Journal articles: 'Drug war/ War on Drugs'

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Buchanan, Julian, and Lee Young. "The War on Drugs - a war on drug users?" Drugs: education, prevention and policy 7, no. 4 (November 2000): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713660130.

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Mishra, Hara Prasad, Ayush Goel, Sahil Kumar, Mihir Chauhan, Mrinal Patnaik, and Imaad Rehman. "Drug development hit by war." Journal of Pharmacovigilance and Drug Research 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53411/jpadr.2022.3.2.3.

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Alexandris Polomarkakis, Konstantinos. "Drug Law Enforcement Revisited: The “War” Against the War on Drugs." Journal of Drug Issues 47, no. 3 (March 9, 2017): 396–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022042617697017.

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From the closure of London’s nightclub Fabric to Duterte’s drug war, law enforcement has become the policy choice par excellence for drug control by stakeholders around the globe, creating a rift between theory and practice, the former vehemently dismissing most of its alleged benefits. This article provides a fresh look on the said regime, through examining its implications in the key areas of illicit drug markets, public health, and broader society. Instead of adopting a critical stance from the start, as much of the literature does, the issue is evaluated from the perspective of a focus on the logic and rationality of drug law enforcement approaches, to showcase from within how problematic the latter are. The article concludes by suggesting at least a reconceptualization of the concept, to give way to more sophisticated policies for finally tackling the issue of illegal drugs effectively.

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Alexander, Bruce K. "Alternatives to the War on Drugs." Journal of Drug Issues 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269002000101.

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The War on Drugs has proved ineffective. However, it cannot simply be abandoned, for it is directed, at least in part, toward solving real social problems. This article proposes replacements for three major components of the drug war: localized, pragmatic controls to replace drug prohibition laws; valid information to replace anti-drug propaganda; and social innovations to replace bureaucratized drug treatment.

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Campbell, Emily B. "The War on Drugs Turns 50." Contexts 21, no. 3 (August 2022): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15365042221114989.

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A discussion of major developments since the war on drugs launched in 1971 including mass incarceration, the overdose crisis, and the Mexican drug war. Challenges are described and solutions considered.

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Scherlen, Renee. "The Never-Ending Drug War: Obstacles to Drug War Policy Termination." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 01 (January 2012): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511001739.

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AbstractWhy does the war on drugs continue after 40 years? This article combines theories of policy termination and prospect theory to explain the drug war's persistence. After reviewing the case for termination, the article turns to policy termination theory. As previous case studies have demonstrated, rationality and economic reasoning alone fail to persuade politicians to end existing policies. In the case of the drug war, specific characteristics of the drug policy and the current political environment, as well as typical institutional and bureaucratic constraints, create substantial obstacles to end the drug war. Perceptions of the risks and benefits of drug war termination also create difficulties. The article concludes that a number of factors need to shift before drug war policy termination can take place.

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Eremin, Arkady, and Oleg Petrovich-Belkin. "Historic retrospective of the U.S. “War on Drugs” concept." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2020): 276–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi23.

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This paper provides a detailed in-depth analysis of the historic traits and principles of the «War on drugs» concept in US domestic and foreign policies. Authors contrast the vector of ideological development of the concept with the changes in relevant statistical data on illicit drug demand and supply in the Western Hemisphere. This work represents an attempt to determine the role of the concept under review in the structure of modern academic knowledge related to anti-drug policy formation and decision-making process.

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Saadatmand, Yassaman, Michael Toma, and Jeremy Choquette. "The War On Drugs And Crime Rates." Journal of Business & Economics Research (JBER) 10, no. 5 (April 30, 2012): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jber.v10i5.6980.

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This paper analyzes the effects of the War on Drugs on crime rates. Many in the field of law enforcement believe that incarcerating drug offenders reduces crime. However, time-series analysis of four types of crime rates in the United States does not support this view. Using seven explanatory variables, including federal spending on the Drug Enforcement Agency, incarceration rates for drug offenders, and abortion rates, the results suggest the incarceration of drug offenders causes a crowding-out effect in prisons, releasing non-drug offenders and thereby potentially increasing, rather than reducing crime.

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Andreas, Peter. "Drugs and War: What Is the Relationship?" Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2019): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051017-103748.

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What is the relationship between psychoactive drugs and war? This review article identifies and traces five key dimensions of this relationship: war while on drugs, war for drugs, war through drugs, war against drugs, and drugs after war. The review provides empirical illustrations across times, places, and drugs to demonstrate the importance of each of these dimensions. Political scientists and other scholars have typically either ignored the drugs–war relationship or focused on only one dimension. The common tendency is to privilege illegal drugs such as cocaine and heroin in the contemporary era over the historical centrality of legal drugs such as tobacco and alcohol in relation to armed conflict. Placing both history and a wider range of drugs (legal and illegal) front and center in the analysis provides a corrective that allows for a fuller and richer understanding of the multiple linkages between psychoactive substances and warfare. It also suggests that as a counterbalance to contemporary accounts stressing the growing threat posed by drug-financed violent nonstate actors, we should recognize the many ways in which the centuries-old nexus between drugs and war has also been about statecraft and the pursuit of the state's strategic objectives.

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Cohen, Aliza, and Melissa Moore. "Drug War Dragnet." Federal Sentencing Reporter 36, no. 4 (April 1, 2024): 188–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2024.36.4.188.

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This paper examines the multilayered dynamics behind the drivers of overdose deaths, criminal legal-system involvement, and the drug war infiltration of people’s everyday lives—especially for people under community supervision. While incarceration receives more media and academic attention because of its particular cruelty, almost twice as many people—3.7 million, or one in every sixty-nine U.S. adults—are under community supervision. Probation and parole are commonly understood as “alternatives to incarceration” or “lenient sentences,” but people on supervision must endure constant monitoring, perpetually under the threat of incarceration. Drug war policies and practices have profoundly shaped probation and parole. Regardless of someone’s original sentence, abstinence from drugs, drug testing, submission to warrantless searches, and court-ordered treatment are routine features of supervision. The putative goal of community supervision is to ensure successful reintegration; yet drug war surveillance enacts extensive barriers, while not reducing drug use or drug-related harms like overdose. In order to ensure health, financial security, and overall well-being of those under supervision, policymakers, probation and parole officers, clinicians, service providers, and researchers must work to identify and remove barriers to care, including routine drug testing, substandard or forced substance use disorder treatment, and poor-quality services and support.

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Robinson, Matthew, Maggie Jones, and Maggie Jones. "THE SOCIAL JUSTICE IMPLICATIONS OF THE US DRUG WAR." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 7, no. 1 (February 26, 2015): 1178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v7i1.3511.

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In this paper, the authors outline key facts pertaining to the US drug war, including its stated goals and objectives, and then offer an assessment of the empirical evidence related to its (in)effectiveness in achieving these goals. Data illustrate that drug use is not down, that availability of drugs is not down, that the price of drugs is not down, that access to drug treatment has not increased, and that deaths and illnesses associated with drugs use are not down. The authors also identify major costs associated with national drug control policy and weigh these against its benefits. This analysis permits a conclusion with regard to whether the drug war is a good or bad policy. Finally, the authors utilize major theories of justice to identify whether the drug war is consistent with social justice. The analysis shows that the drug war does not commonly accepted definitions of social justice.

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PhD. "Drugs and War." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 4 (2018): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.4.0151.

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Fischer, Ullrich. "War on drugs." New Scientist 217, no. 2899 (January 2013): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(13)60100-1.

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14

Courtwright, David T. "Drug Legalization, the Drug War, and Drug Treatment in Historical Perspective." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 4 (October 1991): 42–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600007429.

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One thing that all parties in the American drug-policy debate agree upon is the desirability of eliminating the traffic in illicit drugs and the esurient criminal syndicates that control it. There are two divergent strategies for achieving this end. The first is the war on drugs. The second, which emerged in the late 1980s as a highly controversial alternative to the drug war, is controlled legalization. What follows is a historically informed critique of both approaches.

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Muehlmann, Shaylih. "The Gender of the War on Drugs." Annual Review of Anthropology 47, no. 1 (October 21, 2018): 315–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102317-050214.

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In this review, I explore some of the lines of inquiry that have emerged in anthropology and closely related disciplines around the theme of drugs and gender. The critical research on drugs over the past few decades has tended to focus on how prohibition policies are racialized, which has been important for revealing the injustice and racism found in drug policies and in commonsense notions about drugs and drug use. Drawing from intersectional theorists who have long argued that racial categories are never experienced or imposed as singular identities separate from gender, language, class, and sexuality, I argue in this article that the literature on gender and drugs has struggled with two main interrelated problems: determining ( a) how to understand gender and race together and ( b) how to theorize gender in relation to power when these two factors are often conflated with each other in both popular discourse and theoretical dispositions about the war on drugs.

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McClintock, Cynthia. "The War on Drugs: The Peruvian Case." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 30, no. 2-3 (1988): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165983.

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Peru is a Priority Theater in The US War against drugs in that it produces more coca for export to the United States than any other Latin American country. The Huallaga Valley, a remote area about 200 miles northeast of Lima on the eastern Andean slopes, is one of the world's most fertile coca-growing regions. This article focuses on what is known about Peru's coca industry, and the anti-drug efforts that have been undertaken by the US and Peruvian governments. Under President Alan Garcia, elected in 1985, the Peruvian government has been usually cooperative with US anti-drug programs; some explanations for this collaboration will be suggested.Despite the Garcia government's cooperative stance, the results of Peru's war against drugs have been similar to results elsewhere: governments have won some battles, but they are losing the war. Perhaps the most important question raised by the ' Peruvian case is whether the United States should give a higher priority to anti-drug efforts or to counterinsurgency; US policy regarding Peru has appeared to do the latter.

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Gallo, Ralph. "How Did We Get Here? An Examination of Opioid Addiction from A Historical Perspective." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 2 (February 8, 2021): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.82.9672.

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America is facing a drug crisis that is rocking the nation at the cost of one trillion dollars since former President Richard Nixon declared war on drugs more than 40 years ago in 1971. This latest opioid crisis can be identified as the war on drugs 2.0. Research supports that the American public is not interested in fighting the war on drugs; it is interested in creating viable intervention programs that are effective in treating drug addiction and education programs for the drug prescribing medical community. Results revealed statistically significant differences between socioeconomic status and race, family status and criminal background, family status and criminal background related to a drug background, and family status and equally offering drug treatment options.

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Eremin, Arkadiy Alekseevich, and Oleg Konstantinovich Petrovich-Belkin. "The ‘War on Drugs’ Concept as the Basis for Combating Drugs in the Western Hemisphere." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130204.

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The article attempts to critically evaluate a controversial transnational phenomenon in the Western hemisphere, known as the ‘War on Drugs’. Started by Richard Nixon to regain the support of his electorate, it has continued to dominate anti-drug policies in the Americas until now. In this article, the authors conduct a thorough analysis of all the traits of this concept in relation to the effectiveness and capability of limiting drug production and supply as well as countering drug-related organized crime. It also describes the role and place of the ‘War on Drugs’ in the structure of modern academic knowledge. In the attempt to assess the outcomes of the implementation of coercive tactics typical for the ‘War on Drugs’, the article also tries to answer the essential question of whether traditionally harsh methods of this concept were truly meant to be aimed at suppressing transnational drug trade or were merely a way for political elites to meet certain personal agenda. The paper recommends several potential changes that are necessary to be introduced to successfully relaunch and reestablish the system of combating illicit drug trade in the Western hemisphere.

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Telles, Ana Clara. "Mothers, Warriors and Lords: Gender(ed) Cartographies of the US War on Drugs in Latin America." Contexto Internacional 41, no. 1 (April 2019): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019410100002.

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Abstract This paper aims to offer a feminist, Latin-American reading on the gender representations that constitute the discourse on the US war on drugs in Latin America. Drawing upon the feminist literature on international security, this article explores some of the nuances of the US war-on-drugs discourse when it comes to gender. It argues that, although a gendered discourse has been constantly present in US official discourse, it has visibly changed in character as the USA’s antidrug policies became increasingly internationalized, militarized, and oriented by a ‘supply-side approach.’ Once deployed through the feminization of drug consumption as a moral degradation of the nation’s social body, US war-on-drugs discourse perceptibly changed to encompass a process of hyper-masculinization of the figure of the US drug warrior, supported by subordinate masculinities and femininities represented by the subaltern, feminized Latin American drug warriors, and the ruthless, hyper-aggressive drug lords. Ultimately, the gender(ed) cartographies of the USA’s war-on-drugs discourse work as conditions of possibility for framing the war on drugs as the only ‘solution’ to the ‘drug problem’ and reaffirm the incessant search for sovereignty that has as its ultimate goal the total control, domination and vigilance of human interaction with psychoactive substances: attributes of a hegemonic state masculinity par excellence. Through gendered (in)security performances, the state defends not only its ‘physical’ borders from external threats, but also its own frontiers of possibility.

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Simatupang, Erwinton. "Getting Out of the Trap of War on Drugs." JKAP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Administrasi Publik) 20, no. 2 (June 17, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jkap.15548.

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The aim of this paper is to reveal several factors why war on drugs is still adopted by The Indonesian goverment and to offer an alternative approach as a problem solver. Therefore, the paper utilizes a literature review by collecting data from books, journals, news articles, and research reports. The results indicate that some factors consist of: (a) The New Order as previous generation failed to notice the dangers of drugs; (b) Since the New Order, the government is not committed to reveal the involvement of political actors in the drug problem; (c), SBY did not show a firm attitude to the drug problem; (d), Jokowi is the product of the previous generation, the New Order, who may believe that drug issues can be solved by legal approach; (e) Political affiliation between Jokowi and Megawati at PDI-P; (f) The war on drugs is a populist policy and can not be saparated from political interests. As a result, war on drugs in Indonesia is war on young generation because the greatest victim of the policy is the lives of the young generation. To get out of this trap, the government should prevent individuals and groups from social exclusion because social dimensions frequently precede the drug issues and become a stumbling block for those who are addicted to get out of the drug problem.

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Malliori, M., C. Golna, K. Souliotis, and M. L. Kraus. "Mental health impact of the war on drugs." BJPsych. International 12, no. 3 (August 2015): 53–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s2056474000000404.

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Further to the publication by the London School of Economics and Political Science of the report Ending the Drug Wars, this editorial focuses on the mental health impact of the ‘war on drugs' and on the need to end such policies in favour of evidence-based interventions to manage drug dependence as a health condition.

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Werb, Dan. "Post-war prevention: Emerging frameworks to prevent drug use after the War on Drugs." International Journal of Drug Policy 51 (January 2018): 160–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.drugpo.2017.06.012.

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Strang, J., W. B. Clee, L. Gruer, and D. Raistrick. "Why Britain's drug czar mustn't wage war on drugs." BMJ 315, no. 7104 (August 9, 1997): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.315.7104.325.

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Gerson, Benjamin, and Suresh Subramaniam. "Drug Testing as Part of the War on Drugs." Clinics in Laboratory Medicine 18, no. 4 (December 1998): 781–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0272-2712(18)30152-5.

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Rodríguez-Gómez, Diana, and Maria Jose Bermeo. "The Educational Nexus to the War on Drugs: A Systematic Review." Journal on Education in Emergencies 6, no. 1 (2020): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33682/1hhu-52uy.

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The war on drugs has had a heavy impact on educational settings, yet to date the fields of education in emergencies and comparative and international education have largely overlooked it. This systematic review of relevant empirical studies published between 1988 and 2018 across 20 subfields of education examines how academic scholarship has addressed the intersection of schooling and the war on drugs. Through a content analysis of 420 articles, we quantified the occurrence of terms related to the war on drugs, identified patterns and trends, and explored their underlying meaning. We found abundant academic literature on drugs and schools, particularly with regard to student drug use, but little research that examines the educational implications of the war on drugs. We draw from the concept of assemblage to frame the scope of this global conflict and conclude with a research agenda that incorporates discussions about the war on drugs in the education in emergencies field.

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M., R. J. "MODEL FOR THE WAR ON DRUGS?" Pediatrics 84, no. 2 (August 1, 1989): A86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.84.2.a86.

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In 1982, after learning that 48% of its sailors aged 18 to 24 were using illicit drugs, the Navy declared war. The battle plan I directed from 1982 to 1984 reduced that percentage to less than 10% within two years; today it is less than 5%. The Navy has conducted 10 million drug tests each year. An independent survey taken in late 1983 revealed that 83% of the sailors in that age group cited random testing as the number one deterrent to drug abuse. Perhaps even more significant, about 26% said they probably would resume usage if the testing program were dropped. To cut down on "false positive," the Navy's program has called for 6,000 quality-control urine samples to be sent to the laboratory without its knowledge each year. Not one of the more than 36,000 such "blind negative" quality-control specimens tested to date has been incorrectly labeled positive by the laboratory. Have testing mistakes been made? Yes. However, the Navy instituted a thorough review system for any specimen that tests positive for illicit substances. It is based on a philosophy of "if there's any doubt, throw the case out," weighted in favor of the individual. The lab must never be the sole judge. The Navy has done all it can to make sure that the Fourth (search and seizure) and Fifth (self-incrimation) Amendments are protected. It has shown that a combination of compassion, sensitivity and clear, firm rules works.

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Muhammad Anugrah Utama. "Securitization in the Philippines’ Drug War." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i1.146.

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Since his inauguration in late June 2016, Duterte has adopted “shoot-to-kill” policy for suspected criminals and drug addicts. Despite public support, the policy received growing international backlash over extra-judicial killing and mass slaughter of youth, mainly the urban poor communities. This paper attempts to analyze the process of securitization waged by President Duterte to construct a state of emergency of drugs so that extraordinary yet outrageous measures can be justified by using the Copenhagen School’s securitization concept developed by Buzan, Waever, and Wilde (1998). This paper argues that President Duterte’s speech acts and politicization of threats successfully build public support of harsher law enforcement on drug-related crime. Furthermore, the paper also connects the dot between the securitization of drugs as Duterte’s political weapon and the disproportionate impact it has on the minority poor and vulnerable children. Using the critical application of securitization theory developed by Charett (2009), the paper concludes that the asymmetrical power relations will lead to securitizing actor maintaining its power in the expense of oppressing the marginalized voice, especially the minority poor and children population, thus de-securitization model (Hansen, 2012) is more effective in dealing drug-related crimes in the Philippines.

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Hauge, Thomas. "Den gode fiende, eller den gode pasient?" Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab 104, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 202–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ntfk.v104i2.115042.

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This article is inspired by my master thesis in criminology. My thesis examined the war on drugs, its influence on the role of the police, and the way in which the police themselves interpret the war on drugs. My master thesis also explored thequestion of consistency between the war on drugs and the government’s quest for knowledge-based policing. The article draws on data collected in my master thesis and examines them in light of Nils Christie and Kettil Bruun’s book, Den gode fiende (Suitable Enemies) which focuses on role of the police in the war on drugs. A comparison of these works raises a key question: Are illicit drugs still a suitable enemy in the eyes of the government and police officers? I conclude that the users of illicit drugs have come to be considered both suitable enemies and suitable patients. The government and the police have taken on dual roles as crime fighters fighting the war on drugs and caregivers who view illicit drug use as a disease.

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Tomaro, Queenie Pearl Villalon, Dyah Mutiarin, and David N. Almarez. "Attitude Fosters Support for Indonesia’s Drug War: A Quantitative Analysis of The University Students of Indonesia." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 13 (December 1, 2018): 2271–781. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v13i0.7908.

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This quantitative study investigates the direct attributors to the formation of the intention of the Indonesian university students in supporting the War on Drugs of the Widodo administration. The core of this research rest upon the imperative role of public support to the furtherance of the enforcement of contentious policies such as the War on Drugs This study is theoretically anchored from the Theory of Planned Behavior of Icek Ajzen which links Attitude, Subjective norm, and Perceived Behavioral Control to intention - the intention to support the War on Drugs of Jokowi’s administration. In answer to the questions raised by the research, a self-reported questionnaire survey was conducted to 194 students enrolled in selected universities in Indonesia, namely, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Universitas Islamic Institute, and Universities Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta. Structural Equation Modelling and regression analysis was employed in evaluating and analyzing the results gathered from the survey. The analysis revealed that among Attitude, Subjective Norm, and Perceive Behavioral Control, only Attitude has emerged to have a positive impact over the intention of the students to support Indonesia’s Drug War Strategies. Hence, positive attitude towards the drug war is argued to drive intentions of support from the public. Consequently, in programs aimed at increasing public support for Drug War, attitude transformation strategies must be the core focus.

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Ortiz, Carlos Humberto. "The War on Drugs is Counterproductive, Once Again." Lecturas de Economía, no. 71 (February 23, 2010): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.le.n71a4813.

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Un modelo bisectorial de equilibrio general, que incluía las drogas como bienes básicos, fue relativamente exitoso para explicar el desperdicio de recursos que genera una guerra contra las drogas (Ortiz, 2003). Debido al supuesto de productividad constante, el modelo predijo que los precios de las drogas aumentarían con la represión y, sin embargo, el Plan Colombia no tuvo un efecto significativo en los precios. Para corregir el modelo, se examinan dos fuentes de mejoramiento de la productividad; con el fin de entender por qué los precios de las drogas se han mantenido estables y por qué la oferta y la demanda mundial no han disminuido, así como explicar las razones por las cuales los plantíos de coca se desperdigaron a lo largo y ancho del país bajo el Plan Colombia.Palabras claves: Guerra contra las drogas, oferta de drogas, demanda de drogas, represión de la oferta, bien básico. Clasificación JEL: I12, K42, L11, O17, O41. Abstract:A two-sector general equilibrium model that included drugs as basic goods was relatively successful at explaining the waste of resources that the war on drugs incurs (Ortiz, 2003). Due to the assumption of constant productivity, the model predicted the rise of the drug price with supply repression. Yet Plan Colombia, an unparalleled effort to eradicate drug production in Colombia, had no significant effect on drug prices. In order to correct the model two sources of productivity improvement in the drugs sector are examined. The modified model helps to understand why drug prices have remained stable, why global supply and demand have not diminished, and why coca plantations were spread throughout the nation under Plan Colombia.Key words: Drug war, drug supply, drug demand, supply repression, basic good. Classification JEL: I12, K42, L11, O17, O41. Résumé: Un modèle bisectoriel d'équilibre général qui considérait la drogue comme un bien de base a eu un relatif succès pour expliquer le gaspillage de ressources issues de la guerre contre les drogues (Ortiz, 2003). Étant donnée l'hypothèse de productivité constante, le modèle prédisait que les prix des drogues augmenteraient avec la répression mais le Plan Colombie n'a pas eu un effet significatif sur la variation des prix. Pour corriger ce modèle, nous examinons deux sources d'amélioration de la productivité, ce qui permet de mieux comprendre les raisons pour lesquelles les prix des drogues ont été stables, et de savoir pourquoi l'offre et la demande mondiale n'a pas diminué, ainsi de savoir pourquoi les plantations de coca se sont repliées dans le pays avec la mise en oeuvre du Plan Colombie. Mots clé: Guerre contre la drogue, offre de drogues, demande de drogues, répression de l'offre, bien de base. Classification JEL : I12, K42, L11, O17, O41.

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Koch, Edward I. "The War on Drugs." Science 242, no. 4878 (October 28, 1988): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.242.4878.495.a.

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KOCH, E. I. "The War on Drugs." Science 242, no. 4878 (October 28, 1988): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.242.4878.495.

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Donovan, Pamela. "The war against drugs." Medical Journal of Australia 155, no. 4 (August 1991): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1991.tb142268.x.

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Hawks, David. "The war against drugs." Medical Journal of Australia 155, no. 5 (September 1991): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1991.tb142303.x.

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Batey, Robert. "The war against drugs." Medical Journal of Australia 155, no. 5 (September 1991): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1991.tb142304.x.

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Wodak, Alex. "The war against drugs." Medical Journal of Australia 155, no. 5 (September 1991): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1991.tb142305.x.

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Fisher, Robert B. "The war against drugs." Medical Journal of Australia 155, no. 11-12 (December 1991): 856. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1991.tb94089.x.

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Kapczynski, Amy. "Waging War With Drugs." Index on Censorship 33, no. 1 (January 2004): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642200403300114.

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39

Sullivan, Lucy. "The war against drugs." Medical Journal of Australia 156, no. 2 (January 1990): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1992.tb126462.x.

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40

Knapp, Judge Whitman. "The War on Drugs." Federal Sentencing Reporter 29, no. 4 (April 1, 2017): 186–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2017.29.4.186.

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41

Ridley, Robert, and Yeya Toure. "Winning the drugs war." Nature 430, no. 7002 (August 2004): 942–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/430942a.

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Sarno, Paul. "The War on Drugs." Southeast Asian Affairs 2009, no. 1 (April 2009): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa09l.

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Knapp, Whitman. "The War on Drugs." Federal Sentencing Reporter 5, no. 5 (March 1, 1993): 294–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20639592.

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44

Smith, R. "The war on drugs." BMJ 311, no. 7021 (December 23, 1995): 1655–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.311.7021.1655.

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45

Wade, O. L. "The war on drugs." BMJ 312, no. 7031 (March 9, 1996): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.312.7031.635.

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46

Tingley, Megan. "Land of the Free: Prison Reform Following the War on Drugs." Pitt Political Review 11, no. 1 (October 13, 2017): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2014.44.

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ince its beginnings in 1971, the war on drugs has been largely unsuccessful in reducing drug use. Instead, it has had many unintended consequences, one of which is a huge increase in the federal prison population over the past 40 years. Despite making up only five percent of the world population, the U.S. is home to 25 percent of its prisoners. Since the 1970s, the prison population in the U.S. has skyrocketed due to the implementation of War on Drugs policies. The main reason for the failure of the War on Drugs can be attributed in part to mandatory minimum sentencing laws. Implemented as a part of the Anti- Drug Abuse Act of 1986, these one-size-fits-all policies require a certain punishment based on the amount and type of drug in possession without allowing for flexibility based on context.

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Lynch, Mona. "Theorizing the role of the ‘war on drugs’ in US punishment." Theoretical Criminology 16, no. 2 (May 2012): 175–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480612441700.

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Numerous scholars have described how the ‘war on drugs’ has played a central role in US penal change, especially its racialized impact. Yet there remain aspects of this ‘war’ that are under-explored in punishment and society scholarship. This article delineates five distinct modes by which the contemporary regulation of drugs in the USA speaks to penal change, and in so doing suggests that its reach is much more diffuse, insidious, and variegated than suggested by prevailing conceptualizations of the drug war–punishment relationship.

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Luty, Jason. "The beginning of the end of prohibition: the politics of drug addiction." BJPsych Advances 22, no. 4 (July 2016): 242–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/apt.bp.115.014704.

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SummaryMisuse of drugs such as opium, cocaine and cannabis was common around the world before the First World War and it provided a valuable market for the colonial powers. There seems to have been a brief period of sobriety between the two World Wars, along with widespread criminalisation of drug dealing and use, followed by an explosion of the illicit drug market and the hugely expensive US-led ‘war on drugs'. The cost and impracticality of drug criminalisation, together with changes in Western public opinion, mean that cannabis legalisation has very recently been accepted in some countries and drug prohibition is being dismantled.

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Lazare, Daniel. "Battle Against Reason, Democracy and Drugs The Drug War Deciphered." NACLA Report on the Americas 35, no. 1 (July 2001): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2001.11722571.

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Hoyle, Ewan. "The ‘War on Drugs’ has failed. It's time for a war on drugs." Prometheus 28, no. 3 (September 2010): 303–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08109028.2010.518055.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Drug war/ War on Drugs'

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