Journal articles on the topic 'Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills (DIBELS)'

This study examined the effects of a supplemental early reading intervention on the beginning literacy skills of 12 kindergarten/first-grade urban English language learners (ELLs). The Early Reading Intervention (ERI; Simmons & Kame'enui, 2003) was the instructional intervention used with all students. A multiple-baseline design across students was used to investigate the effects of the instruction on phoneme segmentation fluency (PSF) and nonsense word fluency (NWF), as measured by the Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills (DIBELS; Good & Kaminski, 2002). Data analyses showed that all students increased in the number of phonemes segmented and the number of letter sounds produced correctly. Gains were commensurate with the amount of instruction received.

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of word boxes on the phoneme segmentation, word identification, and spelling performance of a sample of children with autism. Three children with autism were selected on the basis of similar performance on early literacy skills as measured by the Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills (DIBELS) screening instrument. The word boxes is a method that involves students placing plastic letters into respective divided sections of a drawn rectangle (i.e., boxes) as each sound in a word is articulated. This method is designed to help children acquire phonological decoding skills. A multiple baseline design across literacy skills was employed to study the effects of word boxes on phoneme segmentation, word identification, and spelling. This study is important, as it was the first to examine the effects of this method with students with autism. Results suggested that all students showed increases in phoneme segmentation and word identification, with two of the students showing some improvement in spelling. Limitations and implications for future research and practice are discussed.

This study investigated the association between behavioural problems and reading ability in gender contexts. Specifically, its goal is to determine to what extent of girls and boys differ in the development of reading skills and behavioural problems, and how the relationship between these variable changes based on gender perspectives. This research employed a correlational method whose purpose is to find out the relationship among multiple variables—genders, behavioural problems, and reading skills. To elicit all data of these variables, we focused on nine schools located in the capital city of West Java province, Indonesia. The participants in this research were 500 students from kindergarten to fifth grade which encompassed females (N=260) and males (N=240). The age of the participants ranges from 58 months to 11 years old and they originated from public and private schools. We used Dynamic Indicator of Basic Early Literacy (DIBELS)—which is a set of standardized and validated early literacy indicators—to measure reading skills; We employed Office Discipline Behaviour (ODB) to measure students’ destructive behaviour or behavioural problems. Findings of the research revealed that reading skills and behavioural problems were significantly different for each learning levels from kindergarten to fifth grade. In addition to correlation between behavioural problems and reading skills, we found a strong correlation for them both of boys and girls. Thus, the gender differences contributed equivalent or similar to reading skills showing this variable has lack of contribution to differences of reading skills. Received: 21 April 2022 / Accepted: 30 June 2022 / Published: 5 July 2022

PurposeWe compared teacher ratings as measured by the Teacher Rating of Oral Language and Literacy (TROLL; Dickinson, McCabe, & Sprague, 2001, 2003) and Children's Communication Checklist–Second Edition (CCC-2; Bishop, 2006) to 2 established screeners, the Part II of the Diagnostic Evaluation of Language Variation–Screening Test (DELV-ST-II; Seymour, Roeper, & de Villiers, 2003) and Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills–Next (DIBELS; Good, Gruba, & Kaminski, 2009), and then examined whether teacher ratings alone or when combined with the DELV-ST-II or DIBELS accurately classify nonmainstream English-speaking kindergartners by their clinical status.MethodData came from 98 children who lived in the rural South; 47 spoke African American English, and 51 spoke Southern White English. Using the syntax subtest of the Diagnostic Evaluation of Language Variation–Norm Referenced (Seymour, Roeper, & de Villiers, 2005) as the reference standard, 43 were language impaired and 55 were typically developing. Analyses included analysis of variance, correlations, and discriminant function with sensitivity and specificity indices.ResultsThe TROLL, CCC-2, DELV-ST-II, and DIBELS showed clinical status but not dialect effects, and they correlated with each other, the Diagnostic Evaluation of Language Variation–Norm Referenced, and other language measures. Classification accuracies of all 4 tools were too low for screening purposes; however, empirically derived cut scores improved the results, and a discriminant function selected the TROLL and DELV-ST-II as optimal for determining who should be referred for an evaluation, with the TROLL yielding the highest level of sensitivity (77%).ConclusionFindings support teacher ratings as measured by the TROLL when screening nonmainstream English-speaking kindergartners for language impairment in the rural South, while also calling for additional development and study of teacher rating tools and other screening instruments.Supplemental Materialhttps://doi.org/10.23641/asha.6007712

Background:We tested a low-cost and scalable set of classroom equipment, called Active Classroom Equipment, which was designed to promote physical activity while children learn. We hypothesized the Active Classroom Equipment would be associated with increased physical activity without impairing learning.Methods:Fourteen first-grade students in a public elementary school (7 females, 7 males, aged 6.9 ± (SD) 0.4 years, 24 ± 5.4 kg, BMI 15.8 ± 2.6 kg/m2) used the Active Classroom Equipment for 30 minutes each day throughout the school year. Five-day physical activity was measured using validated triaxial accelerometers at baseline (before the intervention began) and on 4 sequential occasions during the 9-month intervention.Results:For the baseline period, 5-day physical activity averaged 157 ± 65 AU/min. When the 14 children accessed the Active Classroom Equipment, their mean 5-day physical activity was 229 ± 103 Acceleration Units (AU)/min (P < .0001). There were sequential increases in physical activity over the 9-month intervention (Quarter 1: 163 ± 94 AU/min, Quarter 2: 227 ± 108 AU/min, Quarter 3: 278 ± 61 AU/min, Quarter 4: 305 ± 65 AU/min). Students’ Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills (DIBELS) scores improved.Conclusion:Active Classroom Equipment may be one approach to increase physical activity.

This study examined the usefulness and predictive validity of a dynamic screening of phonological awareness in two samples of kindergarten children. In one sample ( n = 90), the predictive validity of the dynamic assessment was compared to a static version of the same screening measure. In the second sample ( n = 96), the dynamic screening measure was compared to a commonly used screening tool, Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills Initial Sound Fluency. Results showed that the dynamic screening measure uniquely predicted end-of-year reading achievement and outcomes in both samples. These results provide preliminary support for the usefulness of a dynamic screening measure of phonological awareness for kindergarten students.

In this study, the authors explored the effect of prereading skills at the start of kindergarten and change in skills during kindergarten on response to Tier I (universal) Schoolwide Positive Behavior Support in Grade 5. A longitudinal data set of 473 students, including Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills measures at the start, middle, and end of kindergarten and office discipline referrals in Grade 5, was used to determine whether reading skills at school entry or change in reading skills over the course of kindergarten were more predictive of chronic problem behavior in Grade 5. Results of logistic regression analyses indicated that low initial phonological awareness predicted problem behavior, but including skill growth in the model resulted in significantly improved and more accurate prediction. Results are discussed in terms of early screening and intervention and reducing risk for problem behavior through quality Tier I reading instruction in kindergarten.

This study investigated correlates that might explain variance in beginning sight-singing achievement, including tonal discrimination, reading fluency, reading comprehension, and academic ability. Both curriculum-based and standardized tests were used, including the Intermediate Measures of Music Audiation, Otis-Lennon School Ability Test, and Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills. Sight-singing ability of second-grade students ( N = 170) was individually assessed for pitch accuracy only using four-note tonal patterns following a 16-week instructional period and again 8 weeks later following a period of no practice. A factor analysis explained 62% of the variance across 13 variables, revealing correlated factors of Music Ability, Reading Ability, and Academic Ability. Regression analyses with individual variables as predictors indicated that significant variance in sight-singing achievement beyond that explained by pitch matching ability could be explained by reading comprehension ability. Similar results were found with both sight-singing tests. Findings are discussed in relation to Patel’s shared syntactic integration resource hypothesis and the need to advocate for music education programs.

There is not general consensus on best practice for assessment and intervention of phonological awareness (PA) for children who are D/deaf or hard of hearing (D/dhh). The current study surveyed the PA practices of teachers of the deaf and speech-language pathologists to explore perceptions of PA importance, familiarity, and helpfulness related to assessment and intervention approaches used when working with children who are D/dhh. Survey responses from speech-language pathologists ( n = 80) and teachers of the deaf ( n = 94) indicated that the majority of respondents perceive PA to be important to literacy instruction with children who are deaf or hard of hearing. Notably there was a significantly higher average PA importance rating for literacy instruction with children with typical hearing than the PA importance rating for children who were D/dhh. There was wide variability in reported PA assessment and intervention practices. Participants reported using some assessments that included explicit items or subtests for PA including the following: Clinical Evaluation of Language Fundamentals, Comprehensive Test of Phonological Processing, and the Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills. There was not general consensus on a particular instructional method or approach to support literacy development.

Six instructional assistants taught the Early Reading Intervention (ERI) curriculum to 38 at-risk kindergarten students, and 32 nonrisk students served as comparisons. Student risk was determined based on performance on the Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills subtests of Nonsense Word Fluency, Letter Naming Fluency, and Phoneme Segmentation Fluency (PSF). The Word Attack (WA) and Letter-Word Identification (LWID) subtests of the Woodcock–Johnson III Tests of Achievement were used to confirm risk status and also as pre- and posttest measures. Treatment students received between 6.85 and 13.70 hr of instruction, with varying degrees of treatment quality. Multiple linear regression was used to analyze the amount of variance in gain scores that could be explained by participation in ERI, treatment quality, and treatment duration. Results showed WA and LWID gains with large effect sizes for treatment students. Findings for treatment quality and duration were mixed, without clear indications of their effects on gain scores.

Rates of agreement among alternative definitions of reading disability and their 1- and 2-year stabilities were examined using a new measure of agreement, the affected-status agreement statistic. Participants were 288,114 first through third grade students. Reading measures were Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills Oral Reading Fluency and Nonsense Word Fluency, and six levels of severity of poor reading were examined (25th, 20th, 15th, 10th, 5th, and 3rd percentile ranks). Four definitions were compared, including traditional unexpected low achievement and three response-to-intervention-based definitions: low achievement, low growth, and dual discrepancy. Rates of agreement were variable but only poor to moderate overall, with poorest agreement between unexpected low achievement and the other definitions. Longitudinal stability was poor, with poorest stability for the low growth definition. Implications for research and practice are discussed.

El objetivo principal de este trabajo es dar a conocer el sistema de evaluación del progreso de aprendizaje en lectura dentro de un modelo de Respuesta a la Intervención - Nivel 2 de intervención que se viene utilizando en la Comunidad Autónoma de Canarias en el marco institucional de cooperación científica entre el grupo de investigación de la Universidad de La Laguna “Dificultades de aprendizaje, psicolingüística y nuevas tecnologías”, el Center on Teaching and Learning de la Universidad de Oregon y la Consejería de Educación, Universidades y Sostenibilidad del Gobierno de Canarias. Dentro de este contexto se viene utilizando el sistema de evaluación Indicadores Dinámicos del Éxito en la Lectura, versión española del Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills. Su principal finalidad es evaluar el progreso de aprendizaje de la población escolar canaria identificada con “riesgo” de presentar dificultades específicas de aprendizaje en lectura y que participa en un Modelo de Respuesta a la Intervención.

A strong foundation in early literacy supports children’s academic pursuits and impacts personal, social, and economic outcomes. Therefore, examining the adequacy of early literacy assessments as predictors of future performance on important outcomes is critical for identifying students at risk of reading problems. This study explored the predictive validity of preschoolers’ literacy skills measured in the spring, with the Individual Growth and Development Indicators 2.0 (IGDIs 2.0) to performance in the fall and winter of kindergarten as assessed by the Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills Next Edition (DIBELS Next) using Pearson product-moment correlations. In addition, the classification accuracy of student performance on the IGDIs 2.0 measures to the publisher-identified benchmark scores on DIBELS Next assessment in kindergarten was examined by calculating the sensitivity, specificity, positive and negative predictive power, overall correct classification, and kappa. Participants included 537 children from ethnically diverse backgrounds enrolled in an urban school district in the northeast. Results indicated small to moderate relations between the individual IGDIs 2.0 tasks and DIBELS Next measures. Classification accuracy of student performance on the IGDIs 2.0 measures to the publisher-identified benchmark score on DIBELS Next composite in the fall and winter of kindergarten revealed inadequate levels of sensitivity; however, locally-derived cut-scores improved sensitivity and specificity.

Students with dyslexia demonstrate reading difficulty in early literacy skills (e.g., phonemic awareness, word recognition, decoding), and administering screeners is a necessary step to implement effective intervention. There are several commonly used reading screeners, but the decision accuracy and predictive value between them varies. In the current study, scores on two different reading screeners, the Shaywitz DyslexiaScreen (SDS) and Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills Next (DIBELS Next) were compared for 115 K-3 students with specific reading deficits using the Phonological Awareness Composite of the Comprehensive Test of Phonological Processing as the criterion. Tests of sensitivity, specificity, and post-test probabilities were used to evaluate the decision accuracy of the data. Results suggested that the decision accuracy for DIBELS Next (78%) was better than SDS (45%), and both sensitivity (DIBELS Next = 90%, SDS = 35%) and positive post-test probability (DIBELS Next = 71%, SDS = 42%) favored DIBELS Next. Thus, the DIBELS Next measures demonstrated acceptable decision accuracy in identifying students with low phonological awareness, but the SDS did not.

ABSTRACT Purpose: to investigate the effectiveness of an early identification screening based on the Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills (DIBELS) test, 6th edition, to early identify first graders at risk of dyslexia. Methods: the sample comprised 34 children assessed at two moments - the screening was conducted while they were in the first grade, while a word dictation was used when they were in the second grade. The data were analyzed with Pearson’s correlation test, linear regression analysis, and ANOVA, with a p-value ≤ 0.05. Results: the results provide evidence that agrees with other studies in that children with signs of risk of dyslexia differ from children with typical development in terms of less phonological skills and that these differences are already present at the beginning of the literacy process. Conclusion: the early screening allows for the identification of the risk factors for dyslexia, making it possible to implement preventive and personalized phonological skills training to make the literacy process easier.

This study analyzed the relationship between benchmark scores from the newly published Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills Math (i.e., Acadience™) math probes and student performance on math and reading sections of a state-mandated high-stakes test. Participants were 420 students enrolled in third, fourth, and fifth grades in a rural southeastern school district. Specific to this study was the calculation of the predictive validity of benchmark scores obtained in the spring from curriculum-based measurement probes measuring math computation, math application skills, and reading ability. Results of the study suggest that math application probes have strong predictive validity. The study also provides evidence that even at early grades the skill of reading is associated with performance on a high-stakes math test. The study provides some evidence that calculation skills are needed, but do not account for as much of the variance as reading ability does in grades as low as third grade. Implications for practice are discussed as it relates to multiple gating screening procedures at the elementary level.

“Human beings are not born once and for all on the day their mothers give birth to them [...] life obliges them over and over again to give birth to themselves.” (Garcia Marquez 165) Introduction The refugee experience is, at heart, one of rebirth. Just as becoming a new, distinctive being—biological birth—necessarily involves the physical separation of mother and infant, so becoming a refugee entails separation from a "mother country." This mother country may or may not be a recognised nation state; the point is that the refugee transitions from physical connectedness to separation, from insider to outsider, from endemic to alien. Like babies, refugees may have little control over the timing and conditions of their expulsion. Successful resettlement requires not one rebirth but multiple rebirths—resettlement is a lifelong process (Layton)—which in turn require hope, imagination, and energy. In rebirthing themselves over and over again, people who have fled or been forced from their homelands become both mother and child. They do not go through this rebirthing alone. A range of agencies and individuals may be there to assist, including immigration officials, settlement services, schools and teachers, employment agencies and employers, English as a Second Language (ESL) resources and instructors, health-care providers, counsellors, diasporic networks, neighbours, church groups, and other community organisations. The nature, intensity, and duration of these “midwives’” interventions—and when they occur and in what combinations—vary hugely from place to place and from person to person, but there is clear evidence that post-migration experiences have a significant impact on settlement outcomes (Fozdar and Hartley). This paper draws on qualitative research I did in 2012 in a regional town in New South Wales to illuminate some of the ways in which settlement aides ease, or impede, refugees’ rebirth as fully recognised and participating Australians. I begin by considering what it means to be resilient before tracing some of the dimensions of the resettlement process. In doing so, I draw on data from interviews and focus groups with former refugees, service providers, and other residents of the town I shall call Easthaven. First, though, a word about Easthaven. As is the case in many rural and regional parts of Australia, Easthaven’s population is strongly dominated by Anglo Celtic and Saxon ancestries: 2011 Census data show that more than 80 per cent of residents were born in Australia (compared with a national figure of 69.8 per cent) and about 90 per cent speak only English at home (76.8 per cent). Almost twice as many people identify as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander as the national figure of 2.5 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics). For several years Easthaven has been an official “Refugee Welcome Zone”, welcoming hundreds of refugees from diverse countries in Africa and the Middle East as well as from Myanmar. This reflects the Department of Immigration and Citizenship’s drive to settle a fifth of Australia’s 13,750 humanitarian entrants a year directly in regional areas. In Easthaven’s schools—which is where I focused my research—almost all of the ESL students are from refugee backgrounds. Defining Resilience Much of the research on human resilience is grounded in psychology, with a capacity to “bounce back” from adverse experiences cited in many definitions of resilience (e.g. American Psychological Association). Bouncing back implies a relatively quick process, and a return to a state or form similar to that which existed before the encounter with adversity. Yet resilience often requires sustained effort and significant changes in identity. As Jerome Rugaruza, a former UNHCR refugee, says of his journey from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Australia: All the steps begin in the burning village: you run with nothing to eat, no clothes. You just go. Then you get to the refugee camp […] You have a little bread and you thank god you are safe. Then after a few years in the camp, you think about a future for your children. You arrive in Australia and then you learn a new language, you learn to drive. There are so many steps and not everyone can do it. (Milsom) Not everyone can do it, but a large majority do. Research by Graeme Hugo, for example, shows that although humanitarian settlers in Australia face substantial barriers to employment and initially have much higher unemployment rates than other immigrants, for most nationality groups this difference has disappeared by the second generation: “This is consistent with the sacrifice (or investment) of the first generation and the efforts extended to attain higher levels of education and English proficiency, thereby reducing the barriers over time.” (Hugo 35). Ingrid Poulson writes that “resilience is not just about bouncing. Bouncing […] is only a reaction. Resilience is about rising—you rise above it, you rise to the occasion, you rise to the challenge. Rising is an active choice” (47; my emphasis) I see resilience as involving mental and physical grit, coupled with creativity, aspiration and, crucially, agency. Dimensions of Resettlement To return to the story of 41-year-old Jerome Rugaruza, as related in a recent newspaper article: He [Mr Rugaruza] describes the experience of being a newly arrived refugee as being like that of a newborn baby. “You need special care; you have to learn to speak [English], eat the different food, create relationships, connections”. (Milsom) This is a key dimension of resettlement: the adult becomes like an infant again, shifting from someone who knows how things work and how to get by to someone who is likely to be, for a while, dependent on others for even the most basic things—communication, food, shelter, clothing, and social contact. The “special care” that most refugee arrivals need initially (and sometimes for a long time) often results in their being seen as deficient—in knowledge, skills, dispositions, and capacities as well as material goods (Keddie; Uptin, Wright and Harwood). As Fozdar and Hartley note: “The tendency to use a deficit model in refugee resettlement devalues people and reinforces the view of the mainstream population that refugees are a liability” (27). Yet unlike newborns, humanitarian settlers come to their new countries with rich social networks and extensive histories of experience and learning—resources that are in fact vital to their rebirth. Sisay (all names are pseudonyms), a year 11 student of Ethiopian heritage who was born in Kenya, told me with feeling: I had a life back in Africa [her emphasis]. It was good. Well, I would go back there if there’s no problems, which—is a fact. And I came here for a better life—yeah, I have a better life, there’s good health care, free school, and good environment and all that. But what’s that without friends? A fellow student, Celine, who came to Australia five years ago from Burundi via Uganda, told me in a focus group: Some teachers are really good but I think some other teachers could be a little bit more encouraging and understanding of what we’ve gone through, because [they] just look at you like “You’re year 11 now, you should know this” […] It’s really discouraging when [the teachers say] in front of the class, “Oh, you shouldn’t do this subject because you haven’t done this this this this” […] It’s like they’re on purpose to tell you “you don’t have what it takes; just give up and do something else.” As Uptin, Wright and Harwood note, “schools not only have the power to position who is included in schooling (in culture and pedagogy) but also have the power to determine whether there is room and appreciation for diversity” (126). Both Sisay and Celine were disheartened by the fact they felt some of their teachers, and many of their peers, had little interest in or understanding of their lives before they came to Australia. The teachers’ low expectations of refugee-background students (Keddie, Uptin, Wright and Harwood) contrasted with the students’ and their families’ high expectations of themselves (Brown, Miller and Mitchell; Harris and Marlowe). When I asked Sisay about her post-school ambitions, she said: “I have a good idea of my future […] write a documentary. And I’m working on it.” Celine’s response was: “I know I’m gonna do medicine, be a doctor.” A third girl, Lily, who came to Australia from Myanmar three years ago, told me she wanted to be an accountant and had studied accounting at the local TAFE last year. Joseph, a father of three who resettled from South Sudan seven years ago, stressed how important getting a job was to successful settlement: [But] you have to get a certificate first to get a job. Even the job of cleaning—when I came here I was told that somebody has to go to have training in cleaning, to use the different chemicals to clean the ground and all that. But that is just sweeping and cleaning with water—you don’t need the [higher-level] skills. Simple jobs like this, we are not able to get them. In regional Australia, employment opportunities tend to be limited (Fozdar and Hartley); the unemployment rate in Easthaven is twice the national average. Opportunities to study are also more limited than in urban centres, and would-be students are not always eligible for financial assistance to gain or upgrade qualifications. Even when people do have appropriate qualifications, work experience, and language proficiency, the colour of their skin may still mean they miss out on a job. Tilbury and Colic-Peisker have documented the various ways in which employers deflect responsibility for racial discrimination, including the “common” strategy (658) of arguing that while the employer or organisation is not prejudiced, they have to discriminate because of their clients’ needs or expectations. I heard this strategy deployed in an interview with a local businesswoman, Catriona: We were advertising for a new technician. And one of the African refugees came to us and he’d had a lot of IT experience. And this is awful, but we felt we couldn't give him the job, because we send our technicians into people's houses, and we knew that if a black African guy rocked up at someone’s house to try and fix their computer, they would not always be welcomed in all—look, it would not be something that [Easthaven] was ready for yet. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (Refugees and Employment) note that while Australia has strict anti-discrimination legislation, this legislation may be of little use to the people who, because of the way they look and sound (skin colour, dress, accent), are most likely to face prejudice and discrimination. The researchers found that perceived discrimination in the labour market affected humanitarian settlers’ sense of satisfaction with their new lives far more than, for example, racist remarks, which were generally shrugged off; the students I interviewed spoke of racism as “expected,” but “quite rare.” Most of the people Colic-Peisker and Tilbury surveyed reported finding Australians “friendly and accepting” (33). Even if there is no active discrimination on the basis of skin colour in employment, education, or housing, or overt racism in social situations, visible difference can still affect a person’s sense of belonging, as Joseph recounts: I think of myself as Australian, but my colour doesn’t [laughs] […] Unfortunately many, many Australians are expecting that Australia is a country of Europeans … There is no need for somebody to ask “Where do you come from?” and “Do you find Australia here safe?” and “Do you enjoy it?” Those kind of questions doesn’t encourage that we are together. This highlights another dimension of resettlement: the journey from feeling “at home” to feeling “foreign” to, eventually, feeling at home again in the host country (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, Refugees and Employment). In the case of visibly different settlers, however, this last stage may never be completed. Whether the questions asked of Joseph are well intentioned or not, their effect may be the same: they position him as a “forever foreigner” (Park). A further dimension of resettlement—one already touched on—is the degree to which humanitarian settlers actively manage their “rebirth,” and are allowed and encouraged to do so. A key factor will be their mastery of English, and Easthaven’s ESL teachers are thus pivotal in the resettlement process. There is little doubt that many of these teachers have gone to great lengths to help this cohort of students, not only in terms of language acquisition but also social inclusion. However, in some cases what is initially supportive can, with time, begin to undermine refugees’ maturity into independent citizens. Sharon, an ESL teacher at one of the schools, told me how she and her colleagues would give their refugee-background students lifts to social events: But then maybe three years down the track they have a car and their dad can drive, but they still won’t take them […] We arrive to pick them up and they’re not ready, or there’s five fantastic cars in the driveway, and you pick up the student and they say “My dad’s car’s much bigger and better than yours” [laughs]. So there’s an expectation that we’ll do stuff for them, but we’ve created that [my emphasis]. Other support services may have more complex interests in keeping refugee settlers dependent. The more clients an agency has, the more services it provides, and the longer clients stay on its books, the more lucrative the contract for the agency. Thus financial and employment imperatives promote competition rather than collaboration between service providers (Fozdar and Hartley; Sidhu and Taylor) and may encourage assumptions about what sorts of services different individuals and groups want and need. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (“‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”) have developed a typology of resettlement styles—“achievers,” “consumers,” “endurers,” and “victims”—but stress that a person’s style, while influenced by personality and pre-migration factors, is also shaped by the institutions and individuals they come into contact with: “The structure of settlement and welfare services may produce a victim mentality, leaving members of refugee communities inert and unable to see themselves as agents of change” (76). The prevailing narrative of “the traumatised refugee” is a key aspect of this dynamic (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”; Fozdar and Hartley; Keddie). Service providers may make assumptions about what humanitarian settlers have gone through before arriving in Australia, how they have been affected by their experiences, and what must be done to “fix” them. Norah, a long-time caseworker, told me: I think you get some [providers] who go, “How could you have gone through something like that and not suffered? There must be—you must have to talk about this stuff” […] Where some [refugees] just come with the [attitude] “We’re all born into a situation; that was my situation, but I’m here now and now my focus is this.” She cited failure to consider cultural sensitivities around mental illness and to recognise that stress and anxiety during early resettlement are normal (Tilbury) as other problems in the sector: [Newly arrived refugees] go through the “happy to be here” [phase] and now “hang on, I’ve thumped to the bottom and I’m missing my own foods and smells and cultures and experiences”. I think sometimes we’re just too quick to try and slot people into a box. One factor that appears to be vital in fostering and sustaining resilience is social connection. Norah said her clients were “very good on the mobile phone” and had links “everywhere,” including to family and friends in their countries of birth, transition countries, and other parts of Australia. A 2011 report for DIAC, Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals, found that humanitarian entrants to Australia were significantly more likely to be members of cultural and/or religious groups than other categories of immigrants (Australian Survey Research). I found many examples of efforts to build both bonding and bridging capital (Putnam) in Easthaven, and I offer two examples below. Several people told me about a dinner-dance that had been held a few weeks before one of my visits. The event was organised by an African women’s group, which had been formed—with funding assistance—several years before. The dinner-dance was advertised in the local newspaper and attracted strong interest from a broad cross-section of Easthaveners. To Debbie, a counsellor, the response signified a “real turnaround” in community relations and was a big boon to the women’s sense of belonging. Erica, a teacher, told me about a cultural exchange day she had organised between her bush school—where almost all of the children are Anglo Australian—and ESL students from one of the town schools: At the start of the day, my kids were looking at [the refugee-background students] and they were scared, they were saying to me, "I feel scared." And we shoved them all into this tiny little room […] and they had no choice but to sit practically on top of each other. And by the end of the day, they were hugging each other and braiding their hair and jumping and playing together. Like Uptin, Wright and Harwood, I found that the refugee-background students placed great importance on the social aspects of school. Sisay, the girl I introduced earlier in this paper, said: “It’s just all about friendship and someone to be there for you […] We try to be friends with them [the non-refugee students] sometimes but sometimes it just seems they don’t want it.” Conclusion A 2012 report on refugee settlement services in NSW concludes that the state “is not meeting its responsibility to humanitarian entrants as well as it could” (Audit Office of New South Wales 2); moreover, humanitarian settlers in NSW are doing less well on indicators such as housing and health than humanitarian settlers in other states (3). Evaluating the effectiveness of formal refugee-centred programs was not part of my research and is beyond the scope of this paper. Rather, I have sought to reveal some of the ways in which the attitudes, assumptions, and everyday practices of service providers and members of the broader community impact on refugees' settlement experience. What I heard repeatedly in the interviews I conducted was that it was emotional and practical support (Matthews; Tilbury), and being asked as well as told (about their hopes, needs, desires), that helped Easthaven’s refugee settlers bear themselves into fulfilling new lives. References Audit Office of New South Wales. Settling Humanitarian Entrants in New South Wales—Executive Summary. May 2012. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.audit.nsw.gov.au/ArticleDocuments/245/02_Humanitarian_Entrants_2012_Executive_Summary.pdf.aspx?Embed=Y>. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 2011 Census QuickStats. Mar. 2013. 11 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/0>. Australian Survey Research. Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals—Report of Findings. Apr. 2011. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/research/_pdf/settlement-outcomes-new-arrivals.pdf>. 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