continuously conducting correspondence. Apart from concluding traditional dynastic alliances, diplomatic activity included negotiations, carried out by ladies either through trusted ambassadors or in person, signing peace agreements, and forming their own female diplomatic clientele.
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Bystrova, Vladislava S. "Women’s diplomacy in the XVI century France: the example of Louise of Savoy." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-24-34.
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This article is dedicated to researching the women's diplomacy in France in the first half of the XVI century from the perspective of gender history. Despite the fact that ambassadorial offices were mostly occupied by men, women could still perform as diplomats both officially and informally. The image of a woman as a politician is revealed on the example of diplomatic activity of Duchess of Angoulême Louise de Savoy, mother of Francis I de Valois. The article determines her position among the power elites from contemporaries' point of view. The article also reveals the role of a high-ranking lady in exercising diplomatic functions and highlights the features of the official correspondence form of the king's mother. The main directions of foreign policy during the regencies of Louise of Savoy are determined. The role of royal women in exercising diplomatic functions in relation to the political aspects of making the «Ladies' Peace» in 1529 in Cambrai is considered. The author concludes that personality factors, political authority and personal relations played a major role in women's diplomatic work. In the conditions of instability of the French crown, Louise of Savoy manages to avoid the political and economic crisis in the country and create a unique precedent in the sphere of foreign affairs. This allowed her successors to expand diplomatic networks further by continuously conducting correspondence. Apart from concluding traditional dynastic alliances, diplomatic activity included negotiations, carried out by ladies either through trusted ambassadors or in person, signing peace agreements, and forming their own female diplomatic clientele.
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Roddy, Daniel E. "The Pillars of Dynasty: Women, Marriage Diplomacy, and the Habsburg Dynastic Network, 1567–1570." Sixteenth Century Journal 54, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2023): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/727952.
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KOZAK, Solomiia. "FEDIR DANYLOVYCH OF OSTROH: RUS’ DUKE, DESCENDANT OF THE ROMANOVYCHI DYNASTY AND HUSSIAN HETMAN IN THE CZECH." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 36 (2022): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-36-14-27.
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The article considers the participation of duke Fedir Danylovych of Ostroh in the vortex of the Hussite Wars. It is noted that this issue remains poorly studied and debatable, and there is no clear answer as to whether Fedir Danylovych was mentioned in the sources of the time as «Friedrich von Ostrog». It is taken into account that such an important stage of the duke, as his participation in the events of the Hussite Wars, is often underestimated and denied. However, assumptions were made and arguments were given that it was Fedir Danylovych who had every reason to fight on the side of the Hussites. The hypothesis was supported that the knight and politician, who was Fedir Danylovych, could indeed take part in the Hussite Wars, later managed to support Svidrigiello, and only after 1437, after his 70th birthday, accept the monk. Based on the analysis of the previous political activity of duke Fedir Ostrohsky, it is noted that on the eve of the events in the Czech, the duke most likely participated in the Rus’ delegation to the XVI Ecumenical Council of Konstanz in 1414-1418th relied precisely on the dynastic tradition of sovereign statehood, the bearer of which he was as a descendant of Monomahovychi-Romanovychi. It is taken into account that the Czech economic, cultural, and political contacts with Rus’ began long before the Hussite Wars. Examples of such Rus’-Czech relations are given, and what parallels and bases they had for a new round of communication. The course of Fedir Danylovych's participation in the campaigns and battles of the Hussite times in the Czech and Slovakia is described. Attention is drawn to the debatable aspect of the prince's possible allied relations with the Hungarian King Sigismund I of Luxembourg, the main opponent of the Hussites. It has been suggested that such relations may have been due to a meeting of the parties to the Bratislava conflict in April 1429 and an international congress of rulers in Lutsk in 1429, at which Sigismund could decide on the coronation of Vytautas and the establishment of the Kingdom of Lithuania. It is stated that such an eventful course could be of interest to the Ostroh duke, who sought to expand and strengthen his ancestral heritage. The assumption that Fedir Danylovych served only the Polish King Władysław II Jagiełło all his life was rejected. It is concluded that one of the main reasons for duke Fedir Danylovych's participation in the Hussite Wars was that he was looking for ways to restore his own rights to hereditary possessions. It was emphasized that as a man of war, it was natural for duke Ostroh to fight alongside the Hussites almost to the end of his life.
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Zhu, Zhu. "Research on the Economic History of Dali in the Late Ming Dynasty under the Background of Social Transformation." BCP Business & Management 13 (November 16, 2021): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v13i.67.
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The Ming dynasty was one of the most prosperous dynasties in ancient China and one of the most distinctive and important periods in the history of Chinese feudal society. The late Ming dynasty was an important turning point in social and economic development. In the context of social transformation, the development of commercial agriculture caused structural changes in the agricultural economy and rural society; the prosperity of regional commercial trade, the growth of merchant power and the formation of inter-regional market networks created a new stage in the development of regional commerce. This paper examines the economic development of the Dali region in the late Ming dynasty from a regional perspective against the backdrop of social transformations, taking into account the economic development of the region in the late Ming dynasty in terms of factor inputs and outputs of economic activities, foreign trade and commercial development, and finance and finance. The findings of this paper can provide a reference for deepening the study of regional economic history and promoting regional economic development.
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Kim, Girim. "Aspects of the Personal Relationship Network of Women in the Mid-Joseon Dynasty Seen through Miam-ilgi." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 45, no. 5 (May 31, 2023): 565–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2023.05.45.05.565.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the aspects of women's personal network in the Miam-ilgi and to clarify the aspects of women's lives in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Miam-ilgi is a diary written by Yoo Hee-chun, who recorded the personal information of the people he met, the personal relationship network between women, and her activities. Women's personal network was formed through their husband's official colleagues, their wives, and their husband's concubines. The range was extended to the woman's eighth degree of parental family. Women acted as beneficiaries and donors, giving and receiving goods in the personal network. In addition, she made various demands such as exemption from military service, succession to descendants, and government positions. Furthermore, women expanded their networks by including men in their families in their networks. This is different from the late Joseon Dynasty, when women's personal networks were formed mainly through husband's in-laws
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Lin, Yong. "Models, Algorithms and Applications of DynasTIM Real-Time Traffic Simulation System." Sustainability 15, no. 2 (January 16, 2023): 1707. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15021707.
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Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITS) have the potential to improve traffic conditions and reduce travel delays. As a decision support software system for ITS, DynasTIM is based on the principle of dynamic traffic assignment and developed for real-time online simulation, prediction and optimization of dynamic traffic flows in urban or expressway networks. This paper introduces the models, algorithms and some typical applications of DynasTIM. The main contents include: the functional architecture; the application architecture of the system; dynamic OD (Origin-Destination) flows estimation method with novel formula for assignment matrix computation; mesoscopic traffic model using variable-length speed influence region and calibrating speed online based on connected vehicles data; and parallel SPSA algorithm based urban area signal optimization method. The functions of DynasTIM are implemented basically through three main modules: state estimation (ES), state prediction and control strategy optimization (PS&CSO), and guidance strategy optimization (GSO). The case study is aimed at the populated Futian Central Business District (CBD) road network in Shenzhen, China, which has an area of about 7 square kilometers. Based on the archived turning counts collected from 359 video traffic detection locations, DynasTIM was calibrated offline for this network, in order to validate the capability of simulating actual traffic conditions, and to set up basic conditions for testing signal optimization methods. The results show that the simulation output flows of DynasTIM have fairly good matching accuracy with the real surveillance flows in the field. Furthermore, for the CBD network with 38 signalized intersections, the signal optimization method is evaluated and better signal timing plans are found which can reduce about 13% average travel delay, compared with the signal plans currently implemented in the field.
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Ismail, Alferin Salsabilla. "the PROSES TERBENTUKNYA ASAS PRADUGA TERHADAP POLITIK DINASTI SUATU NEGARA." AL WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 4, no. 2 (November 16, 2023): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47776/alwasath.v4i2.671.
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this article discusses the phenomenon of dynastic politics in Indonesia and its impact.By using this type of literature study research or literature studyBy using this type of literature study research or literature study.Dynastic politics is political power that is exercised by a handful/group of people who have family ties either by blood or marriage. Dynastic politics is political power that is exercised by a handful/group of people who have family ties either by blood or marriage. The results of this study indicate that the proliferation of dynastic politics in a country is due to network strength, financial strength, the role of political parties and there are no laws and regulations governing dynastic politicsThe results of this study indicate that the proliferation of dynastic politics in a country is due to network strength, financial strength, the role of political parties and there are no laws and regulations governing dynastic politics.The impact that arises from dynastic politics is that law enforcement does not work, or stutters when political interests collide or the cases it handles come into direct contact with the political forces in power, besides that it closes opportunities for people who are reliable and qualified cadres, and the function of controlling power is weakened and does not work effectively so that there is a possibility of deviations of power such as corruption, collusion and nepotism.The impact that arises from dynastic politics is that law enforcement does not work, or stutters when political interests collide or the cases it handles come into direct contact with the political forces in power, besides that it closes opportunities for people who are reliable and qualified cadres, and the function of controlling power is weakened and does not work effectively so that there is a possibility of deviations of power such as corruption, collusion and nepotism.
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Zhou, Wei, Junrui Chai, Zengguang Xu, Yixuan Wang, Kewu Wei, and Yungang Dang. "Historical evolution of urban water conservancy projects in Xi'an, China in the past 3,000 years and its revelations." Water Supply 21, no. 5 (February 15, 2021): 2173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2021.043.
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Abstract Xi'an has a special historical position in ancient China, and it has made great achievements in water conservancy projects in all dynasties. The water network skeleton formed mainly by the ‘Eight Waters’ in the territory, along with the historical changes of Xi'an, has experienced the Lantian ape-man ‘living by the water’, the Western Zhou Fenghao ‘two capitals along the Fenghe River’, and the Qin Xianyang city ‘capital passed by Weihe river’. Developments and changes such as the ‘diversion of water to develop the capital’ in Chang'an in the Western Han Dynasty, the ‘capital be ringed by eight rivers’ in Chang'an in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, ‘reduced water’ from the end of the Tang Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, and the ‘coordinated supply’ after the founding of the People's Republic of China. After sorting out the system, it is believed that the ‘Eight Waters’ in the territory are the original driving force for the flourishing Chang'an in history. From ancient times to the present, with the development of industry, there has been a trend that human settlements and rivers are farther away. Urban water supply has shifted from groundwater sources to surface water sources. This article investigates the evolution of water conservancy projects in Xi'an from the Paleolithic Age to the present, and studies the relationship between human production and life and water resources. The changing law and development trend of the water supply structure in Xi'an urban area in modern times are analyzed. We have summarized the enlightenment left to us by the practice of water conservancy projects for thousands of years. This paper provides references for the development and planning of water resources in similar cities.
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Zhang, Cheng, and Xingjun Liu. "Feature Extraction of Ancient Chinese Characters Based on Deep Convolution Neural Network and Big Data Analysis." Computational Intelligence and Neuroscience 2021 (August 30, 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/2491116.
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In recent years, deep learning has made good progress and has been applied to face recognition, video monitoring, image processing, and other fields. In this big data background, deep convolution neural network has also received more and more attention. In order to extract the ancient Chinese characters effectively, the paper will discuss the structure model, pool process, and network training of deep convolution neural network and compare the algorithm with the traditional machine learning algorithm. The results show that the accuracy and recall rate of the Chinese characters in the plaque of Ming Dynasty can reach the peak, 81.38% and 81.31%, respectively. When the number of training samples increases to 50, the recognition rate of MFA is 99.72%, which is much higher than other algorithms. This shows that the algorithm based on deep convolution neural network and big data analysis has excellent performance and can effectively identify the Chinese characters under different dynasties, different sample sizes, and different interference factors, which can provide a powerful reference for the extraction of ancient Chinese characters.
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Junior, Sidnei, André Riker, Bruno Silvestre, Waldir Moreira, Antonio Oliveira-Jr, and Vinicius Borges. "DYNASTI—Dynamic Multiple RPL Instances for Multiple IoT Applications in Smart City." Sensors 20, no. 11 (June 1, 2020): 3130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/s20113130.
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Internet of Things (IoT) is evolving to multi-application scenarios in smart cities, which demand specific traffic patterns and requirements. Multi-applications share resources from a single multi-hop wireless networks, where smart devices collaborate to send collected data over a Low-Power and Lossy Networks (LLNs). Routing Protocol for LLNs (RPL) emerged as a routing protocol to be used in IoT scenarios where the devices have limited resources. Instances are RPL mechanisms that play a key role in order to support the IoT scenarios with multiple applications, but it is not standardized yet. Although there are related works proposing multiple instances in RPL on the same IoT network, those works still have limitations to support multiple applications. For instance, there is a lack of flexibility and dynamism in management of multiple instances and service differentiation for applications. In this context, the goal of this work is to develop a solution called DYNAmic multiple RPL instanceS for multiple ioT applicatIons (DYNASTI), which provides more dynamism and flexibility by managing multiple instances of RPL. As a result of this, the traffic performance of multiple applications is enhanced through the routing, taking into consideration the distinct requirements of the applications. In addition, DYNASTI enables the support of sporadic applications as well as the coexistence between regular and sporadic applications. DYNASTI achieved results that demonstrate a significant improvement in reducing the number of control messages, which resulted in increased packet received, decreased end-to-end delay, reduced energy consumption, and an improvement in service differentiation to multiple applications.
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Lu, Weiwei, Ruixing Qi, and Lingling Chen. "Research on Digital Display of Nonlinear System Model of Tea Drinking Space in the Song Dynasty Based on Neural Network Technology." Scientific Programming 2022 (September 25, 2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/8758724.
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Tea is the national drink of the Chinese nation. It combines the thoughts of various Chinese schools and has experienced the changes and baptism of successive dynasties and has been spread to this day. It is difficult to achieve the inheritance of tea culture by relying on ordinary display methods. In order to better display the digital effect of the nonlinear system model of the tea space in the Song Dynasty, using digital display, we can design the layout of the tea space in the Song Dynasty through video, audio, and dynamic pictures, which plays an important role in the inheritance of tea culture. This study analyzes the tea drinking space and tea culture and spreads the historical and cultural value of digital display; by comparing the comprehensive performance analysis and cultural extension results under different displays, as well as the desire for knowledge of history and culture, we can make an in-depth exploration. Through the statistical data information, we can conclude that under the function of digital technology, advanced science and technology and digital technology have a good effect in cultural inheritance, they can better promote the spirit of history and culture, and make the torch of history and culture live and pass on from generation to generation.
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Li, Yunxin. "Elites’ Social Networks and Politics in the Han Empire (202 B.C.E.–220 C.E.)." Journal of Open Humanities Data 9 (August 31, 2023): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/johd.113.
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Social networks were heavily intertwined with elites’ social status and political power throughout the Han dynasty. This article introduces the Han Elites’ Social Network Dataset, an open-access dataset that the author collected primarily through manual labor. It contains data on Han elites’ marriage, kinship, patron-client, teacher-disciple, friendship, and recommender-nominee relationships. The article then visualizes and analyzes these social networks in relation to Han politics. It argues that social networks provided individuals with channels for upward social mobility and access to political careers, and that the reliance on different types of networks contributed to the formation of political cliques as well as the growing conflict between the inner court and the outer court.
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Dolvi, Dr Jayasree. "Administrative Stracture of Mughals an Explanatory Study." Journal of Legal Subjects, no. 11 (September 29, 2021): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jls11.18.24.
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The management of operations is what we call administration. Even while entire empires can collapse and other rulers can take their place, the administration of a country will continue on indefinitely. It is neither susceptible to transformation by revolution, nor can it be uprooted by upheaval. There were many dynasties that ruled over India, but the Mughal dynasty is considered to be the most significant because it dominated the country on Indian soil for the greatest stretch of time and had its own unique administrative structure. Between the years 1526 and 1707, the Mughals left their imprint on Hindu culture as well as on Hindu history. The Mughals held sway over India for a total of 181 years, during which period the country underwent a number of significant transformations. The Mughal Empire was significant because it united practically the whole Indian subcontinent under its control and brought the various regions of the subcontinent closer together by enhancing both their overland and coastal commercial networks. In addition to this, it was famous for the cultural impact. It was thought to be the first major empire to arise in India after the fall of the Gupta Dynasty. The study provides an insight into the Mughal administrative hierarchy. In order to arrive at a conclusion, the research used a combination of descriptive, historical, and analytical method with qualitative approach.
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Narkin, Elisabeth. "Architectural Network as Dynastic Strategy in Fontainebleau's Galerie des Cerfs." Renaissance Quarterly 74, no. 2 (2021): 454–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2021.3.
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Around 1604, Henri IV commissioned a cycle of mural maps depicting royal residences in Fontainebleau's newly constructed Galerie des Cerfs. The gallery was part of Henri IV's response to the dynastic disruption and civil war that had precipitated his ascendance and was designed to signal his authority over France as a unified realm. This article examines the Galerie des Cerfs in the context of contemporary cartography and architecture as an expression of continuity at a moment when the royal family's retreat to the Paris region threatened the political efficacy of the architectural network that had previously sustained the monarchy.
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De Weerdt, Hilde, Brent Ho, Allon Wagner, Jiyan Qiao, and Mingkin Chu. "Is There a Faction in This List?" Journal of Chinese History 4, no. 2 (July 2020): 347–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jch.2020.16.
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AbstractThis article has two main objectives. First, we aim to revisit debates about the structure of Song Dynasty faction lists and the relationship between eleventh- and twelfth century factional politics on the basis of a large-scale network analysis of co-occurrence ties reported in the prose collections of those contemporary to the events. Second, we aim to innovate methodologically by developing a series of approaches to compare historical networks of different sizes with regard to overall network metrics as well as the significance of particular attributes such as native and workplace in their makeup. The probabilistic and sampling methods developed here should be applicable for various kinds of historical network analysis. The corresponding data can be found here: https://doi.org/10.17026/dans-xtf-z3au.