Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Drug war/ War on Drugs'
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Kokot, Matthew. "Changing America's drug war the potential implications of the Dutch approach for America's war on drugs /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1441.
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Carroll, Steven M. McGuire Marvin H. "The economics of the drug war : effective federal policy or missed opportunity? /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FCarroll%5FMcGuire.pdf.
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Carter, Alexandra. "The War on Drugs in Contrast to the War on Big Pharma: Contextualizing Shifts in Drug Policy During the Opioid Crisis." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2263.
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New drug epidemics often unleash punitive campaigns to end them- highlighted by the 1980’s drug wars. However, the opioid crisis has been met with public-health driven policies, like clean needle programs and community-based substance abuse therapy. This thesis asks why policy responses to the opioid crisis are so different than those of the War on Drugs.
First, as the cost of the drug war became clearer, policy makers across the political spectrum became less inclined to wage a new punitive war against opioids, especially as public-health responses proved to be more effective while also less costly.
Second, the demographics of those addicted to opioids is different than those who were addicted to crack cocaine. The brunt of War on Drugs policies was felt by those in the lowest socioeconomic brackets and perpetuated poverty in low-income communities. Today’s softer approaches have been informed by a greater percentage of middle- to upper-class individuals affected by the opioid crisis.
Third, as opioids have legitimate medical purposes, they are harder to demonize or ban, rendering it more difficult to declare total war against them. Further, the influence opioid manufacturers have has made policy makers less inclined to declare war, taking supply-side action.
Public-health driven policies and policies that minimize supply-side action against pharmaceutical opioid manufacturers are duplicate representations of the United States’ departure from War on Drug tactics. As long as the “medical model” of health care, which emphasizes drugs, medical treatment, and surgery is ingrained in society and the economy, these patterns will continue.
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Schack, Todd Alan. "The cultural war on drugs: The language of drug literature 19th century to the present." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3218996.
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Reyes, Garces Alfonso. "Winning the war on drugs in Mexico? Toward an integrated approach to the illegal drug trade." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FReyes%20Garces.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor: Berger, Marcos (Mark T.). Second Reader: Simons, Anna. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Illegal drug trade, drug-related violence, drug cartels, Mexico, supply reduction, harm reduction. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-104). Also available in print.
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Diaz, Mary Lu Anna. "America's war on drugs : who's winning /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA306661.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.Thesis advisor(s): Robert Looney, Frank M. Teti. "December 1995." Bibliography: p. 133-137. Also available online.
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Ahmadzadeh, Arman, and Hannes Rytkönen. "Coping with a war on drugs : Bachelor Thesis." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-7272.
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After the 2016 election of president Duterte, the Philippines have been actively fighting a war on drugs inside their own country according to the new policies developed by the newly chosen regime. These policies have led to the several thousands of dead in police operations which are by many called out as extrajudicial executions. The purpose of this study is to research the experience of urban people living in a society pervaded by a war on drugs with the goal of contributing to the understanding of how they handle the situation and how it affects their lives. The authors have spent two months in the Philippines, mainly in the Metro Manila area to gather the data for the study through mainly participant observation and semi-structured interviews for an ethnographic study. The results show who are being targeted in the war, how people experience it and create labeling and stigma according to the societal rules and norms as well as how people cope with difficult circumstances out of their control.
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Mostyn, Ben. "Transnational social movements and the war on drugs." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000575.
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SOUZA, ANA CLARA TELLES CAVALCANTE DE. "DRUG MOMS, DRUG WARRIORS: GENDER PERFORMANCES AND THE PRODUCTION OF (IN)SECURITY IN THE DISCURSIVE CONSTRUCTION OF THE WAR ON DRUGS TOWARD LATIN AMERICA." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2015. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25668@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
A presente dissertação busca oferecer uma leitura crítica sobre as performances militarizadas de (in)segurança que constituem a guerra às drogas na América Latina. Entendemos a guerra às drogas como um conjunto de normas, políticas e saberes relacionado ao controle, via proibição, de drogas ilícitas , que prioriza estratégias militarizadas nas tentativas de suprimir a produção e a comercialização dessas substâncias pela via da oferta e que opera primordialmente através da cooperação bilateral ou multilateral com agências estatais e atores políticos estadunidenses. Situamos a discussão proposta no contexto mais amplo das leituras feministas/de gênero, pós-estruturais e póscoloniais sobre Relações Internacionais e segurança internacional, com foco no processo de construção de imaginários políticos sobre o mundo social através de performances (discursivas e não discursivas) de (in)segurança. Utilizamos como principal (embora não única) estratégia de pesquisa a análise de discurso, olhando para as principais práticas discursivas da guerra às drogas que se colocam como discursos oficiais do Estado estadunidense. Argumentamos que as performances militarizadas da guerra às drogas são tornadas possíveis por uma forma de imaginar as relações internacionais que constrói o Estado nacional moderno como sujeito primordial da política internacional através da (re)produção de fronteiras de (in)segurança. Mais ainda, esse processo reflete complexas hierarquias e dinâmicas de poder que também são informadas por performances de gênero – seja a fluida dualidade entre feminilidades e masculinidades , seja a contraposição entre uma masculinidade hegemônica e masculinidades e feminilidades subalternas . Nesse sentido, a guerra às drogas é tornada possível pelo mesmo imaginário político que (re)produz: um que (re)afirma as fronteiras de possibilidade da política (inter)nacional.
This dissertation aims at offering a critical reading on the militarized (in)security performances that constitute the war on drugs in Latin America. We understand the war on drugs as a cluster of norms, policies and knowledge related to the control, via prohibition, of illicit drugs that prioritizes militarized strategies in their attempts to inhibit the production and commercialization of such substances at the supply side and that operates primarily through bilateral or multilateral cooperation with state agencies and political actors from the United States. We locate our discussion within the wider context of feminist/gender, poststructural and post-colonial studies, focusing on the process of construction the social world through (discursive and non discursive) (in)security performances. Our primary research strategy (among others) consists on discourse analysis, in order to look at the main discursive practices of the war on drugs that posit themselves as the official discourses of the United States as a state. We argue that the militarized performances of the war on drugs are rendered possible by a political imaginary on international relations that constructs the modern nation state as the primordial subject of world politics through the reproduction of borders of (in)security. Moreover, this process reveals complex power hierarchies and dynamics that are also informed by gender performances - being those the fluid duality between femininities and masculinities or the contraposition between a hegemonic masculinity and subaltern masculinities and femininities . In this sense, the war on drugs becomes possible by the same political imaginary that it (re)produces: one that (re)affirms the borders of possibility of (inter)national politics.
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Degenstein, Dane. "The War on Drugs and Social Policy in Tanzania: Crackdowns, Prohibition and Control." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41209.
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In February 2017, Tanzanian President John Magufuli publicly declared a war on drugs, an unexpected change in policy in a country previously leading the way in harm reduction in Sub-Saharan Africa. The war on drugs, a set of policies aimed at reducing drug supply and use through the punishment, forced treatment and criminalization of drug users, is a part of Magufuli’s strategy to ‘clean up’ Tanzanian society. Prior to his election, the Tanzanian government largely ignored treatment and drug policy, and foreign NGOs, in partnership with local activists, funded and implemented harm reduction interventions.
This thesis seeks to understand a puzzling reversal from harm reduction to repression, posing the questions: 1) How did the Tanzanian government implement a war on drugs that went against the goals of a number of powerful foreign actors funding services for drug users? 2) What have been the outcomes for drug users in Tanzania as a result of the drug policies and programming implemented since the election of Magufuli? 3) How does Tanzania’s war on drugs shape international and domestic approaches to drug use and drug policy in the country?
In the fall of 2018, I interviewed foreign and local NGO workers, officials from major international organizations and former drug users and activists in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Using interviews and observations during this fieldwork, I explore the realities on the ground underlying both the drug policy changes towards drug users implemented over 2016/17, and the more public crackdown on drug use in 2017. I rely on a constructivist methodology to challenge and interrogate the narratives being produced by the Tanzanian government, which echoed harsh, war on drugs ideology but also boasted about comprehensive harm reduction programming, a contradictory position I also explore in this thesis.
In answer to my first research question, I argue that the Tanzanian government evaded donor pressure or interference in pursuing an anti-drug user agenda through strategies of appeasement, intimidation and the exploitation of a neglected policy area. The Tanzanian government touted its harm reduction program at the international level to produce a narrative of continued support for drug users, appeasing donors and foreign agencies while, in reality, narrowing the scope of treatment to the detriment of people who use drugs. The government also used intimidation tactics, threatening the work of foreign NGOs working with vulnerable population, which chose to stay and provide limited services rather than risk being kicked out of the country. The Tanzanian government, with limited resources, took advantage of donors’ focus on HIV/AIDS and lack of commitment to drug users, to maneuver and achieve a repressive policy agenda without interference.
I build on this argument using the evidence I gathered during fieldwork to answer to my second research question. I argue that the outcomes of the Tanzanian drug war agenda were increased police harassment, higher drug prices and fear of punishment among drug users which led to riskier drug use, greater difficulty in accessing services and greater economic vulnerability. Drug users had to go farther, spend more money on drugs and face harassment as they tried to avoid dopesickness. Policy changes resulted in the closure of harm reduction centres frequented by drug users, limited access to needle exchange and limited the outreach efforts of local and international NGOs, making life much more difficult for people who use drugs.
During my research, I found that, contrary to some of the literature I read which posited the war on drugs as a Western strategy of political control, the Tanzanian government was actually producing war on drugs narratives, and using these narratives to justify its repressive policies. This finding supports the answer to my third research question. I argue that the Tanzanian government produced narratives of drugs hindering development, causing corruption and threatening national unity. I also argue that donors such as the United Kingdom, and foreign agencies working in HIV/AIDS, are reproducing these narratives and are following an agenda, set by the Tanzanian government, that does not meet the needs of drug users and supports the centralization and repression of the Magufuli regime. Foreign agencies shifted from supporting drug users, to instead following an agenda that does not meet their goals in reaching drug users. Donors did not notice or prioritize the increased abuse of drug users’ human rights at all, accepting the provision of methadone as evidence of support for drug users and continuing to provide general budget support to the Tanzanian government and even providing specific funding to limit drug supply in the country.
The effectiveness of Tanzania producing such narratives, and enacting the repressive policies war on drugs narratives justify, reveals global antipathy towards actually supporting people who use drugs and advancing the rights of people who use drugs. In upholding old war on drugs narratives and implementing policies that attack people who use drugs, Tanzania is contributing to an international consensus that the war on drugs is justified as long as basic treatment is provided. This thesis, using the voices of activists and advocates on the ground, deconstructs the Tanzanian war on drugs. I argue for the inclusion of those with lived experiences in shaping and changing the repressive drug policies and epistemologies that are being produced by the Tanzanian state and are being accepted by the international community.
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Gautreau, Ginette Léa. "The Third Mexico: Civil Society Advocacy for Alternative Policies in the Mexican Drug War." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31029.
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The growth of the drug war and rates of narco-violence in Mexico has captured the attention of the international community, leading to international debates about the validity and effectiveness of the War on Drugs mantra. Since 2006, the Mexican government has been actively combating the cartels with armed troops, leading to high rates of human rights abuses as well as growing opposition to official prohibition policies. This thesis explores three movements advocating for alternatives to the Mexican drug war that have their foundation in civil society organizations: the movements for human rights protection, for drug policy liberalization and for the protection and restitution of victims of the drug war. These movements are analysed through a theoretical framework drawing on critical political economy theory, civil society and social movement theory, and political opportunity structures. This thesis concludes that, when aligned favourably, the interplay of agency and political opportunities converge to create openings for shifting dominant norms and policies. While hegemonic structures continue to limit agency potential, strong civil society advocacy strategies complemented by strong linkages with transnational civil society networks have the potential to achieve transformative changes in the War on Drugs in Mexico.
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Dyck, Erika Wright David. "Psychedelic psychiatry: LSD and post-World War II medical experimentation in Canada /." *McMaster only, 2005.
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GALAPIA, LEYTON JARED. "SOCIAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF THE DRUG WAR." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/612931.
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This paper describes an interdisciplinary approach to understanding and
addressing the many problems the drug war has given rise to. Presented first is a brief
summary of the histories of six drugs: Alcohol, Tobacco, Vicodin, Cannabis, Cocaine, and
Heroin. Second, data on the physiological effects of these drugs is given. After analysis of
this evidence, the conclusion is reached that current U.S. drug policy is partially informed
by long-standing cultural biases, and is ultimately inconsistent. Plan Colombia and the
prison industrial complex are used as case studies to support this claim. Finally, Portuguese
drug policy is described in order to showcase one successful set of drug laws that is
dissimilar to that in the U.S.
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Wey, Rebecca. "Fiction and Necessity: Literary Interventions in the Drug War." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/347098.
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This thesis investigates Nuestra Aparente Rendición, or "Our Apparent Surrender," a literary project launched in response to narco-violence in Mexico. I consider the potential of literature to intervene on violence by elaborating a theory of fiction as a strategy of naturalization. Fiction dissembles artifice and contingency, imposing sense-making frames on the imagination. The role of fiction in politics is to work the very limits of intelligibility. It has long been held that language requires external moorings to anchor discourse to a stable place. This has been conceived, alternatively, as an idealized speech community or an intersubjective commitment to veracity, as objective truths, a privileged experience, external reality or God. In the absence of such moorings, it has been claimed that language would be a sea of unending deferral, and communication would be impossible. A theory of fiction suggests instead that the place where meaning is 'fixed' and stabilized is internal to discourse itself. Fiction works to halt the imagination, limit what is possible, and transform infinite contingency into necessity. Ultimately, I suggest that what is needed is a deepening of the rhetorical turn. It has been argued--and feared--that that the rhetorical turn devolves into relativism and renders scholarship ineffectual. Against such claims, I contend that we have not yet accounted for the effects of necessity, which is caught up with contingency in an inextricable embrace.
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Milward, Bryan Ellis. "The Mexican Drug War: Will Escalation Lead to Legalization?" Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/156895.
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Two of the most important players in the global drug trafficking trade are the United States and Mexico. Although global patterns of the drug supply chain have varied over the years, the direct connection and shared border between the United States and Mexico make for what is today an underground industry that earns hundreds of billions of dollars in revenue. For instance, in 2009 Forbes Magazine named Joaquin "EI Chapo" Guzman Loera, head of the Sinaloa cartel, 701 st on its list of wealthiest individuals in the world with a net worth of over one billion dollars. Although Mexico's internal drug market has increased in recent years, by and large Mexico plays the role of producer and distributor, while the United States is the consumer in the supply chain. According to the DEA "No country in the world has more of an impact on the drug trafficking situation than does Mexico." In addition a 2005 paper estimated that Mexican drug cartels controlled approximately 70% of the narcotics that come into the United States. In 2009, Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano testified before Congress that the Mexican drug trafficking organizations pose "the greatest organized crime threat to the United States" and expressed concern that the violence could spill over to the United States. While countries like Colombia and Afghanistan play a large role in the production of illicit substances and have experienced high levels of violence from drug traffickers at times, Mexico's close political, cultural, geographic and economic ties to the United States have caused the issue of the drug war to command increased scrutiny in American media. Newspapers, local and cable news programs, and online media outlets have dedicated increasing amounts of attention both to the violence in Mexico as well as to the underlying issues of drug policy and illegal immigration. The sensational nature of the episodes of violence involving beheadings, torture, and car bombs has also contributed to the increased coverage. The media attention surrounding the drug war has brought the issue of illicit drugs back onto the policy agendas of the United States and Mexico, although at different levels of government in the two countries. However, the debate over how to address these problems has undergone a paradigm shift in both countries, as the momentum for increasing penalties and funding for the drug war seems to have stalled, and new options are being seriously considered to reform many of the components of the war on drugs. The first part of this paper will examine the level of demand for drugs in the United States and the methods used in combating drug trafficking. The second part of this paper will review the effectiveness of the drug war in Mexico since 2006 based on its goals of establishing law and order, reducing corruption, and restricting the supply of illicit drugs. The final portion of this paper will address the domestic political consequences both in the United States and Mexico as a result of the drug war.
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White, Alexis. "An Analysis of U.S. Drug Policy: Its Effect on Communities of Color and a Path to End the War on Drugs." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23806.
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This thesis examines the history of legal and illegal narcotics in the United States. This thesis explores the impact criminalizing drug use has on communities of color. The current criminal justice system seeks to correct behavior society and the law deems deviant but has not proven to be effective as shown by rates of recidivism. The present research uses a literature review to investigate how alternative dispute resolution practices and prison abolition meet the needs of the criminal justice system. The purpose of this thesis is to examine two proposed reforms: one that would abolish prison sentences except in cases where offenders pose a high risk to public safety, and another that would employ conflict resolution techniques to serve the retributive, and rehabilitative purposes of the criminal sanction. This thesis will suggest that these proposed reforms, if undertaken concurrently, will likely shrink the US prison population while advancing penal goals.
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Peña, Alfonso. "Evaluating the war on drugs: US and Colombian interdiction efforts." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28178.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.During the past decade, a great debate has arisen over the course of drug policy in the United States and in Colombia. In both countries, there are many factors to be considered relating to the issue of drug abuse and narcotics trafficking. There is also a variety of opinion about what to do to solve the problem. This thesis examines the background and nature of cocaine-related activity in Colombia and the transport of cocaine to the US for consumption. Additionally, it inquires into the ongoing efforts of agencies of both countries to enforce an effective interdiction policy. Production, transport, and seizure issues and statistics are discussed, and there is an analysis of the interdiction effort in terms of cost effectiveness and supply and demand. This work concludes that there is a need for reexamination of the intent and execution of policy regarding drug trafficking, exhibited by the failure of current policies based upon statistical evidence. Additionally, there is a recommendation for more partnership between the governments and people of the US and Colombia in addressing the problem
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Wongsinnak, Suchat. "Legal consciousness, human rights, and the Thai war on drugs." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024974.
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Klebanoff, Benjamin Armand Greenberg. "Increasing the efficiency and efficacy of the war on drugs: Utilizing the STRIDE database to analyze cocaine seizures." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1243981644.
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Guáqueta, Alexandria. "Change and continuity in United States-Colombian relations, during the war against drugs, 1970-1998." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9cb3fb07-f14a-4337-9d8f-98272021d6ec.
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This thesis addresses almost three decades of U.S.-Colombian relations and asks two main questions. Why did relations remain friendly for so long given the many problems associated with drugs, and the notion that drugs and drug trafficking constituted a security problem? And what changed in 1995 so as to alter the course of friendship? It argues that U.S. and Colombian preferences over illegal drug control policy have not always been at odds, and disagreements have not precluded cooperation and joint action on drug control matters over a significant period of time. Nor can power asymmetry, a constant feature in the relationship, account for change. A successful account of both friendship and antagonism can be given only by spelling out the ideational and normative components that have contributed to define the character of the relationship and to determine the attitudes and behaviour towards each other. These components refer to the understandings of the drug problem, ideas on what constitutes mutually acceptable political and economic behaviour and their underlying norms, and the images that relevant policy-makers have of each country. This thesis also underscores the need to take stock of the cumulative process by which Colombia and the United States embraced and expanded drug prohibition.
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Lawrence, Karen P. "The New Drug War or the New Race War: Incarceration's Impact on Minority Children, Families, and Communities." NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/16.
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This non-experimental study examines the issues of over-representation of minorities in the criminal justice system due to drug-related incidences, race relations, and the impact such representation has on families, children, and communities. The exploration of the current criminal justice efforts against drugs is presented through a meta-analysis qualitative lens in an effort to disseminate the information on those arrested, sentenced, and subsequently incarcerated for various drug offenses. In an attempt to understand the encyclical racial disparities that promulgate the criminal justice system, the study relies on information from several key theorists to cement the discussions in the research. Qualitative data from scholastic and governmental resources will be presented from which the exploration of how drug sentencing and race may be closely related. By examining various case studies, both historical and current, the goal is to clarify the various processes on which different actions have attempted to transform social relationships and the various constraints these movements faced when trying to implement and adapt these transformations.
The outcomes of this multi-layered study reveal the evolution of race relations and "identity formation" with which America attempts to change through various systematic processes. The study will examine how the implementation of governmental programs on incarceration impacts social classes and increases racial division. Three research strategies will be utilized: (1) qualitative analysis that covers racism from the media's portrayal of minorities, (2) review of the writings of theorists' addressing whether drug-related crimes or racism adds to disparity in the criminal justice system, and (3) examination of multiple case studies dealing with incarcerations' impact on minority children and communities. Data have been gathered from pre-published reports, newspapers, journals, and experiments conducted by social science theorists dealing with the new drug war and racism, and also the practices of restorative justice. This study suggests that racism is a phenomenon in the lives of every American or immigrant. Even with time and evident changes within society, racism still dominates and determines people's lives. Restoration is not inconsequential, and while various movements link social change with the governing of a new and different leader in America, this study will look at how it is possible to revisit race relations, and implement forgiveness through conflict resolution in an effort to enact systematic changes. These enactments have potential to preserve institutions and save future social infrastructure.
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Weeks, Katrina M. "The Drug War in Mexico: Consequences for Mexico's Nascent Democracy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/143.
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In recent years Mexico has been confronted with accelerating levels of violence related to drug trafficking organizations and counter-drug efforts. This paper examines the consequences of Mexico’s current drug trafficking situation on the country’s fledging democracy. In particular, the impact of the drug war on Mexico’s democratic consolidation is evaluated through civil-military relations, the judicial system, and the press. Conclusions about the prospects for Mexico’s nascent democracy are then examined.
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Bacharach, Marc N. "War Metaphors: How President’s Use the Language of War to Sell Policy." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1154105266.
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Vʹelez, Hernando Wills. "Effects of the war on drugs on official corruption in Colombia /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA305817.
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Thesis (M.S. in Management) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.Thesis advisor(s): David R. Henderson, Roger D. Evered. "December 1995." Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Hobaugh, Michael Eric. "Colombia's war on drugs : can Peru provide the recipe for success? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA386344.
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Velez, Hernando Wills. "Effects of the war on drugs on official corruption in Colombia." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/31393.
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This thesis analyzes the relationship between the war on drugs and official corruption in Colombia. Two variables are used in the study. The first one is official corruption in Colombia, which is measured using the number of articles on official corruption published by Colombia's newspaper El Tiempo and The Economist magazine. The second variable is action against illegal drugs. This variable is measured by a combination of the Colombian National Police budget and the level of commitment to act against the problem. To understand what war on drugs is, a chapter describing drug policies of both the United States and Colombia is included. On policy issues, each country has its own perspective of the problem. While the United States believes that the main problem is on the supply side, Colombian people and officials think that the problem is more demand oriented. Results show that official corruption in Colombia is linearly correlated with action against illegal drug trafficking. If the level of action against illegal drugs increases, official corruption increases but not in the same proportion. Regression analysis revealed that 28.2 percent of the variation on official corruption is explained by variation in the action against illegal drugs. The analysis also led to the conclusion that the Colombian government is acting against the problem, and that drug-related corruption is not the only kind of official corruption in the country. Recommendations for further research are included. (AN.
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Drayton, Tammy. "African Americans' Perceptions of the Impact of the War on Drugs." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6321.
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The War on Drugs has been a contested issue in the United States for decades. Many believe that African Americans are targeted by the government and become victims of the penal system as a result of anti-drug policies. The purpose of this ethnographic study was to explore the impact of the war on drugs on African American men, women, and young adults from their perspectives. Racial threat theory provided the framework for the study. Data were collected through interviews with and observations of 30 African American participants who had experiences directly and indirectly with the War on Drugs. Participant were recruited through purposeful and snowball sampling. Results of coding analysis by way of NVivo revealed that that many African Americans experience mental health issues (specifically depression and anxiety) due to direct and indirect consequences of drug penalties. Findings also showed that fair sentencing is needed for African Americans, and that African Americans need to come together to impact social change in their communities. Findings may be used to promote drug policy reform, rehabilitation for African American offenders and their families by addressing the mental health challenges individuals face directly and indirectly due to the drug penalties; in addition to increasing the access to these mental health resources. Furthermore, political changes for decriminalization of marijuana and commuting sentences for those penalized for the drug are apart the social changes that would lessen the impact the War on Drugs has on African Americans.
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Kosinski, Jake M. "Drug Markets and the State: A Perspective from Political Economy." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1411564078.
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Tuncer, Hakki. "Civil Asset Forfeiture in the Fight Against Drugs (Policy Analysis)." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3204/.
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Even if the main criminals of an organization are incarcerated, they will be replaced by others who would continue illegal activities, unless their financial assets are removed. Thus, civil forfeiture intends to dismantle the economic infrastructure of drug trafficking networks. Civil forfeiture considers the property as guilty, rather than the owner, and it may exist even if there is not a criminal action. Therefore, it is claimed that police agencies have chosen easy targets, such as wealthy drug users rather than major drug traffickers. Consequently, it has been particularly challenged on the basis of the Excessive Fines, Double Jeopardy, and Due Process Clauses. The use of criminal forfeiture instead of civil forfeiture and the elimination of the equitable sharing provision are considered to be the primary solutions.
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Kriegler, Anine. "United States post-Cold War drug and trade policy and Mexico." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11943.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references.
This essay provides a framework for explanations of the drug war's failure and its incongruity with other regional interests, most notably trade. It suggests three potential theoretical interests, most notably trade. It suggests three potential theoretical approaches - a conspiracy (realist) theory, a cultural (constructivist) theory, and a compartmentalisation (bureaucratic politics) theory.
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Bacharach, Marc N. "War metaphors how president's use the language of war to sell policy /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1154105266.
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Burton, Lindsay. "The Convergence of the War on Terror and the War on Drugs: A Counter-Narcoterrorism Approach as a Policy Response." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2085.
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This thesis investigates how and why U.S. policies and agencies are ill-equipped to respond to narco-terrorism and offers some policy recommendations for remedying that. Narco-terrorism is the merging of terrorism and drug trafficking. Terrorist organizations and narcotics traffickers each have much to offer the other; there is potential for symbiosis in the form of cooperation and even hybridization. Examination of the dynamics between terrorist organizations and drug traffickers, combined with an evaluation of the US responses to narcoterrorism in Colombia and Afghanistan, makes it clear that current US policy responses fail to recognize narcoterrorism as a unique challenge, and instead attempt to deal separately with terrorism and drug trafficking. This approach has the potential to actually worsen both situations. The US needs a narcoterrorism strategy and institutions in place to implement it.
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Stenbom, Axel. "The War on Drugs : En analys av The New York Times nyhetsrapportering." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323438.
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On the 14th of July 1969 president Richard Nixon informed the United States Congress, how drugs had become a serious threat to the nation’s wellbeing. He called for a new drug policy that would be applied to both state and federal levels. This would be the start of a political campaign that has resulted in new legislation, mass incarceration and in recent year an overwhelming criticism. This essay intends to review the newspaper New York Times reporting of this political campaign. The purpose is to study the role of language in the political discourse, this through a rhetorical analysis. The thesis intends to identify the discursive process framed by the selected news articles at hand. How the magazine’s approach has changed in 20 years will not only be examined by its explicit reporting, but also through the shaping and reflecting function of language. In my analysis, I identify key themes in the general metaphorics and a reproduction of a certain role distribution that leaves the reader with a certain understanding of its contemporary time. I have also come to the conclusion that the idea of American identity is central to the war on drugs as a linguistic domain.I ett meddelande till den amerikanska kongressen den 14 juli 1969, informerade den dåvarande presidenten Richard Nixon om hur drogerna utgjorde ett allvarligt hot mot landets välmående. Han efterlyste en ny drogpolitik som skulle gälla på både delstatlig och federal nivå. Detta blev starten på en politisk kampanj som resulterade i ny lagstiftning, massfängslande och på senare år en överväldigande kritik. Jag har i denna uppsats för avsikt att granska tidningen The New York Times rapportering av denna politiska kampanj. Syftet är att studera språkets roll i den politiska diskursen genom en retorisk analys. Jag har för avsikt att kartlägga de diskursiva processer som de valda nyhetsartiklarna ramar in. Hur tidningens förhållningssätt från har förändrats under drygt 20 år kommer inte bara granskas genom den explicita rapporteringen, utan också genom språkets formande och speglande roll. I min analys identifierar jag nyckelteman i den övergripande metaforiken och hur en reproduktion av en viss rollfördelning lämnar läsaren med viss förståelse av sin samtid. Jag har även nått slutsatsen att idén om den amerikanska identiteten är central för kriget mot droger som språklig domän.
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Netrabukkana, Pimporn. "Imprisonment in Thailand : the impact of the 2003 war on drugs policy." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16374/.
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The major objective of this study was to analyse the impact of the 2003 war on drugs policy on imprisonment and the prison social world in Thailand. While most studies on the drugs war have focused mainly on the quantitative increase in the prison population in the penal systems as the policy’s main impact, this research further examined the social shifts in Thai prisons driven by the drugs war. The data were qualitatively collected and analysed through documentary analysis, observations and in-depth interviews with forty-six participants: the former Director Generals of The Corrections Department, prison inmates, prison officers, and prison directors from Bangkwang Central Prison, Klongprem Central Prison, The Central Correctional Institution for Drug-addicts and The Women’s Correctional Institution for Drug-addicts. Although the Thai government declared a victory in the drugs war by claiming that the drug business had almost been eradicated due to the decrease in the size of the prison population and in the number of drug case arrests, in reality some changes caused by the drugs war within the prison world have been overlooked. The findings of this thesis reveal that the war on drugs produced significant effects upon various spheres of imprisonment. By dividing the framework into several levels for analysis focusing on prison inmates, prison officers and the social relationships behind bars, the lives and experiences of prisoners and prison officers are shown to have been effected in a negative and tougher way. Besides, there have been changes in social relations among prisoners and between inmates and prison officers. Crucially, the key factor leading to the policy impact was the replacement by the more powerful drug dealers in Thai prisons for drug users, due to the Narcotic Addict Rehabilitation Act B.E. 2545 (2002), which was a significant feature of the 2003 drugs war.
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Rios, Contreras Viridiana. "How Government Structure Encourages Criminal Violence: The causes of Mexico's Drug War." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10752.
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Carroll, Steven M., and Marvin H. McGuire. "The economics of the drug war: effective federal policy or missed opportunity?" Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9761.
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We calculated the value of two distinct economic inefficiencies that result from the prohibition of drugs. We define and illustrate these inefficiencies as the two direct components of the deadweight loss created by prohibition. The first is under-consumption and the second component, unique to our analysis, is the payment for risk. Using the 1999 illegal quantities and prices, the derived legal prices, and the estimated demand elasticities for four illegal drugs, we calculated the estimated quantity demanded for these drugs in legal markets. We then used the results of these calculations and estimated the total deadweight loss of the drug war in 1999 to be over $90 billion-$65 billion in payment for risk and $24 billion in under-consumption. We then focus our analysis on the indirect components of the deadweight loss, e.g., costs to reduce supply, cost of incarceration, and productivity losses, etc. Our conservative estimate for indirect deadweight loss for 1999 was $96.1 billion. In the final chapter, we estimate that of the total deadweight loss, America could gain $6.7 billion annually in taxes from legal drug sales, save over $34 billion annually in drug war costs, and recoup the remainder via reductions in prohibition-related phenomena.
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McGuire, Marvin H., and Steven M. Carroll. "The economics of the drug war : effective federal policy or missed opportunity?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5950.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedWe calculated the value of two distinct economic inefficiencies that result from the prohibition of drugs. We define and illustrate these inefficiencies as the two direct components of the deadweight loss created by prohibition. The first is under-consumption and the second component, unique to our analysis, is the payment for risk. Using the 1999 illegal quantities and prices, the derived legal prices, and the estimated demand elasticities for four illegal drugs, we calculated the estimated quantity demanded for these drugs in legal markets. We then used the results of these calculations and estimated the total deadweight loss of the drug war in 1999 to be over $90 billion-$65 billion in payment for risk and $24 billion in under-consumption. We then focus our analysis on the indirect components of the deadweight loss, e.g., costs to reduce supply, cost of incarceration, and productivity losses, etc. Our conservative estimate for indirect deadweight loss for 1999 was $96.1 billion. In the final chapter, we estimate that of the total deadweight loss, America could gain $6.7 billion annually in taxes from legal drug sales, save over $34 billion annually in drug war costs, and recoup the remainder via reductions in prohibition-related phenomena.
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Crane, Shawn R. "The State, Federalism, non-state actors, and conflict : the Mexican drug war." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80059.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study analyzes the Mexican drug war’s impact on the state’s federal political system of shared sovereignty. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) such as drug cartels have grown in strength due to shifting dynamics of the global drug trade. This growth in power, both in relation to the use of physical force and the influence over Mexican society, has challenged the state’s authority and monopoly of violence. After the inauguration of President Felipe Calderón in 2006, the government launched an all-in offensive, dedicating the entire state system to ridding the country of the drug cartels. Results of the offensive have been mixed and vary from area to area. However, trends indicate that the offensive has caused power vacuums and increased rivalry among the drug cartels. National homicide statistics show the government offensive has distorted the balance of power among the drug cartels, causing increased competition in an already hypercompetitive market. The majority of Mexico’s modern history consists of the era of single-party dominance, where the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) dominated the political system on both vertical and horizontal levels. The recent growth of federal executive power during Calderón’s administration has caused concern about whether the democratic progress made during the last decade could be reversed – returning the country back to former autocratic practices of governance. This reversal also involves the concentration of power in the center. For the last few decades, the country has been decentralizing its political system in accordance to federal principles laid down by its Constitution. The involvement of the military, a federal instrument of security that has in some cases taken over jurisdiction from state and local authorities, has been causing debate on whether the executive power is violating its constitutional limits of power. With this, the primary research question of this study uses theoretical concepts and is formulated thusly: How do violent non-state actors (VNSAs) impact federalism in Mexico? Mexico was chosen as a case study because of its growing struggle against the drug cartels, a sub-branch of non-state actors (NSAs). The Westphalian state order has changed dramatically with globalization, changing realities with regard to the use of physical violence. This is especially the case in reference to VNSAs, where the use of violence maintains an informal system of order. With the rise of the powerful drug cartels, a direct result of the global drug trade that hides in the shadows of globalization, Mexico’s case is not unique. Colombia struggled with a similar scenario during the 1980s and 1990s. However, the security situation in Mexico has proven to be constantly evolving and very intense during a time of political transition. This study shows that the federal executive branch of the Mexican government has not violated its constitutional limits of the use of power, although the Mexican Constitution of 1917 has proven to be vague in reference to the use of the military in peacetime. This vagueness could undermine regional sovereignty and federal principles laid down by the Constitution. The study also indicates that the increasing levels of violence are affecting the functionality of regional governance, as well as freedom of the press. Homicide statistics show that since the government launched its offensive in 2006, there has been a significant increase in assassinations targeting both mayors and journalists. Overall, there is no indication that the drug war has influenced federalism in Mexico. Rather, the drug war has exposed institutional weaknesses, causing increased demand for and investment in professionalizing state institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie analiseer die impak van die Meksikaanse dwelmoorlog op Meksiko se federale politieke stelsel van gedeelde soewereiniteit. Transnasionale kriminele organisasies (TKO’s), byvoorbeeld dwelmkartelle, se mag het toegeneem as gevolg van die verskuiwende dinamika in globale dwelmhandel. Die staat se gesag en magsmonopolie word uitgedaag as gevolg van hierdie toename in mag, beide met betrekking tot die owerhede se gebruik van fisieke mag en hul gesag oor die Meksikaanse gemeenskap. Na die inhuldiging van president Felipe Calderón in 2006, het die regering ’n alles insluitende offensief van stapel gestuur om van die land se dwelmkartelle ontslae te probeer raak. Hierdie offensief toon wisselende vordering en die impak daarvan verskil van area tot area. Ten spyte van hierdie mate van vordering, het die offensief egter aanleiding gegee tot magsvakuums en ’n toename in wedywering tussen dwelmkartelle. Nasionale moordsyfers dui daarop dat hierdie regeringsoffensief die magsbalans tussen dwelmkartelle versteur het, wat gelei het tot ’n toename in kompetisie in ’n reeds uiters kompeterende mark. Meksiko se moderne geskiedenis bestaan hoofsaaklik uit ’n era van eenpartydominansie, waar die Institusionele Rewolusionêre Party (Institutional Revolutionary Party, IRP) die politieke stelsel op beide vertikale en horisontale vlak gedomineer het. Die onlangse opkoms van die federale uitvoerende mag tydens die Calderón-administrasie wek kommer dat die vordering wat in die laaste dekade gemaak is ten opsigte van demokratisering van die politieke stelsel, omvergewerp sal word en dat Meksiko die gevaar sal loop om terug te keer na sy voormalige outokratiese en gesentraliseerde regeerpraktyke. Oor die afgelope paar dekades het die land juis pogings aangewend om sy politieke stelsel te desentraliseer na aanleiding van federale beginsels soos neergelê in die grondwet. Die weermag – ’n federale instrument vir sekuriteit – het alreeds op sekere plekke jurisdiksie by staats- en plaaslike owerhede oorgeneem. Dit het gelei tot debatte oor of die uitvoerende mag sy grondwetlike magsbeperkinge oorskry. Na aanleiding van Meksiko se huidige politieke situasie, asook teoretiese konsepte soos die staat, federalisme, nie-staatsakteurs en globale dwelmhandel, word die primêre navorsingsvraag vir hierdie studie soos volg geformuleer: Hoe beïnvloed gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs federalisme in Meksiko? Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord, word daar gebruik gemaak van sekondêre bronne, (beperkte) insig oor die dwelmkartelle se handelspraktyke en ’n ondersoek na die linguistiese beperkinge op die gebruik van amptelike Meksikaanse regeringspublikasies. Meksiko is as gevallestudie vir hierdie navorsingsprojek gekies vanweë die land se toenemende stryd teen dwelmkartelle, ’n subvertakking van nie-staatsakteurs. Die Westfaalse staatsorde wat eeue lank die wettige gebruik van fisieke geweld beheer het, het dramaties verander met die opkoms van globalisering. Dit is veral die geval by gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs, waar die gebruik van geweld tans ’n informele stelsel van orde handhaaf. Die opkoms van Meksiko se magtige dwelmkartelle, ’n direkte gevolg van globale dwelmhandel (wat in die skadu van globalisering skuil), is egter nie enig in sy soort nie. Alhoewel Colombië byvoorbeeld in die 1980’s en 1990’s ’n soortgelyke probleem ondervind het, het die sekuriteitstoestand in Meksiko getoon dat dit steeds ontwikkelend van aard en hewig ten tye van politieke oorgang is, wat dit toepaslik vir hierdie studie maak. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe daar in hierdie studie gekom word, is dat die federale uitvoerende tak van die Meksikaanse regering tot dusver nie sy grondwetlike beperkinge ten opsigte van die uitoefening van mag oorskry het nie. Die Meksikaanse grondwet van 1917 is egter vaag oor die weermag se bevoegdheid om gesag af te dwing tydens vredestye. Hierdie vaagheid kan moontlik die streeksoewereiniteit en federale beginsels wat deur die grondwet verskans word, ondermyn. Daar is ook bepaal dat die toenemende geweld sowel die funksionaliteit van die streeksregering as die vryheid van die pers, beïnvloed. Moordsyfers in Meksiko dui daarop dat daar sedert 2006 ’n beduidende toename in sluipmoordaanvalle op burgemeesters en joernaliste was. Alles in ag genome, is daar egter geen aanduiding daarvan dat die dwelmoorlog wel federalisme in Meksiko geraak het nie. Die impak wat dit wel gemaak het, is om institusionele swakheid in die regering te openbaar, wat tot ’n toename in die aanvraag na en investering in die professionalisering van staatsinstellings gelei het.
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Glusniewska, Magdalena. "Mexico’s response to the drug war and its impact on human security." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-56270.
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Drug war has become a global issue that is affecting the whole population. One country that has been especially affected is Mexico. There are more than 120 million people living in Mexico and only in 2007 and 2008 more than eight thousand were assassinated in relation to drug conflicts, including over 500 police officers. Kidnapping has also increased enormously. Since The Human Security aspect is taking more and more space on the international agenda, it has been chosen as a theoretical framework for this study. In order to answer the research question, which is to what extent the Mexican government has taken human security principles into account in the war against the drug cartels, a case study method has been used. Focus of the study is the aspect of human security and antidrug policies in Mexico, between 2004 and 2010. The results of this study show that there is a lack of Human Security Principles in the Mexican strategy to fight the drug cartels. During Felipe’s Calderon president mandate the power has been given to the military forces, excluding the police from the governmental actions. Civilians rights and threats to their personal security has been forgotten and that had led to many violations of human rights.
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Murphy, Thomas A. "Prospects for United States-Mexican cooperation in the war on drug trafficking." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246180.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Tollefson, Scott D. Second Reader: Bruneau, Thomas C. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 2, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Drug Interdiction, Drug Smuggling, War On Drugs, United States, Mexico, Drug Control Policies, Border. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-129). Also available in print.
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Schooler, Edward Webb. "The War on Drugs in Latin America: How Misinterpretation Led to Failed Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/403.
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The War on Drugs in Latin America: How Misinterpretation Led to Failed Policy investigates how and why United States counternarcotics policy failed abroad, specifically in the northern Andean region. This work examines the entire history of the US waged War on Drugs abroad beginning with President Richard M. Nixon and concluding with current President Barack Obama. After this thorough examination alternative counternarcotics policies are examined.
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Hardin, Ashleigh M. "The Age of Intervention: Addiction, Culture, and Narrative During the War on Drugs." UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/english_etds/34.
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While addiction narratives have been a feature of American culture at least since the early 19th century’s temperance tales, the creation of the Johnson Intervention in the late 1960s and the corresponding advent of the War on Drugs waged by U.S. Presidents have wrought significant changes in the stories told about addiction and recovery. These changes reflect broader changes in conceptions of agency and the relationship of subject to culture in the postmodern era. In the way that it iterates the imperatives of the War on Drugs initiated by Richard Nixon, the rhetoric of successive U.S. Presidents provides a compelling heuristic for analyzing popular and literary texts as reflective of the changing shape of addiction and recovery narratives over the last half century. Johnson, by defining addiction, not intoxication, as a break with reality, argued that confronting addicts with narratives of the potential crises could convince them to seek treatment before they hit bottom. Johnson’s version of “reality therapy” thus presented threatened or simulated crises, rather than real ones. Examining presidential rhetoric and popular culture representations of addiction—in horror movies, “very special episodes,” and reality television—this dissertation identifies features of the postmodern Intervention and recovery narrative in fiction by William Peter Blatty, Stephen King, Jay McInerney, Tama Janowitz, David Foster Wallace, and Jess Walter. I demonstrate how the Intervention is key to understanding the cultural products of the War on Drugs and its continued salience in American culture.
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Koram, Kwadwo Nyadu. "The sacrificial international : the war on drugs and the imperial violence of law." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2018. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/307/.
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The United Nations Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961 is presumed to be a testament to the progressive teleology of post-war liberal international law. In establishing the prohibition of the illegitimate trade of drugs as a global norm, this treaty serves as the legal grounding for what is popularly referred to as the War on Drugs. International drug prohibition offers a potent exemple of the humanitarian discourse taken to anchor the international legal order in the second half of the twentieth century. In practice, the failure of realising ‘A Drug Free World’ has been outright; international law’s declaration of a War on Drugs has produced little more than the same mass of casualties that all wars tend to produce. In an attempt to enforce the unenforceable, the drug war has visited social death (through mass imprisonment) and material death (through violent state enforcement) onto untold millions. Moreover, empirical studies reveal a sharp racial and geographical asymmetry in the violence that emerged through drug prohibition In this thesis, I will theoretically unpack the apparent contradiction between the humanitarian rhetoric of the international laws governing drug prohibition and the racialised violence of the War on Drugs in practice. Rejecting the orthodoxies that seek to decouple the violence of the war from the law itself, I read the drug war as a telling instantiation of a violence that is not only consistent with but also productive of the liberal international legal order. Through unpacking the discursive association that has been produced between drugs and racial others posited as the negation of idealised ‘human’ underlying liberal international law’s humanitarianism, this thesis will employ a critical study of the War on Drugs in order demonstrate how the operative coherence of twentieth-century liberal international law remained indebted to a violence that I have termed as ‘sacrificial.’
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Fedorowicz, Karen J. "An Evaluation of the 'War on Drugs' Based Upon a Content Analysis of the New York Times Before and After President George Bush's 1989 Anti-Drug Speech." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292198.
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Patchin, Paige M. "Pacific[ations] : security, nonviolence, and the 'war on drugs' in Mérida, Yucatán, 2007-2012." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45574.
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Drug-related conflict has perhaps been the central question of Mexican politics since President Felipe Calderón initiated the "war on drugs" in 2006. From 2007-2012, military and police presence in everyday life deepened across the country, and tens of thousands of people were killed. It in opposition to this scene of extreme violence that Mérida, Yucatán was relentlessly celebrated as the most secure city in Mexico, the "City of Peace." Through interviews with government officials and activists in Mérida, this thesis explores reverberations between i) the politics of Mérida's continuing declaration of nonviolence; ii) the mobilization of the abstract concept of security; and iii) the reconfiguration of state power under the "war on drugs." Chapter 2 explains the policies and practices enacted by Mexican and U.S. governments under the anti-drug banner. The ways in which life and landscapes in Yucatán were re-organized around protection against drug-related conflict is the subject of Chapter 3. This, what I term securitization, attempted to bring the circulation of bodies, drugs, and rumors in Mérida under control for the sake of the security and reproduction of the state. Chapter 4 explores the relationship between securitization, the story of nonviolence, and colonial identity categories. Here, I argue that the "City of Peace" is premised on the formation of pacified state subjects. These storylines converge in my central argument: constructions of nonviolence in Mérida from 2007-2012 were bound up with many different forms of state violence, ranging from the use of brute force to the quiet restriction of everyday conduct.
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Galeana, Abarca Andres. "Ungoverned spaces in Mexico: autodefensas, failed states, and the war on drugs in Michoacán." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44566.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe spiral of violence generated by the drug war in Mexico over the past decade has raised security concerns, not only in Mexico, but also in the international community. The rise of vigilante groups in Michoacán (operating at least in theory) against organized crime and violence related to drug trafficking has recently and dramatically drawn attention to the relative weakness of government institutions in some parts of Mexico. This has in turn led some commentators to continue to describe Mexico as a potential failed state. However, the term failed state overlooks the specific location and character of both organized crime and violence in those parts of Mexico where it has become a problem. It is argued here that an understanding of the vigilante groups in Michoacán in relation to the historical, social, political, cultural, and economic particularities of Michoacán can best be achieves by setting aside the notion of a failed state and using the idea of ungoverned spaces. Taking ungoverned spaces as its point of departure, this thesis argues that the high level of violence in the ungoverned spaces in Michoacán has resulted in a parallel system of governance in much of the state; however, this is not the same as a failed state. This thesis takes a fresh look at drug trafficking and violence related to drug trafficking that moves beyond broad notions of failed states and focuses on the specifics of ungoverned spaces in parts of Mexico and elsewhere that drug-trafficking and violence in particular have generated considerable concern.
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Moore, Chiara C. "The War on Drugs and Public Safety Realignment in California: Shifting Incentives, Persistent Problems." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/737.
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This thesis examines AB 109, “Public Safety Realignment”, a policy enacted in California in 2011 to address the United States Supreme Court mandate to reduce overcrowding in California’s prisons to 137.5%. Realignment proactively shifted ‘non-non-non’ felons (non-serious, non-violent, non-sex crimes) from the state prison system to the county jail system and made some changes to the parole and probation systems. Though California’s prison population declined considerably in 2011 and 2012, this reduction did not last; in 2013 the prison population in California increased by 1,770 inmates, and in late 2013 the CDCR estimated that the state prison population would experience an increase of more than 10,000 inmates by 2018. Though the mandate was ultimately reached after the passage of Proposition 47 in November 2014, it is significant that Realignment, which had been seen as groundbreaking criminal justice reform, failed to make significant and lasting change in the way it was intended. This thesis suggests that Realignment failed to meet the overcrowding mandate on its own due to a mixture of misaligned incentives and prosecutorial and policing power at the county level.
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Guerrero, Castro Javier Enrique. "Maritime interdiction in the war on drugs in Colombia : practices, technologies and technological innovation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22950.
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Since the early 1990s, maritime routes have been considered to be the main method used by Colombian smugglers to transport illicit drugs to consumer or transhipment countries. Smugglers purchase off the shelf solutions to transport illicit drugs, such as go-fast boats and communication equipment, but also invest in developing their own artefacts, such as makeshift submersible and semisubmersible artefacts, narcosubmarines. The Colombian Navy has adopted several strategies and adapted several technologies in their attempt to control the flows of illicit drugs. In this research I present an overview of the ‘co-evolution’ of drug trafficking technologies and the techniques and technologies used by the Colombian Navy to counter the activities of drug smugglers, emphasizing the process of self-building artefacts by smugglers and local responses by the Navy personnel. The diversity of smugglers artefacts are analysed as a result of local knowledge and dispersed peer-innovation. Novel uses of old technologies and practices of interdiction arise as the result of different forms of learning, among them a local form of knowledge ‘malicia indigena’ (local cunning). The procurement and use of interdiction boats and operational strategies by the Navy are shaped by interaction of two arenas: the arena of practice - the knowledge and experience of local commanders and their perceptions of interdiction events; and, the arena of command, which focuses on producing tangible results in order to reassert the Navy as a capable counterdrug agency. This thesis offers insights from Science and Technology Studies to the understanding of the ‘War on Drugs, and in particular the Biography of Artefacts and Practices, perspective that combines historical and to ethnographic methods to engage different moments and locales. Special attention was given to the uneven access to information between different settings and the consequences of this asymmetry both for the research and also for the actors involved in the process. The empirical findings and theoretical insights contribute to understanding drug smuggling and military organisations and Enforcement Agencies in ways that can inform public policies regarding illicit drug control.
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Steele, Shondricka R. "A study of public policies derived from the war on drugs and how policy fuels recidivism among African American males in Atlanta, Georgia who commit drug related offenses." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2013. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/713.
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The field of Social Work covers an array of avenues which we advocate and apply practice, research and policy such as abuse, education and employment barriers, and mental health issues. Prior Social Work practice has scarcely address the issue of recidivism among African American males who are drug offenders. An essential factor of research evaluation of the public policies derived from the War on Drugs and how these policies fuel recidivism among African American males in Atlanta, Georgia. Recidivism is a viscous cycle which keeps African American male out of the African American homes and communities causing a detrimental effect on children, families, communities and the drug offender. A qualitative and quantitative analysis was used in this study. The research indicated factors such as employment discrimination, housing and social services restrictions, socio-economical, and socio-psychological factors all play a vital rule in recidivism among African American males in Atlanta, Georgia. The research developed insight into why public policies derived from the War on Drugs should be evaluated for their effectiveness on stemming drug abuse and consequences of creating an oppressed class of individuals who are given minimal chances of becoming rehabilitated and leading law abiding lives within society.
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Wright, Kevin T., and Joseph S. Hamilton. "Evaluation of the United States drug war policy abroad: a case study in Colombia." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10508.
Full textAbstract:
MBA Professional ReportAs the United States continues to recover from the greatest recession since the Great Depression, the U.S. government must find cost savings. Therefore, this project aimed to find efficiencies through reallocating funds from a program proven ineffective. U.S. foreign aid programs such as Plan Colombia, in conjunction with Colombian President Uribe's "Democratic Security" strategy, caused a significant drop in murder rates, the number of displaced people, and the number of kidnappings in Colombia over the last ten years. The purpose of beginning the drug war in Colombia was to interdict the drugs at the source. However, as a result of the "balloon effect" into Peru and Bolivia and technological advances by the narco-traffickers, the net result of interdiction has been virtually zero. Additionally, the source of the United States' drug problem is not in Colombia, but with the user and his or her demand for illicit drugs. Therefore, this project recommends aligning funding to support rehabilitation and prevention programs that will reduce the likelihood that a person will have the desire to abuse drugs again. Though there are possibly negative short-term effects of this policy, this project shows that the long-term effect favors rehabilitation and prevention.