Journal articles on the topic 'Dynastic marriage'

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1

Polchaeva, Fatimat A. "DYNASTIC TIES OF DAGESTANI FEUDAL FAMILIES AS A FACTOR IN FIGHTING THE INVASION OF NADIR SHAH." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 8–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch118-25.

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Based on the analyzed information from various sources and a wide range of literature, the author makes an attempt to assess the significance of the dynastic ties of the Dagestan rulers in organizing a joint struggle against the Iranian conquest in the 18th century, to determine the role of political marriage in the relationship of local rulers. To achieve this goal, the study consideres a number of key issues, from which particular conclusions are drawn. The work applies general scientific and specific methods. When restoring dynastic ties, the information from written sources was critically analyzed. To structure the work, a typological method was used, which made it possible to group the information obtained. By examining the political and administrative map of the region, the potential complexity of the political relations of local dynasties that formed over the centuries in a tight space has been shown. In the context of global history, the ways of forming family ties between royal houses are determined: the presence of a common ancestor of the Dagestan dynasties, the separation of an independent branch of the dynasty through conflict, the peaceful division of the state between heirs, followed by the separation of independent dynasties, and the conclusion of political marriages. The same universal formula is used by the author to restore family ties between the Dagestan dynasties (Shamkhals of Tarky, Kaitag Utsmis, Kazikumukh, Quba and Avar khans) and their neighbors. Special attention is paid to the restoration of dynastic ties during the invasion of the Iranian conqueror Nadir Shah in the 18th century. Analyzing political alliances in the context of dynastic ties, the author considers the role of political marriage in organizing a joint struggle against the Iranian ruler. The study allows us to draw conclusions about the significant role of political marriage as a tool of diplomacy, but far from having a decisive role in specific historical events.
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Karanaev, Mikhail. "Marriage Prohibitions in the Hasmoneans’ Dynastic Politics." Slavic & Jewish Cultures: Dialogue, Similarities, Differences, no. 2018 (2018): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3356.2018.4.

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The article describes the marriage prohibitions in the Hasmonean state’s dynastic policy (II–I centuries BC). The Jewish rulers had a very strict approach in choosing a partner. The main criteria were ritual purity and good origin (by the Judaic norms), as well as belonging to the Jewish elite. During the last rulers of an independent state of the Hasmoneans (Aristobul II and Hyrkanus II) there was a transition to consanguineous marriages. One of the reasons is the influence of the Hellenistic tradition, in which such marriages are normal. In Judaism there are prohibitions on incest, but the Hasmoneans were able to meet the standards of Judaism (marriage with a cousin). Such a policy is an excellent example of the specificity of the Hasmonean dynasty: to follow the norms of Judaism, while being in the context of the common Hellenistic paradigm.
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Brandsma, Margreet. "Lions or lilies? The dynastic identity of Margaret of Burgundy (1374-1441) as represented by material objects." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 28 (December 31, 2021): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/virtus.28.61-82.

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As a result of her marriage to William of Bavaria, eldest son of the count of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, Margaret of Burgundy (1374-1441) personified the political alliance between the Burgundian and Bavarian dynasties. During her marriage she was highly loyal to both, but the struggle for power which ensued after her husband’s death caused a shift in her dynastic loyalty. By supporting her only daughter Jacqueline of Bavaria’s right of succession she acted against the interests of the Burgundian dynasty, which in the end seized power over the three counties. This article discusses how material objects originating from different periods of her life reflected changes in how she perceived and expressed her dynastic identity, focussing on her seals and on memorial objects in her funeral chapel.
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4

Savage, Roger. "A dynastic marriage celebrated." Early Music XXVI, no. 4 (November 1998): 632–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/earlyj/xxvi.4.632.

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Savage, R. "Iconography. A dynastic marriage celebrated." Early Music 26, no. 4 (November 1, 1998): 632–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/26.4.632.

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6

Pankhurst, Richard. "Ethiopian Dynastic Marriage and the Bétä Esra'él." Aethiopica 1 (September 13, 2013): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.1.1.616.

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Significant contacts between the Ethiopian State and the Bétä Esraʾél began in the late sixteenth century with the move of the imperial capital to the Lake Ṭana area, which was relatively near to Fälaša settlements in or around the Sämén mountains.At about this time Ḥarägo, an apparently high-born Fälaša woman, supposedly the sister of Gedéwon, the Bétä Esraʾél ruler of Sämén, and reportedly a recent convert to Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, became the consort, or as the Jesuits preferred to say a “concubine” of the redoubtable Emperor Särṣä Dengel. She bore him four sons. One, Zä-Maryam, was chosen as heir to the throne, but died before he could succeed. The second, Yaʿqob, actually ascended the imperial throne, but was too young to make any significant achievement. Two others, Keflä Maryam, and Mätäko, threw in their lot with their kinsman Gedéwon, and thus played a notable role in imperial and/or Fälaša local politics.There is no evidence whatsoever to suggest that Ethiopian Christians regarded Ḥarägo, or her children, as in any way different from the rest of the royal family, or that they were in any way discriminated against on account of their non-Christian, or Bétä Esraʾél, origin.The idea of a dynastic alliance with the Bétä Esraʾél was subsequently revived by Emperor Susneyos’s rebel brother Ras Yämanä Krestos. He proposed giving his daughter, the Emperor’s niece, to the Sämén ruler Gedéwon’s son and heir Walay. Ras Yämanä Krestos’ rebellion was, however, crushed, after which Susneyos exiled his brother to Gojjam, and forbade the proposed Bétä Esraʾél dynastic alliance. As a Roman Catholic, seeking military support from the Portuguese, and an adherent of the Jesuits, who wished to cleanse Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity of “Judaic” elements, he would moreover have been predisposed against playing the Fälaša card.The subsequent decline of Bétä Esraʾél power, the disappearance of the Fälaša ruling dynasty, and the growing importance of fire-arms, which the Fälaša lacked, created a new strategic and political climate in which dynastic alliances between the Ethiopian monarchy and the Bétä Esraʾél no longer had any place.
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7

Von Güttner-Sporzyński, Darius. "Contextualising the marriage of Bona Sforza to Sigismund I of Poland: Maximilian I’s diplomacy in Italy and Central Europe." Folia Historica Cracoviensia 27, no. 2 (November 22, 2022): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/fhc.4200.

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This article will focus on the circumstances which contributed to the 1517 dynastic marriage of Bona Sforza of Milan to Sigismund I the Elder of Poland. It will examine the decline of Sforza and Neapolitan Aragon influence on the Apennine Peninsula in the face of Valois and Habsburg claims to supremacy. This article aims to place Habsburg diplomatic manoeuvring to secure the installation of Maximillian I’s niece as Queen of Poland in the context of Habsburg-Valois rivalry in Italy and Habsburg ambitions for dominance in Central Europe where they challenged the Jagiellon dynasts of Bohemia and Hungary, and of Poland and Lithuania. This article will demonstrate that the contracting of the Sforza-Jagiellon marriage was initiated by Maximillian I as an extension of a deliberate and assertive Habsburg policy. Habsburg policy objectives included removal of the prime claimant to the throne of Milan and the placing of a queen acquiescent to Habsburg strategy at the Jagiellon court in Poland. This article will conclude that the marriage was used by the Habsburgs as a dynastic and political tool to limit the Jagiellon dynasty’s power and authority in Central Europe.
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James, Carolyn. "Friendship and Dynastic Marriage in Renaissance Italy." Literature & History 17, no. 1 (May 2008): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/lh.17.1.2.

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9

Brennan, John P. "Myth, Marriage, and Dynastic Crisis in LaƷamon’s Brut." Arthuriana 26, no. 1 (2016): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/art.2016.0001.

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Milburn, Olivia. "Bodily Transformations: Responses to Intersex Individuals in Early and Imperial China." Nan Nü 16, no. 1 (September 10, 2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-00161p01.

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This paper discusses the most important accounts of intersex individuals in early and pre-modern China, focusing specifically on the records which describe these people as changing sex at puberty. Contemporary medical knowledge interpreted this as a spontaneous sex change; in fact underlying sex was being revealed. Such transformations came to be interpreted in dynastic histories and other official texts as omens of dynastic change; when the same stories appear in anomaly accounts, they are understood simply as curious or strange incidents. Intersex individuals were uniquely challenging to gender norms, and as such they provide an important focus of discussion about social attitudes towards appropriate roles and boundaries. From the late Ming dynasty onwards, particularly with the case of Li Liangyu, members of the literati elite in China began to do more than simply record the reintegration of intersex individuals into mainstream society through categorization into the opposite gender followed by marriage, as they started to consider the difficulties they suffered.
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11

Martin, Russell E. "The Petrine Divide and the Periodization of Early Modern Russian History." Slavic Review 69, no. 2 (2010): 410–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900015060.

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Among the chief problems in determining the boundaries of the early modern period in Russian history is die reign and reforms of Peter I the Great. In this article, Russell E. Martin situates Peter's reign within the context of dynastic marriage politics from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries. He argues that the centuries from roughly 1500 to 1800 constitute a single, coherent period. Court politics were dominated by concerns of kinship and marriage: in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, by the search for a domesdc bride for the Russian rulers through bride shows; then, in the eighteenth century, by the gradual transformation of court politics away from domestic brides and toward a more traditional use of dynastic marriage as a tool in foreign policy. The early modern period ends, Martin argues, only with the promulgation of a new law of succession by Paul I (as modified by Alexander I). The so-called Petrine divide, then, is elided in a periodization of Russian history that very much mirrors the boundaries that are conventional in the west.
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12

James, Carolyn. "Marriage by Correspondence: Politics and Domesticity in the Letters of Isabella d’Este and Francesco Gonzaga, 1490–1519*." Renaissance Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2012): 321–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/667254.

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The marriage in 1490 of Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, and Isabella d’Este, daughter of the Duke of Ferrara, cemented an important Italian dynastic alliance and was in no sense a love match. Francesco and Isabella were well aware, however, that they had to establish a harmonious conjugal rapport if the strategic aims of their union were to be realized. This study examines the ways in which the Este-Gonzaga couple built familiarity, affection, and shared interests through frequent letter exchanges that both shaped and facilitated their domestic and political collaboration. The epistolary evidence provides new insights into how an aristocratic Renaissance marriage was experienced by the couple themselves and about the means by which a relationship that was exposed to the full force of contemporary politics, with all its conflicts of dynastic loyalty, was sustained through dialogue and negotiation.
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Fylypchuk, Oleksandr. "Christian Raffensperger. Ties of Kinship: Genealogy and Dynastic Marriage in Kyivan Rus'." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5, no. 2 (September 30, 2018): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus432.

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Book review of Christian Raffensperger. Ties of Kinship: Genealogy and Dynastic Marriage in Kyivan Rus'. Ukrainian Research Institute, Harvard University, 2016. Distributed by Harvard UP. Harvard Series in Ukrainian Studies. x, 414 pp. Tables. Notes. Works Cited. Index.$49.95, cloth.
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14

Sadnyini, Ida Ayu. "PATIWANGI SANCTION IN BALINESE HINDU COMMUNITY’S LEGAL CULTURE." Mimbar Hukum 29, no. 2 (September 30, 2017): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jmh.17639.

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AbstractInter-dynastic marriage today has been commonly held by Hindu community that has a vertically closed social stratification called dynasty. Couples who wants to perform inter-dynastic marriages before 1951 are required to conduct patiwangi ceremony in addition to the discharge penalty into areas outside Bali (Selong). Sanctions of patiwangi ceremony have been removed by some rules, but the community still conducts it. From this background, problems arise as follows: What is the meaning of patiwangi ceremony? Why are people still perform the patiwangi ceremony sanction?. The method used is the type of empirical legal research, using qualitative descriptive analysis. The meaning of patiwangi sanctions is to lower dignity and honor of a caste woman. People still perform the patiwangi because patiwangi is a legal culture that has penetrated into the soul of Hindu community in Bali.IntisariMakna sanksi upacara patiwangi adalah menurunkan derajat, kehormatan, keharuman wangsa dari perempuan yang memiliki wangsa brahmana, ksatria, dan weisya. Upacara patiwangi mengandung pelecehan baik dari segi sebutan istilah maupun pelaksaan upacara patiwangi. Oleh karena itu sudahsepantasnya upacara patiwangi dihapus, karena tidak sesuai dengan nilai-nilai kesetaraan, nilai-nilai kemanusiaan, nilai-nilai keadilan, dan nilai-nilai kearifan lokal. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian upacara patiwangi masih tetap dilakukan oleh masyarakat Hindu karena merasa yakin sanksi upacara patiwangi akan membawa keseimbangan dan kebaikan bagi pelaku perkawinan antar-wangsa. Upacara patiwangi sudah menjadi budaya hukum hukum bagi sebagian masyarakat Hindu di Bali.
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Caudano, Anne-Laurence. "Ties of kinship. Genealogy and dynastic marriage in Kyivan Rus'." Canadian Slavonic Papers 61, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.2018.1552383.

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Humble Ferreira, Susannah. "Juana La Beltraneja, Dynastic Fears, and Threats of Marriage (1475–1506)." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 4 (April 15, 2021): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i4.36383.

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This article focuses on the life of Juana, the Excelente Senhora (excellent lady), between 1479 and 1506. Juana, widely known as La Beltraneja, was recognized by King Enrique IV of Castile (1454–74) as his legitimate daughter and successor despite claims that she had been conceived in an adulterous relationship between her mother Joana of Portugal and Beltrán de la Cueva. Although Juana lived in exile in Portugal from 1476 onward, her young age and unmarried status made her a powerful diplomatic weapon during the reign of the Portuguese king João II (1481–95). While she had professed as a nun and was nominally attached to the monastery of Santa Clara in Coimbra, her degree of seclusion waivered with the vicissitudes of Portugal’s foreign policy. Until 1522, she herself maintained the position that she was the rightful heir to the throne of Castile.
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Yasynetska, O. "THE MONUMENTS OF CULTURAL HERITAGE OF 11 CENTURY IN POLAND IN THE CONTEXT OF ONE OF THE FIRST MATRIMONIAL ALLIANCES OF POLAND AND KYIVAN RUS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 136 (2018): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.136.1.17.

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The article analyzes the circumstances of one of the first marriage unions of Poland and Ukraine (Kyivan Rus) - the ruler of Poland Boleslav the Brave and the Kyiv princess Predslava, daughter of Volodymyr the Great, and also describes one of the monuments of cultural heritage in Poland - the ensemble of palace and sacred architecture on the Lednicki island, associated with the dynastic relations of Poland and Kyivan Rus in 11 century.
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Goldberg, Eric J., and Simon MacLean. "Royal Marriage, Frankish History and Dynastic Crisis in Regino of Prüm’s Chronicle." Medieval Worlds medieval worlds, Volume 10. 2019 (2019): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/medievalworlds_no10_2019s107.

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Laam, Kevin. "Marvell’s Marriage Songs and Poetic Patronage in the Court of Cromwell." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 42, no. 1 (March 15, 2016): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04201003.

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This paper examines the marriage songs that Andrew Marvell produced in 1657 for the wedding masque of Mary Cromwell, specifically, how they express Marvell’s long-time pursuit of patronage, and more broadly, how they showcase the increasingly courtly predilections of the Protectoral household and government. Marvell represents the politics and personalities behind the marriage in ways that suggest an acute awareness of Cromwell’s growing aristocratic and dynastic ambitions. As a newly appointed civil servant, Marvell also uses the occasion to reflect upon his experience as the beneficiary of the Protector’s largesse. Marvell is a silent but active player in the masque, using it to negotiate his position as a poet in the Cromwellian court.
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Fabian, Lara. "Bridging the Divide: Marriage Politics across the Caucasus." Electrum 28 (2021): 221–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.015.13373.

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The early relationships between the polities of Armenia and K‘art‘li in the South Caucasus and their neighbours in the North Caucasus is a central, but underappreciated, factor in the development of the South Caucasus’ social and political world in the Hellenistic period. Typically, only military aspects of these interactions are considered (e.g., Alan raids and control thereof). Hazy evidence of cross-Caucasus marriage alliances preserved in both the Armenian and Georgian historiographic traditions, however, hints at a far wider sphere of interaction, despite the inherent challenges in gleaning historical reality from these medieval accounts. This paper contextualizes two stories of cross-Caucasus marriage related to foundational dynastic figures in the Armenian and Georgian traditions, Artašēs and P‘arnavaz respectively, within a wider body of evidence for and thought about North-South Caucasus interaction. Taken as a whole, this consideration argues that North-South relationships should be seen as integral to the political development of the South Caucasus.
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Krsmanovic, Bojana. "Castration as a consequence of the strengthening of the dynastic principle." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 54 (2017): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1754041k.

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The paper discusses examples of corporal mutilation that accompanied intra-dynastic conflicts or clashes with real or potential pretenders to the imperial throne. Castration was a known but rarely applied measure in the political conflicts of the 7th and 8th century. Hence the two consecutive cases of castration of all sons of the deposed emperor Michael I Rhangabe (813) and the assassinated emperor Leo V the Armenian (820) deviated from the previous Byzantine practice. The paper establishes that in these cases the choice of castration as the most effective means of ensuring the future political disqualification of the princes and their families was a result of the strengthening dynastic principle, which was particularly noticeable in the cases of the descendents of Constantine V from his third marriage. It also highlights that castration was never used on the deposed emperor autokrator, but only on the bearers of imperial dignities (co-emperors) or simply princes with no imperial title. In examples where castration was used to ensure political disqualification, it was not a sanction for an individual wrongdoing (in other words, castration was not a penalty prescribed for a specific transgression); if these cases were a matter of punishment at all, the penalty was meant to sanction the entire bloodline (?????) rather than the (innocent) individual. Castration was a milder form of punishment compared to other forms of physical mutilation (severing of the nose, tongue or ears; blinding). Due to the ambivalent attitude of the Byzantine society towards eunuchs, castration did not necessarily lead to social marginalization. Hence, it was applied more frequently during the reign of the Macedonian dynasty, but prominent castrates were incorporated into the official hierarchy as members of an order of eunuchs (?????? ??~? ????????).
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Jackson, Clare. "Caldari and Wolfson (eds), Stuart Marriage Diplomacy. Dynastic Politics in their European Context, 1604–1630." Scottish Historical Review 98, no. 2 (October 2019): 313–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2019.0412.

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Frantsouzoff, Serge A. "On the Dating of the Ethiopian Dynastic Treatise Kǝbrä nägäśt: New Evidence." Scrinium 12, no. 1 (November 17, 2016): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00121p04.

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The present article argues the garbled text of the Lev. 18:8 as found in the Ethiopian dynastic treatise Kǝbrä nägäśt to be intentional. It refers to the conflict between the King of Ethiopia ‘Amdä Ṣǝyon I (1314–1344) and the Däbrä Libanos monastic congregation. The author argues that the second half of that verse was deliberately changed in order to make the royal marriage of ‘Amdä Ṣǝyon I to a wife/concubine of his late father to be seen as the mother – son incest. The conflict took place in the 27th year of the reign of ‘Amdä Ṣǝyon I. The new interpretation of the Lev. 18:8 as appears in the Kǝbrä nägäśt allows to attribute the treatise rather precisely: the terminus ante quem non can be set from the beginning of the 40s of the 14th century AD, i.e. somewhere in the 1340s.
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Kozak, Solomiya. "«И доконцавъ с нимъ миръ до своего живота»: on the Question of the Context of the Opava Meeting in 1289, its Participants and the “Eternal” Czech-Galician Union." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.010.

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The article covers the circumstances of the meeting that took place in Opava in 1289 with the participation of the Czech king Wenceslaus II Přemyslid, Galician-Volynian suzerain Lev Danylovych and some Polish princes. As the Polish participants in the meeting are not named in the sources, there are still doubts in historiography as to who they were. An attempt was made to substantiate the version that one of the unnamed Polish participants in the meeting was Prince Władysław I Łokietek of Piast dynasty. This assumption is based on an analysis of the eventful context of the Opava meeting, which was part of the struggle for the Cracow heritage, as well as the matrimonial and dynastic ties that played a very important role in medieval international communication. It is noted that the union of Wenceslaus II, Lev Danylovych and Władysław I Łokietek repeatedly manifested itself shortly after the meeting in Opava and was based on existing dynastic ties and the conclusion of new marriage agreements. At the same time, the assumption that Prince Henryk IV Probus of Silesia may also have been present at the talks cannot be completely ruled out, although this hypothesis is currently less plausible. Lack of sources does not allow to definitively refute any of the versions. It is concluded that the Opava meeting was one of the key episodes of the Galician-Czech political union of the late XIIIth century and clearly demonstrated how relevant international communication was in the struggle for the Kraków throne. Lev Danilovych’s participation in the vicissitudes of the struggle for the Kraków throne is considered to be inextricably linked with the orientation towards an alliance with the Czech king and is connected with the importance of an ally of the Galician-Volynian ruler ruling in Kraków
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Álvarez Recio, Leticia. "Opposing the Spanish Match: Thomas Scott’s Vox Populi (1620)." Sederi, no. 19 (2009): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2009.1.

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The beginning of negotiations in 1614 for a dynastic marriage between Prince Charles and the Infanta Maria of Spain caused great concern among English people who still held strong anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish prejudices. King James’s decision in 1618 to use the marriage negotiations in order to mediate in the confessional conflict in Europe added to this concern. England was then politically divided between those willing to help James’s son-in-law, Frederick, who had accepted the Bohemian crown following the rebellion of the Protestant estates against the Habsburg King Ferdinand, and those who supported the Stuart monarch’s decision to keep England safe from continental struggles. Despite the censorship of the state, a group of writers began a campaign against the Spanish Match which had a great influence on public opinion. Among the most prominent of these was Thomas Scott, whose first work, Vox Populi (1620), became one of the most controversial political tracts of the period. This article analyses Scott’s pamphlet and considers how he also made use of the discourse against Catholicism and Spain to introduce further commentaries on the monarchical system and the citizens’ right to participate in government.
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Sayfetdinova, E. G., and I. H. Gamal Abdel Rehem. "Dynastic Marriage of Mamluk Sultan of Egypt al-Nasir and Princess Tulunbay according to Medieval Arab Chronicles." Golden Horde Review 5, no. 1 (2017): 116–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2017-5-1.116-125.

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Bonner, Elizabeth. "Charles VII's dynastic policy and the 'Auld Alliance': the marriage of James II and Marie de Gueldres." Innes Review 54, no. 2 (December 2003): 142–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2003.54.2.142.

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Coskun, Altay. "A New Book and Further Recent Scholarship on Seleukid Royal Women." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 5 (December 15, 2022): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.95.

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The article sets out by briefly surveying recent scholarship on the Seleukid kingdom and Hellenistic queenship. Two important works that fall into both fields: Women and Monarchy in the Ancient World edited by Beth Carney and Sabine Müller (2021) and Basilissa authored by Christiane Kunst (2022). The discussion, however, concentrates on the first monograph that systematically explores Seleukid queenship: Robin Hämmerling’s Zwischen dynastischem Selbstbild und literarischem Stereotyp. Königinnen der Seleukiden und der Mittelmächte Kleinasiens (2019). By investigating the roles of the sister and the mother of the king as well as inter-dynastic marriages, Hämmerling explores the extent of the basilissa’s autonomous agency. Revisiting the evidence leads the author of the present article to many alternative views, especially concerning the early Seleukid women from Apama over Stratonike to Laodike I-IV . While Hämmerling rightly identifies the sibling marriage among the Seleukids as ritual role play until the generation of Antiochos III, the same arguments should have induced him to challenge the standard claim that there was a radical change beginning with Antiochos the son of Antiochos III. Another shortcoming is the assumption of monogamy as the norm in the House of Seleukos, although the evidence clearly favours polygamy as the prevailing model. But Hämmerling’s main conclusion is confirmed: the political power of the Seleukid queen was limited and confined to some instances of troubled successions; her typical role was to represent the royal family rather than to rule. Yet he omits an investigation into the basilissa title. He follows the traditional view that it could be borne by every woman of the king’s family, whereas the present paper argues that it is mostly attested for only one woman, namely the mother of the designated successor, co-ruling king, or king after his succession. The position of the basilissa was thus to support the smooth dynastic transition at the polygamous court, it did not come with any institutional power.
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Woodacre, Elena. "Valentina Caldari and Sara J. Wolfson, eds, Stuart Marriage Diplomacy: Dynastic Politics in their European Context, 1604–1630." European History Quarterly 50, no. 1 (January 2020): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419897533a.

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Paranque, Estelle. "Stuart Marriage Diplomacy: Dynastic Politics in their European Context, 1604–1630, ed. by Valentina Caldari and Sara J. Wolfson." Innes Review 71, no. 1 (May 2020): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2020.0255.

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Stephenson, Barbara. "MAINTAINING THE ANTIQUITY OF THE HOUSE: MARGUERITE DE NAVARRE, NOBLE MARRIAGE AND DYNASTIC CULTURE IN EARLY SIXTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE." Court Historian 10, no. 1 (October 2005): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/cou.2005.10.1.003.

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Cerda Costabal, José Manuel. "Reigning as partners? Alfonso VIII of Castile and Leonor Plantagenet." De Medio Aevo 14 (April 25, 2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.68879.

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The marriage of Alfonso VIII of Castile and Leonor Plantagenet was not only the first political alliance between a Spanish kingdom and England in the Middle Ages, but it is also a very interesting case of study for the collaborative and corporate nature of twelfth-century royal rulership in Europe. Queen Leonor was described in the sources as a very capable and virtuous ruler and the study of her reign as consort reveals that she exercised queenship as an active political companion and partner in rule to her husband, thus contributing significantly to one of medieval Spain’s most successful reigns and perhaps setting a model for queens in the late medieval period. Una cum uxore sua, the king did not simply exercise his power and authority in the passive company of Leonor, but with her consort reigned over the kingdom as one body, thus making the most of her family prestige and networks, and fully availing her capacity and virtues for Castile’s political, dynastic and cultural prospects.
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Crump, J. J. "Repercussions of the Execution of William de Braose: a Letter from Llywelyn ab Iorwerth to Stephen de Segrave1." Historical Research 73, no. 181 (June 1, 2000): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00103.

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Abstract Long overlooked because of its near illegibility, this draft of a letter sent by Llywelyn ab Iorwerth to Stephen de Segrave around midsummer 1230 illuminates the complex dynastic and political problems Llywelyn faced in the wake of the execution of William de Braose for his adultery with the prince's wife Joan. The affair and the subsequent execution created tensions between Llywelyn and the princes of southern Wales, as well as jeopardizing his good relations with the royal government and the Braose family, with whom Llywelyn had been negotiating a marriage for his son Dafydd. The letter underscores the importance of family ties in Llywelyn's diplomatic policies, and reveals the failure of the royal government, preoccupied by continental ambitions and distracted by factional dispute, to respond effectively to dangerous developments on the Welsh March. These unresolved tensions and royal inattention ultimately led to the outbreak of war in south Wales in 1231.
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Harrison-Buck, Eleanor, and Timothy W. Pugh. "BOUNDARY THINGS IN THE EASTERN MAYA LOWLANDS: NEGOTIATING ALLIED RELATIONS FROM TERMINAL CLASSIC TO POSTCLASSIC TIMES." Ancient Mesoamerica 31, no. 3 (2020): 507–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536120000334.

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AbstractIn this study, we offer a relational approach to theorizing boundaries for the Maya, adapting Mills’ (2018) concept of “boundary objects” as a means of understanding how people and things bridge or cross boundaries and were critical for developing and maintaining allied relations. We trace a network of sites on both sides of the Guatemala–Belize border dating to the Terminal Classic and Postclassic, which are generally characterized as times of increased conflict, movement and migration of people, and disruption in dynastic succession with an emphasis on shared governance. We examine the introduction of northern-style traits in the eastern Maya lowlands during the Terminal Classic and Postclassic periods, including circular and colonnaded buildings and distinctive portable goods such as molded-carved ceramics, phallic and turtle effigies, and other material forms. We suggest that during fractious periods in Maya history, northern traits were implicated in boundary crossing negotiations and entangled relations, which included marriage alliances with “foreigners” as a means of elite legitimation.
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VOLOSHCHUK, MYROSLAV. "THE RUTHENIAN COURTS OF THE RURIK DYNASTY PRINCESSES IN THE LANDS OF THE PIAST DYNASTY IN THE 11TH CENTURY: THE ATTEMPT OF THE SEARCHING AND RECONSTRUCTION." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 6, no. 2 (June 20, 2019): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.6.2.37-48.

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The gradual Christianization of the major dynasties of so-called ‘Younger Europe’ resulted, among other things, in the activization of their matrimonial policy. Throughout Middle Ages, the most active in this regard were the Rurik and the Piast dynasties. The tradition of bilateral marriage relations among the ruling houses of Europe was established in the early 11th century and uninterruptedly continued into the mid-14th century. In the 11th century, there were registered 7 princely marriages; four of them, in Poland – three Ruthenian brides were given in marriage to the representatives of the Piast dynasty; besides, there was one case of concubinage. Two of the marriages were fertile: altogether, six children were born (five boys and a girl). One marriage proved to be infertile. On her way to her husband’s land, each Ruthenian bride was accompanied by an escort consisting chiefly of women; but there had to be some men too, a personal confessor and spiritual advisor in particular. Supposedly, their main function was to prepare the princesses for marriage; later, those persons composed their ladies’ own courts, varying in quantity and duration, within the greater courts of their husbands. In this article, I focus on the quest for probable Ruthenians within the inner circles of the Rurik dynasty princesses married into the Piast dynasty in the 11th century. The main challenges of the quest are the insufficiency of the 11th – the early 12th-century historical sources and the inaccuracy of the late medieval materials on the subject, whose evidence requires critical view and verification. Thus it appears to be almost impossible to establish the names of all those persons who accompanied the Ruthenian princesses to the Piasts’ lands, though their presence can be inferred from historical narratives.
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Bavykin, Yury. "Dynastic Marriage of Grand Duchess Anna Pavlovna Romanova and Prince William of Orange in Foreign Policy Ambitions of Tsar Alexander I." ISTORIYA 10, no. 11 (85) (2019): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840008067-2.

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Soyer, François. "Manuel I of Portugal and the End of the Toleration of Islam in Castile: Marriage Diplomacy, Propaganda, and Portuguese Imperialism in Renaissance Europe, 1495-1505." Journal of Early Modern History 18, no. 4 (June 4, 2014): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342416.

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In 1505, King Manuel I of Portugal (1495-1521) ordered the public printing of a letter officially addressed to Pope Julius II. In the letter, the Portuguese King defended his role as a champion of Christendom and scourge of Islam in the Indian Ocean. The most remarkable claim made by Manuel in this letter was that he was directly involved in persuading the Catholic monarchs of Spain Isabel of Castile and Fernando of Aragón to put an end to the toleration of Islam in Castile in 1501. This article focuses on this claim and whether or not it can merely be dismissed as the rhetoric of bombastic propaganda. It analyzes Luso-Spanish relations between 1495 and 1505 and highlights documentary evidence proving that Manuel did indeed put pressure on his Spanish neighbors to abolish the toleration of Islam during the tortuous negotiations surrounding his marriage to the Spanish princess Maria in 1501. Beyond assessing the historical significance of the letter, this article highlights the intricate connections between Portuguese imperial geopolitics and Iberian dynastic politics during this crucial period in the history of both the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies.
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Xu, Sufeng. "Domesticating Romantic Love during the High Qing Classical Revival." Nan Nü 15, no. 2 (2013): 219–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-0152p0002.

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This study examines the Heming ji (Collection of singing in harmony), which comprises the sometimes surprisingly intimate poetic exchanges between the woman intellectual Wang Zhaoyuan (1763-1851) and her husband Hao Yixing (1757-1829), both renowned in their lifetimes as classical “evidential research” (kaozheng) scholars. The paper seeks to demonstrate the transformation of the cult of qing (romantic love) in the High Qing period. It argues that, as the centrality of courtesans in literati culture died out with the Ming-Qing dynastic transition, gentry women came to represent the positive cultural values of qing through the increasingly fashionable idea and practice of companionate marriage. In this process, the cult of qing that characterized the subversive late Ming literati culture, of which courtesan culture was an important part, was not obliterated by the High Qing classical revival as is often assumed; rather, it was domesticated, ritualized, transformed into conjugal love, and arguably, integrated into the High Qing “familistic moralism.” The paper also explores how the concept of qing, in the narrow sense of love between man and woman, was expanded into this couple’s shared passion and ambition to serve the state and empire.
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Yuet, Keung Lo. "Conversion to Chastity: A Buddhist Catalyst in Early Imperial China." NAN NÜ 10, no. 1 (2008): 22–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138768008x273700.

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AbstractThis paper traces the history of the notion of female chastity (zhen) in China from pre-Qin to the mid-imperial era and argues that, prior to the arrival of Buddhism in China, the idea of female “chastity” was concerned not so much with physical virginity as the dutiful fulfillment of wifely obligations as stipulated by the Confucian marriage rites. A woman's chastity was determined by her moral rectitude rather than by her biological condition. The understanding of the physical body as a sacrosanct entity that must be defended against defilement and violation emerged under the influence of Buddhist notions of the uncontaminated body, the pious observance of the Buddhist monastic code, and the performance of religious charity that became popular in early imperial China. Based on a critical analysis of a wide array of Confucian canonical texts, dynastic histories, Indian Buddhist scriptures, biographies of Chinese monks and nuns, the monastic code, and Chinese Buddhist encyclopedias, this paper delineates the gradual process by which the Buddhist concept of the “pure body” became fully assimilated into the indigenous Chinese notion of female “rectitude” and the notion of female chastity finally acquired an ontological identity around the end of the sixth century.
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Korobeynikov, Dmitry. "On the Byzantine-Mongol Marriages." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023180-7.

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The article focuses on the rapprochement between Byzantium and the Mongols from the 1250s which resulted in marriage alliances between Mongol Khans and Byzantine despoinas (princesses). The key issue is a clash of two different approaches. The Byzantine one was focused on the exclusive status of Byzantium as Christian Roman Empire, whose status was unrivalled and whose sovereigns seldom allowed marriages of Byzantine ladies to the foreign rulers, especially if the latter were heathen or Muslim. The Mongol view considered the Mongol state as the only one destined to dominate over other states. Here, the marriages between Mongol rulers and foreign brides have been suggested as one of vital elements of such domination. The compromise between two views seemed to have been made by the Byzantines: while the Byzantine church law refused to recognize interconfessional marriages, the Byzantines began to see these marriages as a Christian mission of sorts as the Greek brides and wives could have served as agents for spreading Greek Orthodox Christianity. Given the fact that some Khans had already converted to Islam prior to the marriage, these were also the first marriages between the Byzantine Imperial dynasty of the Palaiologoi and the Muslim rulers. It seems that special tolerance of the Mongols towards Christianity (even if they were Muslims) played a key role in the change of the principles of the Byzantine marriage policy: it henceforth became possible for the Emperor’s illegitimate daughter to marry a Muslim ruler. This policy affected the marriages of the later period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century between the imperial dynasties of the Palaiologoi and Grand Komnenoi, on the one hand, and the neighboring Turkish rulers, including the Ottomans, on the other.
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Draycott, Jane. "DYNASTIC POLITICS, DEFEAT, DECADENCE AND DINING: CLEOPATRA SELENE ON THE SO-CALLED ‘AFRICA’ DISH FROM THE VILLA DELLA PISANELLA AT BOSCOREALE." Papers of the British School at Rome 80 (September 24, 2012): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246212000049.

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This article examines the so-called ‘Africa’ dish, part of a treasure trove of silver table-ware discovered in a cistern at the Villa della Pisanella, avilla rusticadestroyed in the eruption of Vesuvius inad79. It proposes a new interpretation of the dish's iconography and argues that the woman in the centre of the emblema is Cleopatra Selene, while the attributes surrounding her reference her parents Cleopatra VII and Marcus Antonius, her brothers Alexander Helios and Ptolemy Philadelphus, her husband Juba II of Mauretania, and their mythological ancestor the demi-god Heracles. Thus the emblema serves as a meditation on the fates of Antony and Cleopatra VII, descendants of Heracles who chose the path of vice, a choice that resulted in their defeat by Octavian at the Battle of Actium. Octavian's virtue, victory and clemency, combined with his guardianship of their children, ensured the subsequent promotion of their daughter Cleopatra Selene as a key figure in his dynastic and political strategy, through her marriage to Juba II and the couple's appointment as client rulers of Mauretania. Also supposedly descended from Heracles, Juba II and Cleopatra Selene chose to follow in their illustrious ancestor's footsteps along the path of virtue. In common with other pieces from the treasure trove, the ‘Africa’ dish alludes to recent historical events and personages, utilizes death as a means of promoting the enjoyment of life, and incorporates popular elements of Greek mythology, all the while offering banqueters an erudite puzzle to solve during the course of their banquet.
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42

Abukov, Sergey Navilyevich. "Closely related marriages of the princes of North-Eastern Rus’ in the XIV-XV centuries." Samara Journal of Science 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 154–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021102204.

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The paper is devoted to closely related marriages of princes - descendants of Vsevolod the Big Nest in the XIII-XV centuries, which have not received sufficient attention from researchers. After analyzing the known marriages the author came to the conclusion that in general Rurikids in this historical period followed the traditions of pre-Mongol Rus, considering the 7th degree of kinship for closely related marriages to be most acceptable. This is evidenced by the few examples available to us. This tradition was followed by the princes of the leading principalities not only in the external arena, but also within their dynasties in order to strengthen family unity. At the same time, with the rise of Moscow, joining and the fall of the importance of other principalities as well as due to political reasons, Moscow princes from the 15th century began to marry in the 6th degree of kinship with the great princes of Tver, Ryazan and Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod. Of particular interest is the marriage of the daughter of the Grand Prince of Moscow Vasily Dmitrievich with two representatives of the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod dynasty. The available evidence also show that a similar tradition of marriages in such degrees of kinship was followed by the appanage princes on the periphery.
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Loshkareva, Maria E. "Excommunicated Princes in Medieval Wales." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 464 (2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/15.

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Excommunication as a punishment for violating church rules on marriage and family relations was repeatedly imposed on members of Welsh dynasties during the 12th century. The aim of the research is to define the true reasons of such strict measures by means of analyzing historical sources: Welsh and English chronicles, including the Chronicle of the Princes, Annales Monastici, the corpus of Welsh native law texts known as the Law of Hywel Dda, the Historical Works of Gerald of Wales, some legal acts and official correspondence concerning Wales, including Thomas Becket’s letters. The Welsh native law was considered as a “barbarian” one by the Church. Undoubtedly, Welsh native customs contradicted canon law to some extent, allowing marriages between relatives, permitting divorces without reference to ecclesiastical procedures, and tolerating extramarital relationship. Incest marriages between members of major Welsh dynasties were a widespread phenomenon in Wales till the 13th century. Such marriages seemed to be an inevitable part of creating native political alliances in the face of danger from the Norman invaders. Welsh dynasties were often closely interrelated through marriages, but far not always this fact drew attention of the church. Owain Gwynedd and the Lord Rhys, who are believed to be the most powerful Welsh leaders of the 12th century, were both married to their first cousins. Owain Gwynedd was excommunicated for refusal to have his marriage annulled on the grounds of consanguinity. Meanwhile, the same circumstances of the Lord Rhys’ marriage went unnoticed. It must be taken into account that Owain Gwynedd’s canonically unacceptable marriage became a subject of the Pope’s attention only when the question of the Bishop of Bangor’s election and subsequent conflict with the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Becket, erupted. The Lord Rhys suffered the penalty of anathema just before his death not because of his scandalous marriage or immoral relationship but on account of disrespectful treatment of the Bishop of St. David’s, Peter de Leia. Obviously, conflicts between the Welsh rulers and the Anglo-Norman senior clergy as an essential part of Anglo-Welsh confrontation were the underlying reasons for such measures as excommunication. It is noteworthy that both of the aforementioned great Welsh princes were buried with due honor in the consecrated land despite the fact of excommunication, which demonstrated that the Welsh native clergy were loyal to their Welsh patrons rather than to the supreme ecclesiastical authorities.
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McEvoy, Meaghan. "Constantia: The Last Constantinian." Antichthon 50 (November 2016): 154–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2016.10.

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AbstractThis article highlights the significant role played by Constantia, posthumous daughter of the emperor Constantius II, in late fourth century dynastic politics and ideology. Though Constantia has generally been neglected in modern studies of the period, close examination of the surviving sources reveals her pivotal position, even from her earliest years, as a coveted link between the Constantinian dynasty and new emperors seeking to establish themselves and their families in the turbulent years of the 360s, 370s and 380s AD. Through investigation of the source material relating to Constantia’s short life, we gain further vital insight into the perennial importance to imperial politics of dynastic loyalty, and specifically loyalty to the Constantinian house, in the late fourth century, as well as emerging new ideas about the complexities of the marriages of imperial women.
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Nikitenko, Nadiia. "Teratological Plot of the Ornament in the South Tower of St. Sophia of Kyiv." NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 4 (June 15, 2021): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-8907.2021.4.70-79.

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St. Sophia of Kyiv, built in 1011‒1018 at the turn of the reigns of Volodymyr the Great and Yaroslav the Wise, has preserved a large number of unique secular frescoes. Their customer was Volodymyr, who owns the idea of the temple, which is reflected in the mosaics and frescoes. A triumphal fresco cycle is unfolding in the two stair towers which, according to the Byzantine tradition, glorifies its customer. The frescoes tell about a dynastic marriage between Prince Volodymyr the Great and the Byzantine Princess Anna Porphyrogenitus at the turn of 987–988, which initiated the baptism of the Kyivan State. The cycle consists of narrative historical and symbolic (ornamental, zoomorphic, and teratological 4) plots. The central composition of a symbolic nature is a mysterious teratological plot of five interconnected medallions placed on the vault of the south tower. This combined plot traces the Scandinavian influences caused by Volodymyr’s princely order, which are present in the unique emblematic image of god Odin with two wolves. The decoding of the plot revealsits semantic unity both with the triumphant fresco cycle of towers, which it is a part of, and with the ideological concept of the whole temple complex as a memorial of the baptism of Rus-Ukraine, the founder and builder of which was Volodymyr the Great. The plot reveals deep sacred and at the same time ethnically colored connotations with the image of Volodymyr as a crowned prince-baptizer and a powerful military leader. This concept fits into the general marital leitmotif of the secular cycle. The frescoes of the towers present not only a completely realistic outline of the initial event of the baptism of the people (the engagement of Volodymyr and Anna) but also a corresponding symbolic and metaphorical disclosure of this theme.
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Vasilenko, Yuri. "Carlism Berween Liberalism and Right-Wing Conservatism. The Case of Juan III (1861–1868)." Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics V, no. 2 (July 11, 2021): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2021-2-191-209.

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The article is dedicated to Juan III (1822–1887), the Carlist pretender to the Spanish throne in 1861-1868, who opposed himself to the Carlist «mainstream» by expanding the ideological framework of this movement to the left up to liberalism. As a liberal, Juan III becomes an exponent of the trend (left-wing bias within Carlist conservatism) which originates from Carlist general R. Maroto Yserns` activities who signed in 1839 the peace of Vergara with the Isabelites and expresses in Carlos VI`s attempts to find an agreement between the two branches of the Spanish Bourbons in the form of a dynastic marriage with Isabel II. The article analyzes the failures of Juan III as a political practitioner who sought to combine in his activities the desire to integrate himself into the New — liberal-bourgeois — Order (but for that it was necessary to find agreement with the liberal-conservative wing of the «moderados» on the right and the progressives on the left) and to remain at the head of the Carlist «mainstream» which stood on the positions of right-wing conservatism. To identify the contradictions between such incompatible intentions, Juan III's views are contrasted with — the second wife of Carlos V — Maria Teresa, Princess de Beira`s ideas who expressed the interests of the Carlist «mainstream» on the eve of the liberal-bourgeois revolution of 1868-1974 and the third Carlist war. It is shown that the figure of Juan III — for all its irrelevance in the socio-political conditions of Spain in the XIX century — becomes a kind of herald for the modern leaders of Carlism (traditionalist and liberal conservative ones) who live and act separately from the currently marginal “right-wing faction” of Carlism which still stands on the positions of right-wing conservatism.
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Abukov, Sergey Navilievich. "The 7-th degree of kinship in marriages within Rurikids in the XII century." Samara Journal of Science 5, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 98–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv20164205.

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The question of the political situation in Rus in the XII century can not be considered in isolation from the relationship between the Rurikids. The marriages within dynasty of Old Russian princes, which played a very important role in the political relations of that period, were a part of political relations. However, there were religious prohibitions, which limited the possibility of such matrimonial alliances. Historians discuss about permissible in such cases, the degree of kinship in marriages. This article focuses on the role of the 7th-degree relatives in the dynastic marriages of Rurikids in the XII century. The author studied famous examples of conjugal unions between different lines of descendants of Yaroslav the Wise, and came to the deduction that such a degree of relationship was initially recognized as valid for the conclusion of such unions of ancient princes. At the beginning of the century, this tradition was connected with family of Vladimir Monomakh. Later it continued among the descendants as Monomakh and Oleg of Chernigov. During the second half of XII century within dynasty there were marriages of the 6th degree of kinship, but this practice was rather an exception. 7th degree of kinship remained closest to Rurikids in the future.
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Akhirani, Riris Marito, and Fatmariza H. "POLITICAL DYNASTIES IN GOVERNMENT: A CASE STUDY OF NORTH PADANG LAWAS REGENCY GOVERNMENT." JHSS (JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES) 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.33751/jhss.v5i1.4011.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze how the dynamics of the political dynasty of the harahap clan government in North Padang Lawas, and how the North Padang Lawas people's response to the system of government political dynasties formed in the district. This study uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive method. The informants in this study were selected using purposive sampling, namely by collecting accurate data or information related to the political dynasty of the North Padang Lawas government through individuals who are believed to have sources of accurate information related to research data. The results of this study indicate that the process of political dynasties in North Padang Lawas was formed due to several reasons. The first is from family relations (familism) obtained both in continguity and marriage. Second, political dynasties are formed through the popularity of prospective leaders. Third, political dynasties are formed from the experiences created by the leaders themselves in the previous period (the quality of leadership) that builds people's trust. Lastly, political dynasties could have been formed due to the influence of the demographic composition of the people who inhabit Paluta district itself, for example the domisioner clan (clan) that inhabited the district, namely the harahap clan. Furthermore, related to the problems above, the community responded with different views, namely positive sentiments and negative sentiments, including: a political dynasty can be a threat to us Indonesians, especially the North Padang Lawas district because it can endanger social mobilization and damage the regeneration of political journeys, as well as the occurrence of practical and dirty political practice.
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Skowron, Ryszard. "Budowanie prestiżu królewskiego rodu. Związki rodzinne Wazów z dyna- stiami europejskimi." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 20 (July 8, 2020): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2019.20.3.

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Marriages enabled the House of Vasa to enter into the network of courts throughout Europe and opened a way to participate in the processes of assimilation, reception or rejection of respective cultural, religious, and political paradigms. The bonds of kinship became one of the most effective instruments to raise the prestige and the standing of dynasty, which sought to occupy an ever higher position in the hierarchy of European rulers. The aim of this paper is to show how the House of Vasa functioned within he contemporaneous dynastic networks in Europe on the examples of several selected issues of strictly familial nature: inheritance of names, christenings, family reunions and financial security.
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Nikitenko, Nadiia. "Prince’s Trident on Frescoes and Graffiti of St. Sophia of Kyiv." NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 5 (September 6, 2022): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-8907.2022.5.27-37.

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The article, for the first time in academic research, puts and comprehensively considers a unique phenomenon of picturing seven images stylized under the lily of the prince’s tridents of Volodymyr on the frescoes and graffiti of St. Sophia of Kyiv, which elucidates the time of the cathedral construction and its prince-builder. They are singled out as separate compositions, “inserted” in the center of large narrative scenes of the religious and secular nature. Four tridents of Volodymyr are present in four frescoes of the vestry, decorated with scenes from the cycle of the Virgin; two more are present in the fresco of the north stair tower, which is part of the secular cycle that tells about the conclusion of dynastic marriage between Prince Volodymyr and Byzantine Princess Anna. Two inverted tridents of Volodymyr, drawn by his warriors after the death of the prince, were found in the graffiti of St. Sophia. They appeared around 1017 after Yaroslav’s capture of the Kyiv throne. Volodymyr’s trident on the walls of St. Sophia is a sign of his ownership of the temple and the glorification of the prince in the eyes of contemporaries and descendants. On the wall of the St. Michael’s altar of the cathedral there is a trident of Iziaslav Yaroslavych, similar to the lilies on the frescoes of the cathedral, which in the conditions of feud marked the right of this prince to Kyiv and St. Sophia, its heart. Iziaslav’s trident appeared here during the difficult period between 1068 and 1078. The prince’s tridents did not appear in the graffiti of Sophia spontaneously, as their authors were inspired by the urgent needs of life at that time. Like the oldest dated graffiti on its walls, mosaics, and frescoes, Prince Volodymyr’s tridents confirm the inference that St. Sophia was founded by Volodymyr the Great in 1011, and during his reign the cathedral was built and decorated with mosaics and frescoes. Instead, Yaroslav’s tridents were not found on the walls of St. Sophia.
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