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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Wawrzyniak, Joanna. "From Durkheim to Czarnowski: Sociological Universalism and Polish Politics in the Interwar Period." Contemporary European History 28, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000516.

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The Durkheimian School of sociology was one of the most comprehensive programmes ever developed in the social sciences. This article contributes to those accounts of the School that discuss its intergenerational, interdisciplinary and international transformations after the Great War. From this perspective, the article presents the case of a Polish scholar, Stefan Czarnowski (1879–1937), whose early work on the cult of St. Patrick in Ireland became one of the Durkheimian classics on social integration. In the interwar period Czarnowski argued against race studies and anti-social concepts of culture and called for sociologically grounded comparative world history ordered around the notions of class and work. More generally, Czarnowski’s reconfiguration of Durkheimian universal principles in the specific location of East Central Europe calls for a deeper historicisation of the Durkheimian School as a movement in international social sciences.

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2

Tapia Alberdi, Fernando. "Émile Durkheim (1858-1917)." Tendencias Sociales. Revista de Sociología, no. 1 (February 19, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/ts.1.2018.21357.

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A pesar de que los estudios sobre el pensamiento de Durkheim son numerosísimos, resulta sorprendente el escaso número de trabajos que se han ocupado de su itinerario vital e intelectual. Ello pone de manifiesto que, en el ámbito de los estudios durkheimianos, los especialistas han preferido la interpretación teórica de la obra al análisis sociobiográfico del autor. En este escrito presentamos una biografía del fundador de la escuela sociológica francesa, que explora los hitos fundamentales de su itinerario vital y científico-intelectual.Although the number of studies on Durkheim’s thought is very large, the scarcity of works focusing on his life and intellectual trajectory is surprising. This shows that, in the field of Durkheimian studies, specialists have preferred a theoretical interpretation of the work over socio-biographical analyses about the author. This paper provides a biography of the founder of the French school of sociology, one that explores the fundamental milestones in his life and scientific-intellectual itinerary.

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3

Darnell, Regna. "The Structuralism of Claude Lévi-Strauss." Historiographia Linguistica 22, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1995): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.22.1-2.09dar.

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Summary Despite the importance of Lévi-Strauss’s structuralism to a range of disciplines, little historiographic attention has been given to the sources of his thought about universals of human cognition. This paper examines his roots in Durkheimian sociology and his borrowings from Boasian anthropology and Prague School structuralism (documenting his rather startling lack of engagement with language as such). Biography, public pronouncements of Lévi-Strauss, and ongoing scholarly commentary are used to broaden the understanding of structuralism as an international tradition transcending the boundaries of linguistics as a discipline.

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4

Zafirovski, Milan. "Orthodoxy and heterodoxy in analyzing institutions." International Journal of Social Economics 30, no. 7 (July 1, 2003): 798–826. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290310478757.

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The rediscovery and analytical reconstitution are present tendencies in much of social science, especially economics and sociology. The emergence and expansion of the so‐called new institutional economics exemplify these tendencies as do attempts at revival and rehabilitation of the old institutional economics. Analogous tendencies have been manifested in sociology by the further development of economic sociology, especially by various reformulations of its classical premise of institutional structuration and embeddedness of economic behavior. Nevertheless, much of mainstream economics tends to neglect or play down certain salient divergences between the latter's neoclassical or orthodox institutionalism, and heterodox or critical institutionalism advanced by the old institutional economics as well as by economic sociology. Identifies and elaborates such divergences between these seemingly homologous varieties of institutionalism. Since institutionalist varieties and tendencies in both economics and sociology are considered, represents a contribution to an interdisciplinary treatment of social institutions, a treatment originally proposed by the old institutional economics of Veblen et al., the German historical school as well as by Weberian‐Durkheimian classical economic sociology.

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5

Tarkowska, Elżbieta. "Collective Memory, Social Time and Culture: The Polish Tradition in Memory Studies." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 60, no. 4 (December 21, 2016): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2016.60.4.9.

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In Poland, research into collective memory has a long tradition and clear cultural perspective. The author’s aim is to show that this research tradition, which is deeply associated with the legacy of the Durkheimian school, was very strong in Poland in both the prewar and postwar periods, especially in the work of Stefan Czarnowski, the only Polish member of the school. In this perspective, social memory is closely connected with culture and time. In the first part of the paper, the author explains why the relations between social memory, culture, and social time are important for evaluating the Polish research tradition. The second part is dedicated to the works of Stefan Czarnowski, who started the cultural stream in Polish memory studies many years ago. The third part presents the idea of social time, and the relations between the sociology of time and memory studies in Polish sociology. The specificity of Polish studies on collective memory is little known today, especially to foreign researchers, but the tradition is worth remembering.

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6

Chiang, Tien‐Hui. "What Freirean Critical Pedagogy Says and Overlooks from a Durkheimian Perspective." Social Inclusion 9, no. 4 (October 13, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i4.4157.

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“Critical pedagogy” has become a prevalent grammar furthering the necessity of a change in pedagogy from a banking‐style to problem‐posing approach, which it argues will facilitate students’ development of independent values and equip them to lead the liberation of society from authoritarianism into democracy. To achieve this, classrooms need to serve as cultural forums, through which either engaged pedagogy or negotiated authority empowers teachers and students to engage in free dialogues that problematize school textbooks as “cultural politics.” This empowerment demands that teachers perform as transformative intellectuals, dedicating themselves to the amelioration of inequity in educational results by reconstructing new texts, making them more accessible to working‐class students. While these theoretical lexicons envision a new perspective for the “educational function,” alleviation of the phenomenon of cultural reproduction can only occur if critical pedagogists pay more attention to academic curricula. Student achievements in such curricula, which respond to the demands of the social division of labor, have a profound influence on their potential social mobility.

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7

Maimon, David, and Danielle C. Kuhl. "Social Control and Youth Suicidality: Situating Durkheim's Ideas in a Multilevel Framework." American Sociological Review 73, no. 6 (December 2008): 921–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240807300603.

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Although the suicide rate among U.S. youth between the ages of 10 to 24 dramatically increased during the past 50 years, little research has examined this outcome within larger social contexts of the adolescent environment. Relying on Durkheim's theory of social integration, we examine the effect of individual- and structural-level social integration on adolescents' suicidality. Using a sample of 6,369 respondents within 314 neighborhoods, we examine the assumptions that high levels of religious, familial, neighborhood, and school integration are associated with fewer suicide attempts among youths. We find support for the traditional Durkheimian assumptions; specifically, the proportion of religiously conservative residents in a neighborhood reduces youths' risk of attempting suicide, as do individual-level controls of school and parental attachment. Moreover, we find evidence for a cross-level interaction between depression and neighborhood level of religiosity. Depression increases youths' risk of attempting suicide, but in places where religion is very important, this positive effect of depression is diminished.

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8

Maksimova, Alisa. "Economic Sociology Guide to Durkheimian School. Book Review on Steiner Ph. 2010. Durkheim and the Birth of Economic Sociology. Translated by Tribe K. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press." Journal of Economic Sociology 12, no. 5 (2011): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1726-3247-2011-5-106-114.

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9

Skovajsa, Marek. "Bláha, Obrdlík a Eubank: brněnské kontakty s americkými sociology v souvislostech mezinárodní sociologie." Sociální studia / Social Studies 17, no. 2020 SPEC (December 18, 2020): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/soc2020-s-35.

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This paper examines the relations of the interwar sociologists in Brno with their American colleagues and international sociology in general. It describes the international contacts of Inocenc Arnošt Bláha and Antonín Obrdlík in the 1930s with a special focus on the professional and personal liaison between these two and American sociologist Earle Edward Eubank. These contacts are subsequently located within an imperfect, but genuine homology that existed between Czech sociology on the one hand and American and international sociology on the other. Previous research has shown that inside the international sociology of the 1930s, which centred around the Institut International de Sociologie (IIS), the eclectic French sociologists who controlled the IIS allied with American detractors of scientism, whereas their principal opponents, the Durkheimians, were close to the sociologists at the University of Chicago. In terms of their international networks and their substantive positions, Bláha’s Brno group was part of the anti-scientist alliance, whereas the sociologists in Prague displayed an affinity for the Chicago School in particular. To substantiate this claim, the paper shows that the American networks of Obrdlík and Otakar Machotka (Prague), both Rockefeller fellows and later exiles in the US, were highly consistent with the observed divisions in American and international sociology.

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10

Renneville, Marc. "L’anthropologie du criminel en France." Criminologie 27, no. 2 (August 16, 2005): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017360ar.

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This article examines the birth and growth of criminal anthropology in France. French physicians and anthropologists took an interest in criminals and theorized their behaviors before the famous Italian positivist school. French theorizing in this area developped in the early beginnning of the XIXth century with the concept of Esquirol's "monomanie homicide" and phrenology, the later gaining wide acceptance under the July Monarchy. Paul Rroca, leader of anthropology in France, was interested incidentally in the pathology of crime but it is Lombroso's Uomo delin-quente, which through the reactions it provoked, led to the development of this type of studies in France. In opposition to Lombroso, the forensic physician Lacassagne created in Lyon in 1885 a review of criminal anthropology which will continue to appear until 1915. His school of "Milieu social", took a very different viewpoint from Durkheimian sociology. In fact, Lacassagne wasn't so far from Lombroso than he said, and his approach was also in a medical frame. Morel's theory of degeneration deserves mention for the importance it gained at the end of the century with Magnan, a psychiatrist who "regenerated" the concept of "monomanie homicide" in an "impulsion morbide". This presentation of the most important trends of criminal anthropology in France distinguishes two uses of the terms "criminal anthropology" and "criminology" in the past and today. An attempt is also made to unterstand how the medicalization of deviance was possible and it's historical conditions of emergence.

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11

Świrek, Krzysztof. "What Comes After the End of Symbolic Power?" Kultura i Społeczeństwo 68, no. 2 (June 14, 2024): 13–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2024.68.2.1.

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The question of symbolic power is taking on a special importance today, when the purely symbolic means of legitimisation of power are being transformed, weakened and replaced by new forms of governance that refer to economic and technical norms. Pierre Bourdieu’s account of symbolic power, so influential in contemporary sociology, equates its operation with symbolic violence. Contemporary societies are manifesting multiple symptoms of crisis in the structures of symbolic power — and this crisis is leading not to the easing of violence but to the emergence of new forms of suffering. A different theoretical portrayal of symbolic power is therefore needed, one that would explain what we are losing with the crisis and weakening of this power. This article presents such a take, which refers predominantly to Lacanian psychoanalysis. Its first section lays out the main problem and provides a short reconstruction of Pierre Bourdieu’s account. The second part presents the sources of the notion of symbolic power, in the works of the Durkheimian school and structuralism, while the third introduces the psychoanalytic account. The fourth tackles the crisis in symbolic power, the fifth — new forms of suffering in the new, “post-symbolic” social situation, and the last part offers a summary of the arguments by referring to the issue of the relationship between symbolic and post-symbolic power.

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12

Abrutyn, Seth, and Anna S. Mueller. "Toward a Cultural-Structural Theory of Suicide: Examining Excessive Regulation and Its Discontents." Sociological Theory 36, no. 1 (March 2018): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275118759150.

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Despite its enduring insights, Durkheim’s theory of suicide fails to account for a significant set of cases because of its overreliance on structural forces to the detriment of other possible factors. In this paper, we develop a new theoretical framework for thinking about the role of culture in vulnerability to suicide. We argue that by focusing on the cultural dynamics of excessive regulation, particularly at the meso level, a more robust sociological model for suicide could be offered that supplements structure-heavy Durkheimian theory. In essence, we argue that the relevance of cultural regulation to suicide rests on the (1) degree to which culture is coherent in sociocultural places, (2) existence of directives related to prescribing or proscribing suicide, (3) degree to which these directives translate into internalized meanings affecting social psychological processes, and (4) degree to which the social space is bounded. We then illustrate how our new theory provides useful insights into three cases of suicide largely neglected within sociology: specifically, suicide clusters in high schools, suicide in the military, and suicides of “despair” among middle-aged white men. We conclude with implications for future sociological research on suicide and suicide prevention.

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13

Turner, Jonathan H., and Jeffrey C. Alexander. "Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 4 (July 1990): 630. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072872.

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14

Gane, Mike, and Jeffrey C. Alexander. "Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies." British Journal of Sociology 40, no. 1 (March 1989): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590314.

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15

Woolwine, David E., and Jeffrey C. Alexander. "Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies." Social Forces 68, no. 3 (March 1990): 1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579417.

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16

Wolfram, Sybil, and Jeffrey Alexander. "Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies." Man 24, no. 2 (June 1989): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803346.

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17

RILEY, ALEXANDER T. "The sacred calling of intellectual labor in mystic and ascetic Durkheimianism." European Journal of Sociology 43, no. 3 (December 2002): 354–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975602001145.

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This article explores the Durkheimian engagement with the sacred as intricately enmeshed in a personal search for meaning in intellectual labor. By situating the intellectual work of Durkheim, Mauss, Hubert and Hertz in their personal quests for the sacred, we uncover two kinds of Durkheimian thought on the sacred and two ‘species’ of Durkheimian intellectual. Weber's categories of religious experience, the mystic and the ascetic, frame this rethinking of the meaning of Durkheimian theory.

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18

Thompson, Kenneth. "Durkheimian Cultural Sociology and Cultural Studies." Thesis Eleven 79, no. 1 (November 2004): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513604046952.

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19

Wrong, Dennis H. "Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies.Jeffrey C. Alexander." American Journal of Sociology 95, no. 5 (March 1990): 1358–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/229454.

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20

Pandey, Uma S. "Book Reviews : Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 27, no. 3 (December 1991): 422–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078339102700320.

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21

Schmaus, Warren. "Introduction: Durkheimian sociology in philosophical context." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 32, no. 4 (October 1996): 327–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199610)32:4<327::aid-jhbs1>3.0.co;2-o.

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22

Riley, Alexander T. "Whence Durkheim's Nietzschean grandchildren? A closer look at Robert Hertz's place in the Durkheimian genealogy." European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 2 (November 1999): 304–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007499.

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Recent interptetive work suggests ways of historically situating French post-structuralism as a mingling of Nietzschean philosophy with elements of Durkheimian sociology. This article aims to demonstrate the presence of Nietzschean themes in the life-work of the Durkheimian Robert Hertz and to recognize him as a key figure in the history of this intellectual confluence. An examination of published and private sources reveals Hertz as a prototype of the Nietzschean/Durkheimian intellectuel pathitique of the inter-war period in France.

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23

Segre, Sandro. "A Durkheimian Network Theory." Journal of Classical Sociology 4, no. 2 (July 2004): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x04043934.

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24

Jongryul Choi. "Durkheimian Cultural Sociology: Strong Program and Its Application." Korean Journal of Cultural Sociology 2, no. 1 (April 2007): 165–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.17328/kjcs.2007.2.1.006.

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25

Cotterrell, Roger, Donald Black, Frank Pearce, Jeffrey C. Alexander, Steven Lukes, and Andrew Scull. "The Durkheimian Tradition in the Sociology of Law." Law & Society Review 25, no. 4 (1991): 923. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3053875.

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26

Pearce, Frank. "Suffering and Evil: The Durkheimian Legacy." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 39, no. 3 (May 2010): 336–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306110367909tt.

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27

Rosati, Massimo. "The archaic and us." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 4-5 (April 29, 2014): 363–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714528406.

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This article is based on a paper given in December 2013 at a German–Italian workshop on Jürgen Habermas’ theory. Massimo Rosati had been studying Jürgen Habermas’ thought and classical sociology in the Durkheimian tradition for years. Because of his own Durkheimian reading of communicative action, he had been unsurprised when Habermas began to write systematically on religion. In this article, he addresses the new post-secular sensitivity to the remnants of mimetic and mythic worldviews within theoretical ones and discusses the sacred as a universal historical structure of human consciousness.

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28

Hausner, Sondra L. "Society, Morality, Embodiment." Durkheimian Studies 23, no. 1 (July 1, 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2017.230101.

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This issue of Durkheimian Studies presents the collective efforts of the participants of a workshop held in late 2017, the centenary anniversary of Émile Durkheim’s death, at the University of Oxford. The articles that emerged from it, published together in this special issue for the first time along with some new material, demonstrate a continuation of classic Durkheimian themes, but with contemporary approaches. First, they consider the role of action in the production of society. Second, they rely on authors’ own ethnographies: the contributors here engage with Durkheimian questions from the data of their own fieldsites. Third, effervescence, one of Durkheim’s most innovative contributions to sociology, is considered in depth, and in context: how do societies sustain themselves over time? Finally, what intellectual histories did Durkheim himself draw upon – and how can we better understand his conceptual contributions in light of these influences?

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29

Lazzarotto, Anna-Maria. "The Application of Durkheimian Theories in the 21st Century." Contemporary Challenges: The Global Crime, Justice and Security Journal 1 (September 14, 2020): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/ccj.v1.4944.

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Classical sociological theorists have been criticised for being too vague, incomplete, and ever too conservative and notwithstanding all the efforts and consideration that has been dedicated to linking different parts of Durkheimian thought to the law itself, contemporary sociology and criminology frequently disregard its potential within the current study of law and criminology. This paper, however, will strive to explore and prove, through a Durkheimian lens, how classical sociological frameworks can provide us with a series of diverse aspects to analyse modern values and circumstances.

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30

Mallory, Peter, and Patricia Cormack. "The Two Durkheims: Founders and Classics in Canadian Introductory Sociology Textbooks." Canadian Journal of Sociology 43, no. 1 (March 31, 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs29386.

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For contemporary Durkheim scholars, the presentation of Durkheimian sociology in introductory textbooks is notoriously flawed. In this article, we examine the presentation of Durkheim’s work in popular English-language Canadian sociology textbooks. We show that textbooks present two distinct “Durkheims.” First, they characterize him as a founder of the discipline and the sociological project of challenging common-sense explanations of social life. Second, Durkheim appears as the father of structural functionalism who advocates a conservative, integrating vision of society. We argue that to understand why these two versions of Durkheim persist in sociology textbooks, we must appreciate the symbolic place of classical authors in the discipline. The two “textbook Durkheims” endure because they operate as symbols for both the coherence and divisions of the discipline. We suggest that integrating contemporary Durkheimian scholarship into textbooks would require revising conventional textbook approaches of sorting classical authors as founders of contending sociological perspectives.

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31

Marcel, Jean-Christophe, and Dominique Guillo. "Durkheimian sociology, biology and the theory of social conflict." International Social Science Journal 58 (August 2006): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2451.2009.01690.x.

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32

Young, Frank W. "A Neo-Durkheimian Theory of Small Communities." Sociologia Ruralis 39, no. 1 (January 1999): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9523.00090.

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33

Sohrabi, Hadi. "A Durkheimian critique of contemporary multiculturalism." Ethnic and Racial Studies 42, no. 8 (March 19, 2019): 1283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2019.1585898.

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34

Acevedo, Gabriel A. "Turning Anomie on its Head: Fatalism as Durkheim's Concealed and Multidimensional Alienation Theory." Sociological Theory 23, no. 1 (March 2005): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0735-2751.2005.00243.x.

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Durkheim's underdeveloped notion of fatalism is the keystone for a bridge between two conceptual categories central to Marxian and Durkheimian theory: alienation and anomie. Durkheim does not necessarily disagree with Marx that excessive regulation can be socially damaging but chooses to highlight the effects of under-regulation. A Durkheimian critique of overregulation becomes possible if we turn away from anomie and toward Durkheim's idea of fatalism—a concept that I will argue here is unexpectedly consistent with Marx's notion of alienation. We can infer that Durkheim presents us with a notion of an “optimal” human condition that exists between anomie and fatalism. The structure of modern societies, it will be argued, is characterized not just by excessive control leading to alienation or by a lack of integrative restraint leading to anomie but also by active efforts to optimally regulate social life.

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35

Tyulenev, Sergey. "Translation as a social fact." Translation and Interpreting Studies 9, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.9.2.01tyu.

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This article proposes a reading of classical works of Emile Durkheim, one of the founding fathers of sociology, in light of their applicability to translation research. It is argued that, since translation is a social phenomenon, Durkheimian sociological thought may be of considerable help to Translation Studies (TS). The sociology of translation should be methodologically distinguished from the psychology of translation. In the sociology of translation, even studies of individual translations and translators should be conducted within a social context. In accordance with Durkheimian theory, it is argued that methodology for a sociologically-informed study of translation should avoid relying on common sense, which more often than not turns out to hamper, rather than help, the perception of translation as a social phenomenon. In other words, translation is presented as a social fact and the need to study it as such is strongly emphasized. Examples are borrowed from present-day translation research.

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36

Staum, Martin. "Race and Gender in Non-Durkheimian French Sociology, 1893-1914." Canadian Journal of History 42, no. 2 (September 2007): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.42.2.183.

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37

Mergy, Jennifer. "Teamwork across disciplines: Durkheimian sociology and the study of nations." Revue européenne des sciences sociales, no. XLII-129 (March 1, 2004): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ress.415.

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38

Vogt, W. Paul. "Political connections, professional advancement, and moral education in Durkheimian sociology." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 27, no. 1 (January 1991): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1520-6696(199101)27:1<56::aid-jhbs2300270106>3.0.co;2-m.

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39

Smith, Philip. "The Sacred and the Law: The Durkheimian Legacy." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 48, no. 3 (May 2019): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306119842138s.

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40

Tiryakian, Edward A. "Defending the Durkheimian Tradition: Religion, Emotion and Morality." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 5 (September 2006): 528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500553.

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41

Mouzelis, Nicos. "Review Article: Comparing the Durkheimian and Marxist Traditions." Sociological Review 41, no. 3 (August 1993): 572–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1993.tb00078.x.

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42

Hodwitz, Omi, and Kathleen Frey. "Anomic suicide: A Durkheimian analysis of European normlessness." Sociological Spectrum 36, no. 4 (February 29, 2016): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2016.1148652.

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43

SCHIERMER, BJØRN. "Fashion Objects: Breaking Up the Durkheimian Cult." Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 10, no. 2 (January 2009): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1600910x.2009.9672749.

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44

Pecherskikh, Arthur. "Durkheimian Tradition Through The Eyes Of The Cultural Sociologist." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 22, no. 1 (2023): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2023-1-191-196.

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Riordan, Jim. "Soviet Muscular Socialism: A Durkheimian Analysis." Sociology of Sport Journal 4, no. 4 (December 1987): 376–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.4.4.376.

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As in the West, a sports ideology has developed in the USSR that cultivates irrational loyalties and ascribes similar prominence to the winning of victories, the setting of records, and the collection of trophies, and surrounds these created events with an aura characterized by what can only be termed ballyhoo. All this constitutes a deliberate fetishism of sport. The reasons are complex. One compelling reason, however, would seem to be that sport has undoubtedly been seen as an eminently appropriate device to achieve certain key aims associated with the establishment and maintenance of a new social order. By its inherent qualities, sport has come closest to religious ritual in serving to provide what Emile Durkheim saw as cohesion, solidarity, integration, discipline, and emotional euphoria.

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Marcel, Jean-Christophe, Matthieu Béra, Jean-François Bert, and François Pizarro Noël. "Editorial." Durkheimian Studies 24, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2020.240101.

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This journal owes its origins to Philippe Besnard, and his initiative in creating from his base in Paris the internationally circulated Bulletin d’études durkheimiennes, produced by him over many years (1977–1987). In going on to become Durkheim Studies in 1988, it remained an internationally distributed bulletin, but now mainly in English and organized in the USA under the direction of Robert Alun Jones. It migrated once again in 1995, to develop as a bilingual journal, Durkheimian Studies / Études durkheimiennes, organized from Britain under a team headed by Bill Pickering and Willie Watts Miller. With this volume we are honoured to assume the editorship of Durkheimian Studies / Études durkheimiennes and in doing so want to acknowledge the legacy of our predecessors.

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Møen, Atle. "Democracy and public communication: A Durkheimian lens on Habermas." Acta Sociologica 62, no. 1 (February 7, 2018): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699317752793.

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The article proposes a comparison of Durkheim’s and Habermas’s views about public communication and democratic deliberation. They seem to share an understanding that democratic deliberation requires support from the public sphere. Nonetheless, Durkheim believed that rational public communication must gain strength from ceremonies, whereas Habermas essentially focused on communicative rationality and rational discourse within the public sphere. The article thus asks whether Habermas’s theory of rational discourse implies a rationalist fallacy, largely because he offers no plausible explanation of the way in which social actors are emotionally motivated to participate in rational discourses, rather than resorting to violence and manipulation. Could Durkheim’s view about public communication, and its need to gather strength from collective ceremonies and collective sentiments, resolve this theoretical conundrum in that Durkheim’s view is complementary to Habermas’s?

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Ramp, William. "Paradoxes of sovereignty: Toward a Durkheimian analysis of monarchy." Journal of Classical Sociology 14, no. 2 (May 31, 2013): 222–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x13480689.

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Adair, Stephen. "Status and Solidarity: A Reformulation of Early Durkheimian Theory*." Sociological Inquiry 78, no. 1 (January 18, 2008): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.2008.00223.x.

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Hammond, Michael. "The Enhancement Imperative: The Evolutionary Neurophysiology of Durkheimian Solidarity." Sociological Theory 21, no. 4 (December 2003): 359–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1467-9558.2003.00194.x.

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Durkheimian solidarity, especially in regard to religion, is reanalyzed in terms of recent developments in the neurosciences and evolution. Neurophysiological studies indicate that religious arousers can piggyback on reward circuitry established by natural selection for interpersonal attachments. This piggybacking is rooted in uneven evolutionary changes in cognitive capacities, emotional arousal capabilities, and preconscious screening rules for rewarding arousal release. Uneven development means that only a special class of enhanced arousers embedded in macro social structures can tap some of the reservoirs of expanded arousal release protected by these screening rules. It becomes imperative that part of collective social life offers these special arouser packages. Beginning with religion and inequality, the social construction of enhanced arousers leaves a trail across human history. However, this trail is not quite what Durkheim had in mind.

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