Journal articles on the topic 'Drach, family of printers'

The beginning of the article briefly outlines the history of Jindřichův Hradec from its foundation through its development in the 15th century and especially in the 16th century, until the 19th century, when the Landfras printing works functioned in the town. Afterwards, the article focuses on the Landfras family of printers and its work in Jindřichův Hradec. It deals with the founder of the printing works, Josef Jan Landfras (1869–1840), as well as with his family background and his public activities. Most attention is devoted to his successor, Alois Landfras (1797–1875), who became one of the most remarkable figures in the history of Jindřichův Hradec, because he was very actively involved in social events in the town. From 1841, he was a member of the town council; ten years later, he was elected mayor and remained in the position for ten years. His private and family life is marginally mentioned as well. The last member of the family active in the 19th century was Vilém Antonín Landfras (1830–1902), who was also a member of the town council. Thanks to him, the weekly Ohlas od Nežárky [Echoes from the River Nežárka] began to be published in the town in 1871. The article further mentions his important role in the organisation of the social entertainment of burghers and his family life. The end of the paper is devoted to his son, Vilém Bohumil Landfras (1865–1931), whose work falls into the first third of the 20th century.

Bernard M. Rosenthal is an antiquarian bookseller based in Berkeley, California. His specialties include continental manuscripts and early printed books, the history of scholarship, bibliography, and paleography. Rosenthal was born in Munich in 1920 to a family with many connections to the book trade. His mother was the daughter of Leo Olschki, a renowned Italian bookseller. His father, who specialized in medieval and illuminated manuscripts, was the son of Jacques Rosenthal, a highly regarded seller of rare books in Munich. Other members of his extended family also were involved in the commercial book world as dealers, printers, and publishers. After . . .

AbstractElizabeth Pickering took over Robert Redman's press when he died in 1540, thus becoming the first woman known to print books in England. Her books tell us simply that she was Redman's widow. Wills and other legal documents in the London archives permit us to know much more. The documents examined here illuminate aspects of her personal life, but also reveal connections between a group of law-printers and lawyers that appear to have influenced the printing of law books in Tudor London. The first part of the essay traces this microhistory of family and community relations. The second half examines the books Elizabeth Pickering published.

Three-dimensional printing with cement-based materials is a promising manufacturing technique for civil engineering applications that already allows for the design and the construction of complex and highly customized structures using a layer-by-layer deposition approach. The extrusion mechanism is one of the most expensive parts of the 3D printer. Also, for low-scale 3D printers, based on the shape of the extruder and the geometry limitation of the mixing blade, the 3D mixture is often limited to a narrow range of materials due to the risk of layer splitting or blockage. Therefore, there is a need to develop affordable and feasible alternatives to the current design–fabrication–application approach of 3D printers. In this paper, various newly designed mixtures of fiber-reinforced mortars that can be 3D printed using only a commercially available screw pump are analyzed based on their fresh properties and mechanical characteristics. The results, in terms of extrudability, buildability, flowability, and flexural and compressive strengths, highlight the potential of using this technology for constructing complex structures with high strength and durability. Also, the reduced facility requirements of this approach enable 3D printing to be made more available for civil engineering applications. With further innovations to come in the future, this method and these mixtures can be extended for the sustainable and economically feasible printing of single-family housing units.

This article focuses on the history of the Rodez printing firm in provincial France from 1624 to 1820 (although the firm ran until 1984). In contrast to the world of clandestine printing and bookselling, very little is known about the lives of ordinary sedentary printers in ancien-régime France. The paper is organized in three parts and considers the following issues. How did the firm operate, who worked in it, what training was required, and what was produced? How did this change over time? Secondly, this was a family firm, so we may ask how was it kept in the family, and how did the family fare as it made a living out of printing? Here we have an insight into the history of an artisan family over nearly 200 years, the ascension of an artisanal family to the level of respectable bourgeoisie. The third area considered is the possible contribution to understanding the cultural world of a provincial town. The firm printed and sold books, and account books and order books give us further information, though of a fragmentary nature. From this it is possible to raise questions about recent research on the starkly contrasting world of Enlightenment bestsellers.

Abstract This article examines the lost production of a sixteenth-century Parisian family of printers, the Bonfons. This family, who specialized mainly in medieval vernacular romances, was chosen because the survival rate of their publications is relatively low and the number of lost editions high. Such study goes beyond the strict framework of bibliometry to raise two questions: do bibliographies really reflect what was published at that time? And, as a corollary, do survival rates distort our perception of early-modern book production? Previous research on the Bonfons’s production is complemented by an outstanding source that has never been investigated in this context: the archives of the Commission of the Index of Prohibited Books of Antwerp (printed in 1570). In this light, the number of books printed for or by Jean Bonfons and his widow should be revised to almost 200 editions, with an average loss rate of around 40 per cent.

In recent years, 2D materials have been implemented in several applications due to their unique and unprecedented properties. Several examples can be named, from the very first, graphene, to transition-metal dichalcogenides (TMDs, e.g., MoS2), two-dimensional inorganic compounds (MXenes), hexagonal boron nitride (h-BN), or black phosphorus (BP). On the other hand, the accessible and low-cost 3D printers and design software converted the 3D printing methods into affordable fabrication tools worldwide. The implementation of this technique for the preparation of new composites based on 2D materials provides an excellent platform for next-generation technologies. This review focuses on the recent advances of 3D printing of the 2D materials family and its applications; the newly created printed materials demonstrated significant advances in sensors, biomedical, and electrical applications.

The microfluidics field is at a critical crossroads. The vast majority of microfluidic devices are presently manufactured using micromolding processes that work very well for a reduced set of biocompatible materials, but the time, cost, and design constraints of micromolding hinder the commercialization of many devices. As a result, the dissemination of microfluidic technology—and its impact on society—is in jeopardy. Digital manufacturing (DM) refers to a family of computer-centered processes that integrate digital three-dimensional (3D) designs, automated (additive or subtractive) fabrication, and device testing in order to increase fabrication efficiency. Importantly, DM enables the inexpensive realization of 3D designs that are impossible or very difficult to mold. The adoption of DM by microfluidic engineers has been slow, likely due to concerns over the resolution of the printers and the biocompatibility of the resins. In this article, we review and discuss the various printer types, resolution, biocompatibility issues, DM microfluidic designs, and the bright future ahead for this promising, fertile field.

AbstractDespite the increased interest in all aspects of the Radical Reformation we are still in need of a bibliography of David Joris which might satisfy reasonable requirements. A. van der Linde's book, which presented itself as such over a century ago, is imprecise and not unnaturally entirely out of date. A new version would thus fulfil an obvious need. The reasons for which it has not yet been undertaken must be sought in the complication created by the fact that the hundreds of writings all appeared without an imprint. The dates, if indeed any are given, generally apply to the composition of the text and only coincide exceptionally with the often considerably later year of publication. All we can conclude from historical sources is that a number of his tracts were published in Deventer in about 1540 by Albert Pafraet and Dirk (II) van den Borne. In order to determine who dared to work for the arch-heretic (or, after his death, for later followers of his teaching) it is impossible to avoid a bibliographical analysis. In this manner we find the names of various of his printers and, from the years of their activity, we can deduce sufficient indications to date the publication of the writings within certain limits. This investigation shows that the first were indeed printed in Deventer, the very earliest being a treatise which has so far been ascribed to the Anabaptist Bernhard Rothmann. Thereafter David Joris gave orders for his works to be printed alternately in Antwerp, to Adriaen van Berghen, and in Deventer. After he had left for Basel he briefly applied to the services of two printers in the German-speaking area until he discovered a permanent supplier in the future university printer Ludwig Dietz in Rostock. The sectarian's death and his posthumous execution in 1559 were succeeded by a few decades of silence in the camp of his followers. In 1584, however, an edition of the Wonderboeck, entirely revised by the author, appeared and was soon followed by a series of other publications. Much previously unpublished work proved to have remained in the possession of David Joris's family. The printer, as he himself was later to admit, was Dirk Mullem in Rotterdam. When his activities came to an end in the last years of the century, other publishers took over the task.

Abstract The Dostoevsky couple’s book trade is a separate, vast topic that has recently attracted increasingly greater attention of researchers. Starting in 1872 — the period of preparation of the novel “Demons” (1873) for publication — the Dostoevskys dealt with various publishers, printers, manufacturers and booksellers. The article is based on the 1872–1881 notebooks of F. M. Dostoevsky and the 1876–1918 notebooks of A. G. Dostoevskaya, as well as on scientific literature on publishing and book trade of 19th-century Russia, expanded comments and biographical references to such representatives of the book business as the Vargunin brothers and separately father and son Alexander Ivanovich and Konstantin Alexandrovich Vargunin; the Glazunov brothers and separately Alexander Ilyich and Ivan Ilyich Glazunov. The last representatives of the Glazunov publishing clan, Konstantin Ilyich and Ilya Ivanovich Glazunov, with whom, judging by the notebooks, A. G. Dostoevskaya interacted after the writer’s death, are being discussed for the first time. The article expanded the comment on the surname “Mamontov.” In the research literature on Dostoevsky, the emphasis is placed either exclusively on the writer’s relationship with Nikolai Ivanovich Mamontov, or with Anatoly Ivanovich Mamontov. Based on the notebooks of A. G. Dostoevskaya of 1876–1881, the article demonstrates that the Dostoevskys communicated with both representatives of the Mamontov family at that time. It is also suggested that in the late receipts issued by A. G. Dostoevskaya to a subscriber of the bookstore of a certain N. G. Mamontov, most likely refer to the bookseller N. G. Martynov. A. G. Dostoevskaya’s notebooks of the period after Dostoevsky’s death shows that the widow continued to cooperate with many publishers, booksellers and manufacturers after her husband’s death.

This article explores the innovative ways of using advanced modeling, simulation, and analysis software in medical field. In order to meet design requirements, engineers who work for medical device makers have been putting advanced modeling, simulation, and analysis software to use in innovative ways, such as creating models of the human anatomy that can be used to virtually test potential medical technologies. They have also put new tools such as 3D printers to work building model prototypes for real-world testing. The Food and Drug Administration’s Center for Devices and Radiological Health is now creating a simulated human capable of serving as an in-silico guinea pig. The center is building a library of computer regulatory testing models and a family of ‘virtual patients’ for product design and testing. The article also describes that medical device developers can use cinematic rendering, such as an image of the blood vessels in the skull created in Syngio via Frontier, an application enabling the realistic depiction of volume datasets, to help create better treatments.

In order to minimize the spread of the new type of corona virus or SARS-CoV-2 which causes covid-19, people are asked to work, study and worship from home. face-to-face activities to be postponed or canceled. work from home has the same obligations and responsibilities as working from the office. work from home has challenges and obstacles that are not easy, because not all sectors of work can be done from home. The research objective was to determine and analyze the efficiency of performance and to determine the factors inhibiting the efficiency of the performance of the State Civil Apparatus in the Work from Home system in the Regional Office VI of the Medan State Civil Service Agency. with qualitative methods, data analysis techniques using descriptive research. The results showed that during WFH the cost of office expenses was reduced by 40% each month, the employees who are obliged to be in WFH are those who use public transportation and are over 50 years old, but it does not rule out the possibility that the age below 50 can still be in WFH, sick condition. Inhibiting factors in implementing WFH are the unavailability of facilities and infrastructure such as laptops / computers, printers and internet data packages, interference from family members, procrastinating work, prioritizing work at home compared to office work. It is recommended that employees during WFH create a special room, list of jobs, time limits, and communicate regularly with superiors.

AbstractAugustijn van Hasselt, whose name first appears in 1534 during the troubles in Münster, is mentioned in the Chronika of the Family of Love as Hendrik Niclaes's secretary and printer. Although not a single book seems to have been published with his imprint I have recently discussed what his part in Antwerp and Kampen was in the publication of a series of writings by the sectarian leader. We also know from the same source that Augustijn went to Vianen to run a printing shop for Plantin at the end of 1566, but that this press has soon to be moved to Wesel. What he published in that town, however, has hitherto been unknown. Assuming that he worked with type which came from Plantin it now seems possible to reconstruct his list of publications, despite the fact that no typographical difference exists between the products of two printers working with the same type, cast from the same matrices. Secondary factors must thus be advanced to show to whom a particular edition can be ascribed. An analysis along these lines discloses the fact that Augustijn was one of the most active publishers of Dutch Protestant books, sixteen or seventeen of which could be indicated. The fact that a book started in Vianen had to be completed in Wesel allows us to distinguish between what was printed in the two towns. After Augustijn had again worked for Hendrik Niclaes for a few years a final rift took place in 1573. He then disappears from view until 1592, when he still appears to be active as the owner of a small press.

The development of Colombia's import/export economy was accompanied by numerous violent conflicts from the second half of the nineteenth century onward. Craftsmen were among those who fiercely opposed the model of ‘outward-looking development’ (desarrollo hacia afuera). With independence this group initially increased in number during the first half of the nineteenth century. Around 1870, their proportion of the gainfully employed male population may have come to about ten per cent. More than sixty per cent of all working women were involved in handicraft activities. Artesanos, as craftsmen were listed in Colombian population statistics, were one of the most wide-spread occupational classes until the turn of the century. In nearly all towns and cities there were tanners, shoemakers, weavers, dyers, tailors, blacksmiths, bricklayers, carpenters, joiners, and potters, as well as the newly introduced trades of lithographers and letterpress printers, to provide for the local consumers’ demands. However, artisans differed from region to region in terms of quantity (absolutely and as a percentage of the total population), composition of professions, proportion of women and children, as well as in their ethnicity. Moreover, a largely rural textile industry (based on family concerns) developed near Pasto as well as in Santander and Boyacá and became famous beyond these regions. In contrast to urban manufacture in Bogotá and Bucaramanga dominated by mestizoes, and that of Cali and the Atlantic coast dominated by mulattos, these weavers were mainly of Indian descent. In Tolima and in parts of Antioquia and Santander palm straw hats (‘Panama hats’) were produced - mainly by Indian women. This headgear was priced so reasonably that the hats were exported in large quantities to the West Indies and the USA.

The Jindřichův Hradec weekly Ohlas od Nežárky provided information to the citizens of the town and the region in 1871–1942, capturing the every­day life of the town and shaping the social awareness of its community. The editorial office was in the possession of the local printers of the Landfras family, who had owned the printing works from 1797. The establishment of the periodical press in Jindřichův Hradec was initiated by the printer Alois Landfras, who in 1844 bought a cylinder press, suitable for printing periodicals, and who had a number of personal contacts in Prague patriotic circles, where he was in touch mainly with Jan Hýbl, František Bohumil Tomsa, Václav Rodomil Kramerius and Josef Kajetán Tyl. He made two unsuccessful attempts to publish a Czech periodical in Jindřichův Hradec in 1848 and 1863. The Czech weekly Ohlas od Nežárky began to be issued there in 1871 and continued to come out for 72 years. Ohlas od Nežárky captured the everyday life of the town and the surrounding region as well as important social events in 1871–1942, i.e. during the ex­istence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the independent Czechoslovak Republic and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, as well as during the First and partly also the Second World War. In terms of information, the weekly became primarily a chronicle of the life of the town, but also an authentic reflection of contemporary events in the Czech-German environment outside of Prague. It is one of the longest-running Czech regional magazines. Since 2002, its full-text search is possible in its digital copy in the Kramerius digital library of the Museum of the Jindřichův Hradec region.

By using Manx taxation and postal privileges, radicals and other activists were able to avoid the “taxes on knowledge,” to continue the campaign for a cheap press that mainland publishers, veterans of the “war of the unstamped,” had been forced to abandon in 1836. Free of stamp duty, paper duty, and advertizement tax, papers published on the Isle of Man were entitled to free postage throughout mainland Britain, a privilege extended to include re-postage in 1840. Taking advantage of these Manx facilities, publishers were able to defy commercial pressures to re-launch the “unstamped,” briefly recapturing its original political and educational mission. This paper seeks to recover this neglected episode in newspaper history. It highlights the use of Manx facilities by three broad groups of reformers, each of whom looked to the medium of the cheap press to redefine the reform agenda of early-Victorian Britain. First, those who promoted individual behavioral reform, a project that extended from temperance through various “alternative” remedies and regimes, physical and mental, to a bewildering array of “faddist” nostrums. Second, those involved in the increasing formalization of popular politics and associational culture, a process that placed print above traditional oral and visual modes of communication. Third, and closely related, those radicals who wished to expurgate earlier errors and excesses, to replace the transient tumult of the collective mass platform by individual commitment to rational reform. Each of these groups sought to benefit from Manx publication and postal privileges: through the widespread distribution of inexpensive propaganda; by the production of cheap “in-house” journals, which would provide channels of information for members of affiliated friendly societies, amalgamated trade unions, and political organizations; and by the packaging of news in cheap and attractive formats to reach the individual family home. These categories often overlapped, as did their formats; in the publications of William Shirrefs, the most enterprising of the Manx-based printers and publishers, newspaper, magazine, and “agitational” journal merged into one, providing a lively mixture of news, education, politics, information, fiction, amusement, and recreation, a comprehensive cheap package for the working-class reader. At a time of commercialization—the rise of the penny dreadful, the advent of the family magazine, and the dominance of the lurid Sunday press—the Manx press pointed towards the higher ideals of mid-Victorian Britain, providing its readership with the information and instruction to allow their personal and political development within the privacy of the home.

Multiple myeloma (MM) is a genetically complex hematological disease which is characterized by clonal proliferation of plasma cells in the bone marrow and secretion of monoclonal antibodies and cytokines that can damage bone, bone marrow, and kidney function1. MM cells constantly operate at the limit of their unfolded protein response (UPR) in the face of a secretory load of immunoglobin (Ig) and cytokines that is unparalleled by any other mammalian cell 2,3 and microenvironmental factors that aggravate the degree of physiologic misfolding that occurs during synthesis of secreted proteins. The endoplasmic reticulum (ER) resident protein disulfide isomerases (PDIs) are indispensable for folding of secreted proteins that require intramolecular disulfide-bond arrangement 4 like antibodies and many cytokines. As the main PDI family member, near-complete function of PDIA1 is essential for survival of MM cells while its inhibition should be manageable by the UPR in normal cells creating an opportunity for a large therapeutic window for PDI inhibitors in MM. Previously, we discovered and characterized an irreversible PDI inhibitor (CCF642) that induced cell death in MM cells at doses that did not affect survival of normal bone marrow cells. However, CCF642 has poor solubility and suboptimal selectivity precluding clinical translation. Using structure guided medicinal chemistry, we developed and characterized a highly potent and selective PDI inhibitor, with 10-fold higher potency (Fig 1B) and selectivity. CCF642-34 showed remarkable selectivity against PDIA1 and off-target bindings were eliminated when compared to CCF642 (Fig 1C). In addition to improved selectivity and in vitro PDI inhibition, CCF642-34 demonstrated more than 3-fold higher potency compared to CCF642 against MM1.S and bortezomib resistant MM1.S cells remained sensitive to CCF642-34. Importantly, the novel analogue CCF642-34 has 18-fold better potency in restricting the colony forming abilities of RPMI1640 cells while at no effect on the clonogenic potential of CD34+ cells derived from healthy bone marrow was observed at equivalent doses. CCF642-34 induces ER stress in MM1.S cells as observed in dose and time dependent cleavage of XBP1, IRE1α oligomerization and the profound induction of programmed cell death reflected by PARP and caspase 3 cleavage. To further analyze the modes of action of CCF642-34 and CCF642 we performed RNAseq after treatment of MM1.S cells and found exclusive induction of genes associated with UPR and downstream cell cycle and apoptotic responses for CCF642-34 while additional genes affecting were detected after CCF642 treatment. There were 362 and 568 differentially expressed genes in CCF642-34 and CCF-642 (compared to controls) treated MM1.S cells, respectively. Among these differentially expressed genes 87 down regulated and 142 upregulated were common to both, including downregulation of cell division and mitotic cell cycle process, and upregulation of response to ER stress, unfolded protein response, and apoptotic process gene sets. Results confirm that both CCF642 and CCF642-34 treatment act by inducing lethal ER-stress with greater selectivity for CCF642-34. Accordingly, hierarchical clustering showed distinct gene expression profiles in 642-34 and 642 treated MM1S cells (Fig. 2). CCF642-34 is orally bioavailable and highly efficacious in against established multiple myeloma in a syngeneic 5TGM1-luc/C57BL/KaLwRij model of myeloma. All vehicle control animals were dead by 52 days while 3 out of 6 mice lived beyond 6 months with no sign of relapse. In summary, we synthesized and characterized a novel lead PDIA1 inhibitor based on structure-guided medicinal chemistry that has improved pharmacologic properties to act as novel lead for clinical translation. References: 1. Manier S, Salem KZ, Park J, et al. Genomic complexity of multiple myeloma and its clinical implications. Nat. Rev. Clin. Oncol. 2017; 2. Fonseca R, Bergsagel PL, Drach J, et al. International Myeloma Working Group molecular classification of multiple myeloma: Spotlight review. Leukemia. 2009; 3. Wang M, Kaufman RJ. The impact of the endoplasmic reticulum protein-folding environment on cancer development. Nat. Rev. Cancer. 2014; 4. Freedman RB, Hirst TR, Tuite MF. Protein disulphide isomerase: building bridges in protein folding. Trends Biochem. Sci. 1994; Disclosures Valent: Takeda Pharmaceuticals: Other: Teaching, Speakers Bureau; Celgene: Other: Teaching, Speakers Bureau; Amgen Inc.: Other: Teaching, Speakers Bureau.

This book-science study focuses on chapbooks, the development of research on this specific cultural phenomenon and the related collection activities, presented by the example of the collection of chapbooks housed in the Museum of the Jindřichův Hradec Region. Chapbooks have already been of scientific and collecting interest since the end of the 19th century. Extensive projects have recently been prepared with the aim of processing and providing access to the collections of memory and academic institutions. Bibliologically, a chapbook is defined as a small multi-page print, usually in octavo, duodecimo or sextodecimo (exceptionally trigesimo-secundo) format, which contained a lyric or epic text in poetry or prose with a religious or secular theme, was created with an emphasis on the commercial aspect and was primarily to make profit for the author, the printer (through the use of economical printing methods) as well as the seller (through the number of the printed copies sold). In 2021, the collection of chapbooks, which is part of the holdings of the Museum of the Jindřichův Hradec Region, contains almost 4,400 inventory numbers. The collection was established in the 1930s, and further large acquisitions were made in the 1990s from the literary estate of the Landfras family of printers from Jindřichův Hradec. The collection is dominated by prints from the Jindřichův Hradec printing works, comprising more than half of the collection; a rather large set is formed by the production of Prague printing workshops (14%); smaller sets come from printing workshops in Vienna, Chrudim and Jihlava. The earliest prints in the collection are Píseň o moci, divích a zázracích sv. Škapulíře [A Song about the Power, Wonders and Miracles of the Holy Scapular] (Hradec Králové 1725) and Dvě písničky nové velmi pěkné o svaté Anně [Two Very Nice New Songs about St Anne] (Příbram 1726). The latest prints come from the 1940s, namely Zásvětná modlitba k Panně Marii [A Dedication Prayer to the Virgin Mary] (Olomouc 1940) and Píseň k sv. Janu Nepomuckému [A Song to St John of Nepomuk] (J. Hradec 1944). The study deals with the formal and content aspects of chapbooks. A comparison with extant wooden printing blocks from the inheritance of the Landfras printing works has revealed similarities in this printing decoration across printing workshops, but also the production of several apparently identical plates in one or more printing workshops especially in the 19th century. Moreover, the paper presents the changes in the decoration and form of the prints that chiefly occurred in the second half of the 19th century. In decoration, there is a clear connection with other types of printed production: in the area of secular themes with books of popular reading and in that of religious topics mainly with holy pictures, house blessings, memento mori prints and folding holy letters. There were certain analogies in their methods of production and decoration, but they were also distributed together and were among traditional means of personal devotion. The various texts printed in chapbooks (folk, popularised and artificial songs, poetry or prose texts of religious and secular content) can also be found in other printed media – in hymnals, songbooks, prayer books, books of folk reading, as well as theatrical plays, 19th-century almanacs, and periodicals. The chapbooks from the collection under study contain songs as well as other texts mostly related to religious pilgrimage in the 19th century, with the songs in them becoming ever less frequent. The chapbook production of the long 19th century is represented in the collection by a large number of chapbooks from the Landfras printing works in Jindřichův Hradec. The Landfras family, whose publishing profile emphasised religious and prayer literature primarily for rural population, concentrated the production of chapbooks in this area as well. The chapbook as a multidisciplinary phenomenon has been the subject of interdisciplinary research since the beginning of the 20th century. It has received the attention of ethnologists, librarians, book scientists and musicologists, as well as curators of collections in memory institutions. Its content and genre, hitherto studied in detail within secular broadside ballads, await evaluation by the new generation of literary scholars and cultural anthropologists in the field of religious chapbooks.

“Our family wishes to make our humanitarian contribution in order to assist in the fight of this COVID-19 pandemic. We want to be a part of the University of Ottawa team. Together we can support each other. The following are the details of what we wish to contribute: 980kg of clear plastic film of 0.11mm thickness. This transparent polyester film is usually used on flatbed printers to make signs and other projects but can be used in the making of face shields. Please, do not hesitate to contact us should you be interested. Our preference is to help our local community and thus we are committed to donating all supplies to your group.” - A donor to our University of Ottawa Medical Students Group for Sourcing PPE and Medical Supplies

AbstractAdditive manufacturing (AM) of polymer large parts is a technological research area with great growth potential if the main barriers to its implementation are successfully addressed. In this research, a review of large-format AM (LFAM) processes for polymers is presented, followed by market research concerning the identification of large-format polymer commercial printers. An overview was performed covering the current LFAM systems configurations and their control aspects. The design and modelling approaches related with the fabrication of polymer large parts by AM, and the materials currently being applied and under development, were described. Finally, a summary of LFAM applications with a focus in the Transportation, Academic, Construction and Energy sectors, was presented. The current main advances in the LFAM of polymers are linked with the possibility of producing large parts in a faster, cheaper, and reliable way. The market research analysis concerning results for all AM families involving polymer materials reveals that, currently, the material extrusion AM process family is potentially the most suitable to produce large parts, with a significant number of applications attesting its capability to produce such large-format components.

This study describes a teaching experience that aims to combine application-oriented approaches to computational design pedagogy. In the scope of this study, a hybrid framework is presented, which allows students to transition from manual to digital modes of design. In this transition, parametric thinking and design are selected as a mediator. This hybrid framework is being tested in an elective course of an international master's program in interior design. Columns are selected as the architectural elements for parametric design and experimental production. An "exhibition" is chosen to complete the design, production and assembly tasks. Preliminary exercises and three main assignments guide the process. The three assignments are organized as follows: parametric design and modeling of a single column (Assignment 1-Digital), parametric design and modeling of a family of columns (Assignment 2-Digital), the materialization of an individual column and a family of columns using 3D printers (Assignment 1 and 2-Digital+Manual), and designing the exhibition for displaying columns (Assignment 3-Digital+Manual), producing and setting up the exhibition (Assignment 3-Manual). The experiment with a hybrid framework shows that parametric design (digital) modes that students were unfamiliar with were integrated into the process of developing parametric columns, while exhibiting designed products using their existing skill sets (manual modes). The participants' inability to fully illustrate their technical knowledge of parametric design and digital fabrication in a single course, and the lack of tools and materials to facilitate 1:1 scale digital fabrication have emerged as the major limitations of the teaching experience.

The article is devoted to the analytical consideration of service innovations in restaurants as the main components of innovative development of the enterprise. The legislative framework on which innovation processes in Ukraine are based was investigated, as well as the subjects of the country’s innovative activity were considered. It was noted that the level of development of the country, the economic and political situation, and the current legislation affect innovative activity in Ukraine. Innovative activity of the total activity of institutions is a determining factor of innovative development of the entire state, its foundation and engine, it is reflected through the efficiency of innovative activity. The article analyzes the importance of the implementation of innovation policy and methods of its implementation. Concepts of innovative project, innovative products, innovative activities and product were considered. It was established that in order to implement innovations in a restaurant or hotel, the institution must choose its innovation strategy and set clear goals that will be achieved through the strategic management of innovation activities. It has been stated that there are four types of innovation strategies, which are distinguished by the type of technological innovation, objectives, costs of the company and its risks. Examples of companies using one of the above strategies were given. Innovative tools for attracting guests to establishments were installed and modern restaurant formats were analyzed The most popular concepts of restaurant establishments in Ukraine were established. These include club and family types of establishments. The importance of digitalization as an innovative process of hospitality enterprises is indicated. It was determined that the following are among the main digital innovations: touch displays, interactive (electronic) menus and tablets on tables, QR codes, LED notification technologies, 3-D printers in the kitchen, food producers with the help of a sensor, the introduction of three-dimensional projections and video mapping for effective demonstration of cooking, use of web and telecommunication technologies.

<strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">SAMMENDRAG</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Hypoteser basert på funn fra tidligere studier av misdannelser hos barn av fedre i ulike yrkesgrupper (1), ble</p><p align="left">etterprøvet i et norsk registermateriale. Materialet besto av data fra Medisinsk fødselsregister (MFR) 1970-93,</p><p align="left">koblet med data fra Folke- og boligtellinger (FOB) fra 1970, 1980 og 1990 med opplysninger om bl.a. fars</p><p align="left">yrke. Som referansepopulasjon ble benyttet barn av fedre med alle andre yrker enn det som ble analysert.</p><p align="left">Barn av malere hadde tendens til økt risiko for spina bifida – OR 2,03 (CI 0,99–3,75) og barn av trykkeriarbeidere</p><p align="left">hadde økt risiko for klumpfot – OR 1,52 (CI 1,10–2,10). Studien har bidradd til å sannsynliggjøre</p><p align="left">en kausal sammenheng knyttet til påviste samvariasjoner, dog uten å belyse mekanismer. Tidligere positive</p><p align="left">funn hos barn av fedre i enkelte store yrkesgrupper som lærere, elektriske yrker, salgsrelaterte yrker, bønder</p><p align="left">og sjåfører ble ikke bekreftet i vårt materiale. Eventuelt falske negative funn kan skyldes lav statistisk styrke</p><p align="left">på grunn av små grupper eller problemer med ikke differensiell feilklassifisering av eksposisjon.</p><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Irgens Å, Krüger K, Skorve AH, Irgens LM.</p></span></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><p align="left"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">Birth defects and paternal occupational exposure.<p align="left">Hypotheses derived from previous studies tested in a Norwegian registry material.</p></span></span></strong><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><p align="left">Nor J Epidemiol</p></span></span></em></span><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><p align="left"> </p><p align="left"><p align="left">Aim</p></p><p align="left"> </p><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left">Method</p></span></span></strong></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></strong></span><p align="left"> </p><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left">Results</p></span></span></strong></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></strong></span><p align="left"> </p><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left">Conclusion</p></span></span></strong></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></strong></span><p align="left"> </p></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">. The study gave evidence of cause effect relationships in the confirmed positive associations,<p align="left">though without any clarification of possible mechanisms involved. Possible false negative findings might be</p><p align="left">due to low statistical power as a result of small occupational groups or non differential problems of misclassification</p><p>of exposure.</p></span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">. Offspring of painters had a tendency of increased risk of spina bifida – OR 2,03 (CI 0,99–3,75) and<p align="left">offspring of printers had an increased risk for talipes – OR 1,52 (CI 1,10–2,10). Positive associations</p><p align="left">observed previously in offspring of fathers in large occupational groups such as teachers, drivers, electricity</p><p align="left">related occupations, sales related occupations and agricultural workers were not confirmed in this dataset.</p></span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">. The study was based on all births in Norway 1970–1993 for which linkage with population censuses<p align="left">1970, 1980 and 1990 could be obtained – about 1 million births. The reference population was offspring of</p><p align="left">the group that did not belong to the actual occupation.</p></span></span></span></em></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">ENGLISH SUMMARY<strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"></span></span></strong></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></strong></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">. To test, on the basis of a Norwegian registry material, previously established hypotheses on associations<p align="left">of birth defects with paternal occupation (1).</p></span></span></em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">1997; </span></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">7 </span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">(1): 13-18.</span></span></p>

IntroductionIn Nancy Meyers’s 2015 film The Intern a particular kind of masculinity is celebrated through the material accoutrements of Ben Whittaker (Robert De Niro). A retired 70-year-old manager, Ben takes up a position as a “senior” Intern in an online clothing distribution company run by Jules Ostin (Anne Hathaway). Jules’s company, All About Fit, is the embodiment of the Gen Y creative workplace operating in an old Brooklyn warehouse. Ben’s presence in this environment is anachronistic and yet also stylishly retro in an industry where “vintage” is a mode of dress but also offers alternative ethical values (Veenstra and Kuipers). The alternative that Ben offers is figured through his sartorial style, which mobilises a specific kind of retro masculinity made available through his senior white male body. This paper investigates how and why retro masculinity is materialised and embodied as both a set of values and a set of objects in The Intern.Three particular objects are emblematic of this retro masculinity and come to stand in for a body of desirable masculine values: the business suit, the briefcase, and the handkerchief. In the midst of an indie e-commerce garment business, Ben’s old-fashioned wardrobe registers a regular middle class managerial masculinity from the past that is codified as solidly reliable and dependable. Sherry Turkle reminds us that “material culture carries emotions and ideas of startling intensity” (6), and these impact our thinking, our emotional life, and our memories. The suit, briefcase, and handkerchief are material reminders of this reliable masculine past. The values they evoke, as presented in this film, seem to offer sensible solutions to the fast pace of twenty-first century life and its reconfigurations of family and work prompted by feminism and technology.The film’s fetishisation of these objects of retro masculinity could be mistaken for nostalgia, in the way that vintage collections elide their political context, and yet it also registers social anxiety around gender and generation amid twenty-first century social change. Turner reminds us of the importance of film as a social practice through which “our culture makes sense of itself” (3), and which participates in the ongoing negotiation of the meanings of gender. While masculinity is often understood to have been in crisis since the advent of second-wave feminism and women’s mass entry into the labour force, theoretical scrutiny now understands masculinity to be socially constructed and changing, rather than elemental and stable; performative rather than innate; fundamentally political, and multiple through the intersection of class, race, sexuality, and age amongst other factors (Connell; Butler). While Connell coined the term “hegemonic masculinity,” to indicate “masculinity which occupies the hegemonic position in a given pattern of gender relations” (76), it is always intersectional and contestable. Ben’s hegemonic position in The Intern might be understood in relation to what Buchbinder identifies as “inadequate” or “incompetent” masculinities, which offer a “foil for another principal character” (232), but this movement between margin and hegemony is always in process and accords with the needs that structure the story, and its attendant social anxieties. This film’s fetishising of Ben’s sartorial style suggests a yearning for a stable and recognisable masculine identity, but in order to reinstall these meanings the film must ignore the political times from which they emerge.The construction of retro masculinity in this case is mapped onto Ben’s body as a “senior.” As Gilleard notes, ageing bodies are usually marked by a narrative of corporeal decline, and yet for men of hegemonic privilege, non-material values like seniority, integrity, wisdom, and longevity coalesce to embody “the accumulation of cultural or symbolic capital in the form of wisdom, maturity or experience” (1). Like masculinity, then, corporeality is understood to be a set of unstable signifiers produced through particular cultural discourses.The Business SuitThe business suit is Ben Whittaker’s habitual work attire, so when he comes out of retirement to be an intern at the e-commerce company he re-adopts this professional garb. The solid outline of a tailored and dark-coloured suit signals a professional body that is separate, autonomous and impervious to the outside world, according to Longhurst (99). It is a body that is “proper,” ready for business, and suit-ed to the professional corporate world, whose values it also embodies (Edwards 42). In contrast, the costuming code of the Google generation of online marketers in the film is defined as “super cas[ual].” This is a workplace where the boss rides her bicycle through the open-space office and in which the other 219 workers define their individuality through informal dress and decoration. In this environment Ben stands out, as Jules comments on his first day:Jules: Don’t feel like you have to dress up.Ben: I’m comfortable in a suit if it’s okay.Jules: No, it’s fine. [grins] Old school.Ben: At least I’ll stand out.Jules: I don’t think you’ll need a suit to do that.The anachronism of a 70-year-old being an intern is materialised through Ben’s dress code. The business suit comes to represent Ben not only as old school, however, but as a “proper” manager.As the embodiment of a successful working woman, entrepreneur Jules Ostin appears to be the antithesis of the business-suit model of a manager. Consciously not playing by the book, her company is both highly successful, meeting its five-year objectives in only nine months, and highly vulnerable to disasters like bedbugs, delivery crises, and even badly wrapped tissue. Shaped in her image, the company is often directly associated with Jules herself, as Ben continually notes, and this comes to include the mix of success, vulnerability, and disaster. In fact, the success of her company is the reason that she is urged to find a “seasoned” CEO to run the company, indicating the ambiguous, simultaneous guise of success and disaster.This relationship between individual corporeality and the corporate workforce is reinforced when it is revealed that Ben worked as a manager for 40 years in the very same warehouse, reinforcing his qualities of longevity, reliability, and dependability. He oversaw the printing of the physical telephone book, another quaint material artefact of the past akin to Ben, which is shown to have literally shaped the building where the floor dips over in the corner due to the heavy printers. The differences between Ben and Jules as successive generations of managers in this building operate as registers of social change inflected with just a little nostalgia. Indeed, the name of Jules’s company, All About Fit, seems to refer more to the beautifully tailored “fit” of Ben’s business suit than to any of the other clothed bodies in the company.Not only is the business suit fitted to business, but it comes to represent a properly managed body as well. This is particularly evident when contrasted with Jules’s management style. Over the course of the film, as she endures a humiliating series of meetings, sends a disastrous email to the wrong recipient, and juggles her strained marriage and her daughter’s school schedule, Jules is continuously shown to teeter on the brink of losing control. Her bodily needs are exaggerated in the movie: she does not sleep and apparently risks “getting fat” according to her mother’s research; then when she does sleep it is in inappropriate places and she snores loudly; she forgets to eat, she cries, gets drunk and vomits, gets nervous, and gets emotional. All of these outpourings are in situations that Ben remedies, in his solid reliable suited self. As Longhurst reminds us,The suit helps to create an illusion of a hard, or at least a firm and “proper,” body that is autonomous, in control, rational and masculine. It gives the impression that bodily boundaries continually remain intact and reduce potential embarrassment caused by any kind of leakage. (99)Ben is thus suited to manage situations in ways that contrast to Jules, whose bodily emissions and emotional dramas reinforce her as feminine, chaotic, and emotionally vulnerable. As Gatens notes of our epistemological inheritance, “women are most often understood to be less able to control the passions of the body and this failure is often located in the a priori disorder or anarchy of the female body itself” (50). Transitioning these philosophical principles to the 21st-century workplace, however, manifests some angst around gender and generation in this film.Despite the film’s apparent advocacy of successful working women, Jules too comes to prefer Ben’s model of corporeal control and masculinity. Ben is someone who makes Jules “feel calm, more centred or something. I could use that, obviously,” she quips. After he leads the almost undifferentiated younger employees Jason, Davis, and Lewis on a physical email rescue, Jules presents her theory of men amidst shots at a bar to celebrate their heist:Jules: So, we were always told that we could be anything, do anything, and I think guys got, maybe not left behind but not quite as nurtured, you know? I mean, like, we were the generation of You go, Girl. We had Oprah. And I wonder sometimes how guys fit in, you know they still seem to be trying to figure it out. They’re still dressing like little boys, they’re still playing video games …Lewis: Well they’ve gotten great.Davis: I love video games.Ben: Oh boy.Jules: How, in one generation, have men gone from guys like Jack Nicholson and Harrison Ford to … [Lewis, Davis, and Jason look down at themselves]Jules: Take Ben, here. A dying breed. Look and learn boys, because if you ask me, this is what cool is.Jules’s excessive drinking in this scene, which is followed by her vomiting into a rubbish bin, appears to reinforce Ben’s stable sobriety, alongside the culture of excess and rapid change associated with Jules through her gender and generation.Jules’s adoption of Ben as the model of masculinity is timely, given that she consistently encounters “sexism in business.” After every meeting with a potential CEO Jules complains of their patronising approach—calling her company a “chick site,” for example. And yet Ben echoes the sartorial style of the 1960s Mad Men era, which is suffused with sexism. The tension between Ben’s modelling of old-fashioned chivalry and those outdated sexist businessmen who never appear on-screen remains linked, however, through the iconography of the suit. In his book Mediated Nostalgia, Lizardi notes a similar tendency in contemporary media for what he calls “presentist versions of the past […] that represent a simpler time” (6) where viewers are constructed as ”uncritical citizens of our own culture” (1). By heroising Ben as a model of white middle-class managerial masculinity that is nostalgically enduring and endearing, this film betrays a yearning for such a “simpler time,” despite the complexities that hover just off-screen.Indeed, most of the other male characters in the film are found wanting in comparison to the retro masculinity of Ben. Jules’s husband Matt appears to be a perfect modern “stay-at-home-dad” who gives up his career for Jules’s business start-up. Yet he is found to be having an affair with one of the school mums. Lewis’s clothes are also condemned by Ben: “Why doesn’t anyone tuck anything in anymore?” he complains. Jason does not know how to speak to his love-interest Becky, expecting that texting and emailing sad emoticons will suffice, and Davis is unable to find a place to live. Luckily Ben can offer advice and tutelage to these men, going so far as to house Davis and give him one of his “vintage” ties to wear. Jules endorses this, saying she loves men in ties.The BriefcaseIf a feature of Ben’s experienced managerial style is longevity and stability, then these values are also attached to his briefcase. The association between Ben and his briefcase is established when the briefcase is personified during preparations for Ben’s first day: “Back in action,” Ben tells it. According to Atkinson, the briefcase is a “signifier of executive status […] entwined with a ‘macho mystique’ of concealed technology” (192). He ties this to the emergence of Cold War spy films like James Bond and traces it to the development of the laptop computer. This mix of mobility, concealment, glamour, and a touch of playboy adventurousness in a mass-produced material product manifested the values of the corporate world in latter 20th-century work culture and rendered the briefcase an important part of executive masculinity. Ben’s briefcase is initially indicative of his anachronistic position in All About Fit. While Davis opens his canvas messenger bag to reveal a smartphone, charger, USB drive, multi-cable connector, and book, Ben mirrors this by taking out his glasses case, set of pens, calculator, fliptop phone, and travel clock. Later in the film he places a print newspaper and leather bound book back into the case. Despite the association with a pre-digital age, the briefcase quickly becomes a product associated with Ben’s retro style. Lewis, at the next computer console, asks about its brand:Ben: It’s a 1973 Executive Ashburn Attaché. They don’t make it anymore.Lewis: I’m a little in love with it.Ben: It’s a classic Lewis. It’s unbeatable.The attaché case is left over from Ben’s past in executive management as VP for sales and advertising. This was a position he held for twenty years, during his past working life, which was spent with the same company for over 40 years. Ben’s long-serving employment record has the same values as his equally long-serving attaché case: it is dependable, reliable, ages well, and outlasts changes in fashion.The kind of nostalgia invested in Ben and his briefcase is reinforced extradiagetically through the musical soundtracks associated with him. Compared to the undifferentiated upbeat tracks at the workplace, Ben’s scenes feature a slower-paced sound from another era, including Ray Charles, Astrud Gilberto, Billie Holiday, and Benny Goodman. These classics are a point of connection with Jules, who declares that she loves Billie Holiday. Yet Jules is otherwise characterised by upbeat, even frantic, timing. She hates slow talkers, is always on the move, and is renowned for being late for meetings and operating on what is known as “Jules Standard Time.” In contrast, like his music, Ben is always on time: setting two alarm clocks each night, driving shorter and more efficient routes, seeing things at just the right time, and even staying at work until the boss leaves. He is reliable, steady, and orderly. He restores order both to the office junk desk and to the desk of Jules’s personal assistant Becky. These characteristics of order and timeliness are offered as an alternative to the chaos of 21st-century global flows of fashion marketing. Like his longevity, time is measured and managed around Ben. Even his name echoes that veritable keeper of time, Big Ben.The HandkerchiefThe handkerchief is another anachronistic object that Ben routinely carries, concealed inside his suit rather than flamboyantly worn on the outside pocket. A neatly ironed square of white hanky, it forms a notable part of Ben’s closet, as Davis notices and enquires about:Davis: Okay what’s the deal with the handkerchief? I don’t get that at all.Ben: It’s essential. That your generation doesn’t know that is criminal. The reason for carrying a handkerchief is to lend it. Ask Jason about this. Women cry Davis. We carry it for them. One of the last vestiges of the chivalrous gent.Indeed, when Jules’s personal assistant Becky bursts into tears because her skills and overtime go unrecognised, Ben is able to offer the hanky to Jason to give her as a kind of white flag, officially signaling a ceasefire between Becky and Jason. This scene is didactic: Ben is teaching Jason how to talk to a woman with the handkerchief as a material prop to prompt the occasion. He also offers advice to Becky to keep more regular hours, and go out and have fun (with Jason, obviously). Despite Becky declaring she “hates girls who cry at work,” this reaction to the pressures of a contemporary work culture that is irregular, chaotic, and never-ending is clearly marking gender, as the handkerchief also marks a gendered transaction of comfort.The handkerchief functions as a material marker of the “chivalrous gent” partly due to the number of times women are seen to cry in this film. In one of Ben’s first encounters with Jules she is crying in a boardroom, when it is suggested that she find a CEO to manage the company. Ben is clearly embarrassed, as is Jules, indicating the inappropriateness of such bodily emissions at work and reinforcing the emotional currency of women in the workplace. Jules again cries while discussing her marriage crisis with Ben, a scene in which Ben comments it is “the one time when he doesn’t have a hanky.” By the end of the film, when Jules and Matt are reconciling, she suggests: “It would be great if you were to carry a handkerchief.” The remaking of modern men into the retro style of Ben is more fully manifested in Davis who is depicted going to work on the last day in the film in a suit and tie. No doubt a handkerchief lurks hidden within.ConclusionThe yearning that emerges for a masculinity of yesteryear means that the intern in this film, Ben Whittaker, becomes an internal moral compass who reminds us of rapid social changes in gender and work, and of their discomfits. That this should be mapped onto an older, white, heterosexual, male body is unsurprising, given the authority traditionally invested in such bodies. Ben’s retro masculinity, however, is a fantasy from a fictional yesteryear, without the social or political forces that render those times problematic; instead, his material culture is fetishised and stripped of political analysis. Ben even becomes the voice of feminism, correcting Jules for taking the blame for Matt’s affair. Buchbinder argues that the more recent manifestations in film and television of “inadequate or incomplete” masculinity can be understood as “enacting a resistance to or even a refusal of the coercive pressure of the gender system” (235, italics in original), and yet The Intern’s yearning for a slow, orderly, mature, and knowing male hero refuses much space for alternative younger models. Despite this apparently unerring adulation of retro masculinity, however, we are reminded of the sexist social culture that suits, briefcases, and handkerchiefs materialise every time Jules encounters one of the seasoned CEOs jostling to replace her. The yearning for a stable masculinity in this film comes at the cost of politicising the past, and imagining alternative models for the future.ReferencesAtkinson, Paul. “Man in a Briefcase: The Social Construction of the Laptop Computer and the Emergence of a Type Form.” Journal of Design History 18.2 (2005): 191-205. Buchbinder, David. “Enter the Schlemiel: The Emergence of Inadequate of Incompetent Masculinities in Recent Film and Television.” Canadian Review of American Studies 38.2 (2008): 227-245.Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble. New York: Routledge, 1990.Connell, R.W. Masculinities. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005.Edwards, Tim. Fashion in Focus: Concepts, Practices and Politics. London: Routledge, 2010.Gatens, Moira. Imaginary Bodies: Ethics, Power and Corporeality. New York: Routledge, 1996.Gilleard, Chris, and Paul Higgs. Ageing, Corporeality and Embodiment. London: Anthem, 2014.Lizardi, Ryan. Mediated Nostalgia: Individual Memory and Contemporary Mass Media. London: Lexington Books, 2015.Longhurst, Robyn. Bodies: Exploring Fluid Boundaries. London: Routledge, 2001.Meyers, Nancy, dir. The Intern. Warner Bros. Pictures, 2015.Turkle, Sherry. “The Things That Matter.” Evocative Objects: Things We Think With. Ed. Sherry Turkle. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 2007.Turner, Graeme. Film as Social Practice. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2002.Veenstra, Aleit, and Giselinde Kuipers. “It Is Not Old-Fashioned, It Is Vintage: Vintage Fashion and the Complexities of 21st Century Consumption Practices.” Sociology Compass 7.5 (2013): 355-365.

IntroductionFor over five years, Romanians have been using their bodies in public spaces to challenge politicians’ disregard for the average citizen. In a region low in standards of civic engagement, such as voter turnout and petition signing, Romanian people’s “citizenship of the streets” has stopped environmentally destructive mining in 2013, ousted a corrupt cabinet in 2015, and blocked legislation legalising abuse of public office in 2017 (Solnit 214). This article explores the democratic affordances of collective resistive walking, by focusing on Romania’s capital, Bucharest. I illustrate how walking in protest of political corruption cultivates a democratic public and reconfigures city spaces as spaces of democratic engagement, in the context of increased illiberalism in the region. I examine two sites of protest: the Parliament Palace and Victoriei Square. The former is a construction emblematic of communist dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu and symbol of an authoritarian regime, whose surrounding area protestors reclaim as a civic space. The latter—a central part of the city bustling with the life of cafes, museums, bike lanes, and nearby parks—hosts the Government and has become an iconic site for pro-democratic movements. Spaces of Democracy: The Performativity of Public Assemblies Democracies are active achievements, dependent not only on the solidity of institutions —e.g., a free press and a constitution—but on people’s ability and desire to communicate about issues of concern and to occupy public space. Communicative approaches to democratic theory, formulated as inquiries into the public sphere and the plurality and evolution of publics, often return to establish the significance of public spaces and of bodies in the maintenance of our “rhetorical democracies” (Hauser). Speech and assembly, voice and space are sides of the same coin. In John Dewey’s work, communication is the main “loyalty” of democracy: the heart and final guarantee of democracy is in free gatherings of neighbors on the street corner to discuss back and forth what is read in the uncensored news of the day, and in gatherings of friends in the living rooms of houses and apartments to converse freely with one another. (Dewey qtd. in Asen 197, emphasis added) Dewey asserts the centrality of communication in the same breath that he affirms the spatial infrastructure supporting it.Historically, Richard Sennett explains, Athenian democracy has been organised around two “spaces of democracy” where people assembled: the agora or town square and the theatre or Pnyx. While the theatre has endured as the symbol of democratic communication, with its ideal of concentrated attention on the argument of one speaker, Sennett illuminates the square as an equally important space, one without which deliberation in the Pnyx would be impossible. In the agora, citizens cultivate an ability to see, expect, and think through difference. In its open architecture and inclusiveness, Sennett explains, the agora affords the walker and dweller a public space to experience, in a quick, fragmentary, and embodied way, the differences and divergences in fellow citizens. Through visual scrutiny and embodied exposure, the square thus cultivates “an outlook favorable to discussion of differing views and conflicting interests”, useful for deliberation in the Pnyx, and the capacity to recognise strangers as part of the imagined democratic community (19). Also stressing the importance of spaces for assembly, Jürgen Habermas’s historical theorisation of the bourgeois public sphere moves the functions of the agora to the modern “third places” (Oldenburg) of the civic society emerging in late seventeenth and eighteenth-century Europe: coffee houses, salons, and clubs. While Habermas’ conceptualization of a unified bourgeois public has been criticised for its class and gender exclusivism, and for its normative model of deliberation and consensus, such criticism has also opened paths of inquiry into the rhetorical pluralism of publics and into the democratic affordances of embodied performativity. Thus, unlike Habermas’s assumption of a single bourgeois public, work on twentieth and twenty-first century publics has attended to their wide variety in post-modern societies (e.g., Bruce; Butler; Delicath and DeLuca; Fraser; Harold and DeLuca; Hauser; Lewis; Mckinnon et al.; Pezzullo; Rai; Tabako). In contrast to the Habermasian close attention to verbal argumentation, such criticism prioritizes the embodied (performative, aesthetic, and material) ways in which publics manifest their attention to common issues. From suffragists to environmentalists and, most recently, anti-precarity movements across the globe, publics assemble and move through shared space, seeking to break hegemonies of media representation by creating media events of their own. In the process, Judith Butler explains, such embodied assemblies accomplish much more. They disrupt prevalent logics and dominant feelings of disposability, precarity, and anxiety, at the same time that they (re)constitute subjects and increasingly privatised spaces into citizens and public places of democracy, respectively. Butler proposes that to best understand recent protests we need to read collective assembly in the current political moment of “accelerating precarity” and responsibilisation (10). Globally, increasingly larger populations are exposed to economic insecurity and precarity through government withdrawal from labor protections and the diminishment of social services, to the profit of increasingly monopolistic business. A logic of self-investment and personal responsibility accompanies such structural changes, as people understand themselves as individual market actors in competition with other market actors rather than as citizens and community members (Brown). In this context, public assembly would enact an alternative, insisting on interdependency. Bodies, in such assemblies, signify both symbolically (their will to speak against power) and indexically. As Butler describes, “it is this body, and these bodies, that require employment, shelter, health care, and food, as well as a sense of a future that is not the future of unpayable debt” (10). Butler describes the function of these protests more fully:[P]lural enactments […] make manifest the understanding that a situation is shared, contesting the individualizing morality that makes a moral norm of economic self-sufficiency precisely […] when self-sufficiency is becoming increasingly unrealizable. Showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still, speech, and silence are all aspects of a sudden assembly, an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics […] [T]he bodies assembled ‘say’ we are not disposable, even if they stand silently. (18)Though Romania is not included in her account of contemporary protest movements, Butler’s theoretical account aptly describes both the structural and ideological conditions, and the performativity of Romanian protestors. In Romania, citizens have started to assemble in the streets against austerity measures (2012), environmental destruction (2013), fatal infrastructures (2015) and against the government’s corruption and attempts to undermine the Judiciary (from February 2017 onward). While, as scholars have argued (Olteanu and Beyerle; Gubernat and Rammelt), political corruption has gradually crystallised into the dominant and enduring framework for the assembled publics, post-communist corruption has been part and parcel of the neoliberalisation of Central and Eastern-European societies after the fall of communism. In the region, Leslie Holmes explains, former communist elites or the nomenklatura, have remained the majority political class after 1989. With political power and under the shelter of political immunity, nomenklatura politicians “were able to take ethically questionable advantage in various ways […] of the sell-off of previously state-owned enterprises” (Holmes 12). The process through which the established political class became owners of a previously state-owned economy is known as “nomenklatura privatization”, a common form of political corruption in the region, Holmes explains (12). Such practices were common knowledge among a cynical population through most of the 1990s and the 2000s. They were not broadly challenged in an ideological milieu attached, as Mihaela Miroiu, Isabela Preoteasa, and Jerzy Szacki argued, to extreme forms of liberalism and neoliberalism, ideologies perceived by people just coming out of communism as anti-ideology. Almost three decades since the fall of communism, in the face of unyielding levels of poverty (Zaharia; Marin), the decaying state of healthcare and education (Bilefsky; “Education”), and migration rates second only to war-torn Syria (Deletant), Romanian protestors have come to attribute the diminution of life in post-communism to the political corruption of the established political class (“Romania Corruption Report”; “Corruption Perceptions”). Following systematic attempts by the nomenklatura-heavy governing coalition to undermine the judiciary and institutionalise de facto corruption of public officials (Deletant), protestors have been returning to public spaces on a weekly basis, de-normalising the political cynicism and isolation serving the established political class. Mothers Walking: Resignifying Communist Spaces, Imagining the New DemosOn 11 July 2018, a protest of mothers was streamed live by Corruption Kills (Corupția ucide), a Facebook group started by activist Florin Bădiță after a deadly nightclub fire attributed to the corruption of public servants, in 2015 (Commander). Organized protests at the time pressured the Social-Democratic cabinet into resignation. Corruption Kills has remained a key activist platform, organising assemblies, streaming live from demonstrations, and sharing personal acts of dissent, thus extending the life of embodied assemblies. In the mothers’ protest video, women carrying babies in body-wraps and strollers walk across the intersection leading to the Parliament Palace, while police direct traffic and ensure their safety (“Civil Disobedience”). This was an unusual scene for many reasons. Walkers met at the entrance to the Parliament Palace, an area most emblematic of the former regime. Built by Communist dictator, Nicolae Ceaușescu and inspired by Kim Il-sung’s North Korean architecture, the current Parliament building and its surrounding plaza remain, in the words of Renata Salecl, “one of the most traumatic remnants of the communist regime” (90). The construction is the second largest administrative building in the world, after the Pentagon, a size matching the ambitions of the dictator. It bears witness to the personal and cultural sacrifices the construction and its surrounded plaza required: the displacement of some 40,000 people from old neighbourhood Uranus, the death of reportedly thousands of workers, and the flattening of churches, monasteries, hospitals, schools (Parliament Palace). This arbitrary construction carved out of the old city remains a symbol of an authoritarian relation with the nation. As Salecl puts it, Ceaușescu’s project tried to realise the utopia of a new communist “centre” and created an artificial space as removed from the rest of the city as the leader himself was from the needs of his people. Twenty-nine years after the fall of communism, the plaza of the Parliament Palace remains as suspended from the life of the city as it was during the 1980s. The trees lining the boulevard have grown slightly and bike lanes are painted over decaying stones. Still, only few people walk by the neo-classical apartment buildings now discoloured and stained by weather and time. Salecl remarks on the panoptic experience of the Parliament Palace: “observed from the avenue, [the palace] appears to have no entrance; there are only numerous windows, which give the impression of an omnipresent gaze” (95). The building embodies, for Salecl, the logic of surveillance of the communist regime, which “created the impression of omnipresence” through a secret police that rallied members among regular citizens and inspired fear by striking randomly (95).Against this geography steeped in collective memories of fear and exposure to the gaze of the state, women turn their children’s bodies and their own into performances of resistance that draw on the rhetorical force of communist gender politics. Both motherhood and childhood were heavily regulated roles under Ceaușescu’s nationalist-socialist politics of forced birth, despite the official idealisation of both. Producing children for the nationalist-communist state was women’s mandated expression of citizenship. Declaring the foetus “the socialist property of the whole society”, in 1966 Ceaușescu criminalised abortion for women of reproductive ages who had fewer than four children, and, starting 1985, less than five children (Ceaușescu qtd. in Verdery). What followed was “a national tragedy”: illegal abortions became the leading cause of death for fertile women, children were abandoned into inhumane conditions in the infamous orphanages, and mothers experienced the everyday drama of caring for families in an economy of shortages (Kligman 364). The communist politicisation of natality during communist Romania exemplifies one of the worst manifestations of the political as biopolitical. The current maternal bodies and children’s bodies circulating in the communist-iconic plaza articulate past and present for Romanians, redeploying a traumatic collective memory to challenge increasingly authoritarian ambitions of the governing Social Democratic Party. The images of caring mothers walking in protest with their babies furthers the claims that anti-corruption publics have made in other venues: that the government, in their indifference and corruption, is driving millions of people, usually young, out of the country, in a braindrain of unprecedented proportions (Ursu; Deletant; #vavedemdinSibiu). In their determination to walk during the gruelling temperatures of mid-July, in their youth and their babies’ youth, the mothers’ walk performs the contrast between their generation of engaged, persistent, and caring citizens and the docile abused subject of a past indexed by the Ceaușescu-era architecture. In addition to performing a new caring imagined community (Anderson), women’s silent, resolute walk on the crosswalk turns a lifeless geography, heavy with the architectural traces of authoritarian history, into a public space that holds democratic protest. By inhabiting the cultural role of mothers, protestors disarmed state authorities: instead of the militarised gendarmerie usually policing protestors the Victoriei Square, only traffic police were called for the mothers’ protest. The police choreographed cars and people, as protestors walked across the intersection leading to the Parliament. Drivers, usually aggressive and insouciant, now moved in concert with the protestors. The mothers’ walk, immediately modeled by people in other cities (Cluj-Napoca), reconfigured a car-dominated geography and an unreliable, driver-friendly police, into a civic space that is struggling to facilitate the citizens’ peaceful disobedience. The walkers’ assembly thus begins to constitute the civic character of the plaza, collecting “the space itself […] the pavement and […] the architecture [to produce] the public character of that material environment” (Butler 71). It demonstrates the possibility of a new imagined community of caring and persistent citizens, one significantly different from the cynical, disconnected, and survivalist subjects that the nomenklatura politicians, nested in the Panoptic Parliament nearby, would prefer.Persisting in the Victoriei Square In addition to strenuous physical walking to reclaim city spaces, such as the mothers’ walking, the anti-corruption public also practices walking and gathering in less taxing environments. The Victoriei Square is such a place, a central plaza that connects major boulevards with large sidewalks, functional bike lanes, and old trees. The square is the architectural meeting point of old and new, where communist apartments meet late nineteenth and early twentieth century architecture, in a privileged neighbourhood of villas, museums, and foreign consulates. One of these 1930s constructions is the Government building, hosting the Prime Minister’s cabinet. Demonstrators gathered here during the major protests of 2015 and 2017, and have walked, stood, and wandered in the square almost weekly since (“Past Events”). On 24 June 2018, I arrive in the Victoriei Square to participate in the protest announced on social media by Corruption Kills. There is room to move, to pause, and rest. In some pockets, people assemble to pay attention to impromptu speakers who come onto a small platform to share their ideas. Occasionally someone starts chanting “We See You!” and “Down with Corruption!” and almost everyone joins the chant. A few young people circulate petitions. But there is little exultation in the group as a whole, shared mostly among those taking up the stage or waving flags. Throughout the square, groups of familiars stop to chat. Couples and families walk their bikes, strolling slowly through the crowds, seemingly heading to or coming from the nearby park on a summer evening. Small kids play together, drawing with chalk on the pavement, or greeting dogs while parents greet each other. Older children race one another, picking up on the sense of freedom and de-centred but still purposeful engagement. The openness of the space allows one to meander and observe all these groups, performing the function of the Ancient agora: making visible the strangers who are part of the polis. The overwhelming feeling is one of solidarity. This comes partly from the possibilities of collective agency and the feeling of comfortably taking up space and having your embodiment respected, otherwise hard to come by in other spaces of the city. Everyday walking in the streets of Romanian cities is usually an exercise in hypervigilant physical prowess and self-preserving numbness. You keep your eyes on the ground to not stumble on broken pavement. You watch ahead for unmarked construction work. You live with other people’s sweat on the hot buses. You hop among cars parked on sidewalks and listen keenly for when others may zoom by. In one of the last post-socialist states to join the European Union, living with generalised poverty means walking in cities where your senses must be dulled to manage the heat, the dust, the smells, and the waiting, irresponsive to beauty and to amiable sociality. The euphemistic vocabulary of neoliberalism may describe everyday walking through individualistic terms such as “grit” or “resilience.” And while people are called to effort, creativity, and endurance not needed in more functional states, what one experiences is the gradual diminution of one’s lives under a political regime where illiberalism keeps a citizen-serving democracy at bay. By contrast, the Victoriei Square holds bodies whose comfort in each other’s presence allow us to imagine a political community where survivalism, or what Lauren Berlant calls “lateral agency”, are no longer the norm. In “showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still […] an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics” is enacted (Butler 18). In arriving to Victoriei Square repeatedly, Romanians demonstrate that there is room to breathe more easily, to engage with civility, and to trust the strangers in their country. They assert that they are not disposable, even if a neoliberal corrupt post-communist regime would have them otherwise.ConclusionBecoming a public, as Michael Warner proposes, is an ongoing process of attention to an issue, through the circulation of discourse and self-organisation with strangers. For the anti-corruption public of Romania’s past years, such ongoing work is accompanied by persistent, civil, embodied collective assembly, in an articulation of claims, bodies, and spaces that promotes a material agency that reconfigures the city and the imagined Romanian community into a more democratic one. The Romanian citizenship of the streets is particularly significant in the current geopolitical and ideological moment. In the region, increasing authoritarianism meets the alienating logics of neoliberalism, both trying to reduce citizens to disposable, self-reliant, and disconnected market actors. Populist autocrats—Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, the Peace and Justice Party in Poland, and recently E.U.-penalized Victor Orban, in Hungary—are dismantling the system of checks and balances, and posing threats to a European Union already challenged by refugee debates and Donald Trump’s unreliable alliance against authoritarianism. In such a moment, the Romanian anti-corruption public performs within the geographies of their city solidarity and commitment to democracy, demonstrating an alternative to the submissive and disconnected subjects preferred by authoritarianism and neoliberalism.Author's NoteIn addition to the anonymous reviewers, the author would like to thank Mary Tuominen and Jesse Schlotterbeck for their helpful comments on this essay.ReferencesAnderson, Benedict R. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 2016.Asen, Robert. “A Discourse Theory of Citizenship.” Quarterly Journal of Speech 90.2 (2004): 189-211. 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