Academic literature on the topic 'DP/NP Hypothesis'

The former study approached the cross-linguistic variation of binding possibilities from the perspective of parameterized DP hypothesis. However, the parameterized DP hypothesis failed to explain some syntactic truth as regards the binding relation between possessive NP and pronoun. It has been examined in the present study that different languages have different means to form possessive structure and different mechanisms work in obligatory and optional binding. The c-commanding relation is the semantic basis for the optional binding between the possessive NP and the pronoun. For languages with possessive NP entering derivation after T, possessive NP fails to c-command pronoun and there will be no optional binding. For languages with possessive NP or morpheme entering derivation before T, possessive NP or morpheme succeeds to c-command pronoun and there is optional binding.

This paper examines the structure of Kanuri DP (structure) Hypothesis within the framework of Abney (1987) and Chomsky (1995) Minimalist Programme (MP). In conducting the research, the researcher uses his native speaker intuition and other three competent native speakers of Kanuri to validate the data of this study. The study identifies Kanuri determiners as post head modifier language. The study identifies also two types of demonstrative modifiers –near and far demonstratives. The near demonstratives agree with their head nouns while the far demonstratives take both singular and plural head nouns. The far demonstratives do not show any form of agreement morphology between the nouns and their demonstrative modifiers. The analysis of DP Hypothesis shows the NP complement moves to the specifier position in the surface syntax which give rise to complement-head (C-H) order. The study further analyzes possessives, demonstratives and quantifiers under the DP hypothesis. The outcome of the study reveals that possessive determiner ‘nde’ (our) is base generated at the possessive position, moves and fills the D position under the DP in Kanuri while the far demonstrative ‘tudu’ (that) is also base generated at the Dem. Position of the determiner phrase (DP) -hence the D position is strong head position moves and fills the D position and the noun ‘fato’ (house) moves to the specifier position of the determiner phrase (DP) in order to check agreement feature in Kanuri.

AbstractDPs in several Austronesian languages from southwestern Sulawesi show the D head as an enclitic on an element within the DP. Where N is unmodified, D cliticizes to N, and where D is modified, D cliticizes to the modifier. A structure in which NP and the modifying phrase are treated as arguments of D is proposed, and the cliticization pattern is analyzed as resulting from head movement. Depending on the valency of the DP, NP will either be specifier or complement of D. This analysis extends easily to account for some otherwise puzzling patterns shown in relative clauses where D cliticizes to the right periphery of the verb of the modifying CP. Under the minimalist hypotheses that overt movement is a function of feature strength and that the strength of the relevant features can vary from language to language, certain patterns of head-adjunction involving V, I, C, and D are expected and the predictions are discussed.

Despić (2013) argues that Serbian binding data provide support for the Parameterized DP Hypothesis (e.g., Fukui 1988 , Corver 1992 , Zlatić 1997 , Bošković 2003 , 2005 , 2008 ). His key claim is that the differences in binding possibilities observed between English and Serbian result from the presence of a DP layer in the former vs. its absence in the latter. 1 Apparent determiners in Serbian are claimed to be NP-adjoined elements (with category left unspecified). 2 In this squib, I show that Despić's analysis makes incorrect predictions about Serbian and closely related Slavic languages: Bulgarian and Macedonian.

The ultimate goal of this paper is to provide an in-depth analysis of the L2 learners’ acquisition of middle constructions. One of the properties of middle constructions is that the subject of middle verbs must be a definite NP. Middle verbs can occur by revealing an intrinsic characteristic or property of the definite NP. In addition, middle verbs can only occur along with short adverbs such as well and easily. In this paper, we conduct a survey and evaluate the L2 learners’ responses to middle verbs. More specifically, we have examined how the L2 learners acquired the abstract constraint, the middle construction condition, the definite DP condition, and the adverb constraint. It is worth noting that 45% of the adult subjects acquired the definite condition, 32.5% of the L2 learners acquired the middle construction condition, 50% of the adult subjects acquired the abstract noun constraint, and 20% of the L2 learners acquired the adverb constraint. This in turn indicates that that the abstract noun constraint was first acquired by the adult subjects, followed by the definite DP condition, the middle construction condition, and the adverb constraint, in that order. With regard to middle verbs, it is significant to note that English are subject to the abstract noun constraint, the middle construction condition, the definite DP condition, and the adverb constraint, whereas Korean is not subject to the abstract noun constraint, the middle construction condition, and the definite DP condition. This in turn suggests that Korean is a superset language, compared to English. Thus, learning difficulty arises. Finally, this paper argues that unlike Chomsky’s UG hypothesis (Chomsky 1981, 1982, 2019a, 2019b), the L2 learners looked for similarities between L1 and L2 and thus relied on their L1.

Abstract This research paper provides a syntactic account of the observation that plurals of non-count nouns (i.e., collective and mass nouns) in Jordanian Arabic (JA) may express different readings, namely a counting reading and paucity in quantity. We propose that availability of such readings or lack thereof depend crucially on whether or not Division Phrase (DivP) (Borer, 2005) projects in narrow syntax. When DivP projects over nP, a counting reading is available for the plural of singulatives. On the other hand, when DivP does not project, no counting reading is available, and alternatively a small-quantity reading is held. This implies that pluralization in JA is subject to the availability of functional projections that form the relevant DP, hence supplying evidence against the lexical hypothesis of plural formation. As for paucity in quantity, we argue that it is a product of (or a subtype of) the well-known paucal plural (cf. Ojeda 1992; Mathieu 2013).

The empirical puzzle to be solved is the contrast between partitive and non-partitive most (which respectively take of-DP and NP restrictors, respectively) wrt their compatibility with a collective predicate (or a collectively interpreted mixed predicate) in the nuclear scope. The proposal will rely on the ‘null hypothesis’ regarding the correspondence between syntactic categories and semantic type: DPs and NPs respectively denote entities and sets of entities. Our puzzle will be solved by explaining why set-restrictor quantifiers cannot denote relations between sets of plural entities whereas entity-restrictor quantifiers can denote relations between plural entities. It will also be argued that plural bare NPs in the restrictor of most can be kind-denoting (in addition to being set-denoting) in English. Throughout the paper the main generalizations will be strengthened or refined by taking into account the Romanian counterparts of the relevant dat. Keywords: collective quantification, mass quantification, bare mass NPs, bare plurals, kind-reference

In this paper we examine the acquisition of interpretable features in English L2 learners of Spanish by investigating the personal preposition a in Spanish. The presence of a in direct object NPs relates to the animacy/specificity of the NP, the animacy/agentivity of the subject and the semantics of the predicate (Torrego, 1998; Zagona, 2002); that is, personal a is constrained by the interpretability of semantic features. Forty-nine English L2 learners of Spanish of different proficiency levels, and 16 Spanish controls participated in an Acceptability Judgement task. The results showed that L2 learners of Spanish across three proficiency levels behaved differently from native speakers of Spanish. The L2 learners seem to have attained some of the interpretable features (i.e., [±animate]) of the Spanish a-DP direct objects, but reveal delays with others. Nonetheless, our data illustrate partial convergence by advanced learners with the native speakers: some interpretable features are attainable, while others may be less accessible and subject to developmental processes. In analyzing our data we draw on Lardiere’s (2008, 2009) Feature Reassembly Hypothesis, but expanded and extended it in an attempt to critically evaluate and broaden it.

It is well known that the Chinese language does not have functional equivalents of the English definite and indefinite article. Correspondingly, there is plenty of observational evidence that Chinese learners have difficulty with the article system in English. In particular, these learners have a marked tendency to omit the article where native speakers of English would use one. In this article we report the results of an experimental investigation of the variable use of the definite and indefinite articles by 18 Chinese learners of English. A referential communication task was used to elicit samples of the speech of these learners which was rich in referring noun phrases. From the resulting corpus 1884 noun phrases were coded, using a taxonomy based on Hawkins' (1978) description of the definite and indefinite articles and demonstratives in English. The analysis shows an overall rate of 78% suppliance of articles in contexts where a native speaker would use the definite or indefinite article. Of the remaining 22% of contexts where articles are not used, we found that many of the instances of nonsuppliance of articles could be explained by three principles: 1) a syntactic principle of ‘determiner drop’, whereby an NP with definite or indefinite reference need not be overtly marked for [± definiteness] if it is included in the scope of the determiner of a preceding NP; 2) a ‘recoverability’ principle, whereby an NP need not be marked for [± definiteness] if the information encoded in this feature is recoverable from the context; and 3) a ‘lexical transfer principle’, whereby some of these learners are using demonstratives (particularly this) and the numeral one as markers of definiteness and indefiniteness respectively. However, these principles do not account for all the instances of non-native-like usage in the corpus. There remains a residue of 206 noun phrases without articles in contexts where native speakers would use an article.There are identical contexts, moreover, where these learners use the articles. We suggest that this evidence of unsystematic variation in the use of the articles by these learners lends support to the hypothesis that the optionality in the use of articles is due to difficulty acquiring the correct mapping from the surface features of definiteness and referentiality ( the, a, and the zero article Ø) onto the abstract features of the DP.

This study is part of a larger research study (doctoral dissertation), in which a comparative study with adolescent samples is done: 50 anorexic restricting patients (ANP), 50 patients diagnosed with depression (DP) and 50 non patients (NP). The proposed objective is two-fold: 1) To try to clarify the existing relationship between Anorexia (AN) and Depression (D), investigated from diverse disciplines but without conclusive results. 2) To detect in the ANP personality different traits from those of other groups, which should, if possible, allow to detect them at an early stage for an adequate prognosis. The current article presents the Rorschach findings in relation to the cognitive functioning of the ANP. In them, the following has been detected: (1) An information processing similar to that of the other groups, even with a more complete (L ≤ .99), more complex (DQ+↑) and better discriminated (Zd↑) grasp of the stimulus; (2) Mediating processes very similar to those of the other groups, sharing with them the perceptive maladjustments (X–%↑) and an excessive individualism (Xu%↑); (3) A clearly differentiating ideation disorder. Definitely, the ANP use predominantly ideation (M↑), but their thought, usually well-adjusted (MQo↑), presents eventual operations of delusional type (MQnone↑). Above that, their thinking is marked by a great passivity (Mp↑), which makes them more vulnerable to accept ideas without criticizing them and it results in a very inefficient thinking, which spins around these concepts without finding solutions, entering into a sort of ruminating which is completely unproductive. The differences toward the obsessive pathology are established. The discriminant analysis conducted with all the Rorschach variables that resulted as significant throughout the research, provides quite a consistent function which discriminates the ANP: MQnone↑, Mp↑, FD↓, Ma↑, MQo↑, AdjD↑, Sum H↑, (H)↑. Based on this we can understand that these adolescents, being in a developmental period of big changes and disorientations in relation with their own image, confronted with life events, and possibly starting off with some biologic vulnerability: (1) Due to the alterations of their ideation, accept without criticism (Mp) irrational ideas dominating in our culture, in which slimness appears as the only model, synthesis of intelligence, beauty and success; remaining captured in this type of mental activity (MQnone), which they cannot escape nor criticize (Mp), despite they reason adequately on other topics (MQo); (2) Their alterations of self-perception [(H)] make them hide themselves in a fantasized image, which is the axis of their interests and the only thing that really matters to them; (3) The resources they have to decide on behaviors and to finish these deliberately (AdjD), and their scarce tendency to the introspection (FD) lead to their decision of not eating, based on distorted and passively accepted thinking, which has great power and thus, so difficult to modify. Finally, based on the Rorschach data obtained, the hypothesis of a personality disorder as underlying pathology is pointed out.

Focusing on definite-argument drop, this chapter puts forward the hypothesis that null arguments are minimally represented as [nPn] and maximally as a fully-fledged pronoun ([DP D [PersP Pers [NumP Num [nPn]]]] or [PersP Pers [NumP Num [nPn]]]). The (un)availability of such arguments in a language is a consequence of independent features of its grammar: the lexical specification of its nominalizing n heads (esp. their association with phonetic material) and the avaialbility of post-syntactic type-shifting operations (esp. ι‎). The working of this approach is illustrated mostly with data from English, Polish, and Kashubian. The two latter languages are argued here to differ from English with respect to the inflectional properties of their nouns, as well as with respect to the mechanisms of NP interpretation. The chapter discusses the predictions thehypothesis makes about the identity of null arguments with respect to cross-linguistic variation in the patterns of argument omission.

Romanian, Hungarian, and Icelandic are languages in which MOST allows the proportional interpretation when combined with count NPs but not when combined with mass NPs. In English, the same generalization is found with non-generic NP restrictors. In §2.2 the generic NP restrictors found with the English most are analyzed as kind-referring DPs. Section 2.3 argues that the observed ban on mass NPs cannot be explained by Hackl’s (2009) superlative analysis, nor by Matthewson’s (2001) entity-restrictor MOST. We propose that (in the relevant languages) proportional MOST is to be analyzed as a distributive quantificational Determiner. We show that the observed ban on mass NPs correlates with a ban on collective quantification. Finally, we provide syntactic evidence for the hypothesis that in Romanian and English the proportional MOST sits in Spec,DP and D°, respectively. It thus appears that the quantificational-determiner semantics of MOST correlates with the highest syntactic level inside the DP.