Journal articles on the topic 'Domestic relations – Scotland'

The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.

The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) is an assertion of UK nation-state sovereignty. Notwithstanding this state-centrism, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have distinct interests to protect as part of the Brexit negotiations. This article explores how the interests of one regional case, Wales, were accommodated in the pre-negotiation phase, at a domestic level—through intergovernmental structures—and an EU level through paradiplomacy. We explore the structures for sub-state influence, Wales’ engagement with these structures and what has informed its approach. We argue that Wales’ behaviour reflects its positioning as a ‘Good Unionist’ and a ‘Good European’. Despite the weakness of intra-UK structures, Wales has preferred to pursue policy influence at a UK (not an EU) level. In Brussels, regional interests inform the context for Brexit. Here, Wales has focused on awareness-raising, highlighting that the UK Government does not command the ‘monopoly on perspectives’ towards Brexit in the United Kingdom.

The reactions of metropolitan political elites to the recent electoral successes of Scottish Nationalists have been broadly negative; arguments for independence have been characterised in domestic United Kingdom terms and thereafter dismissed as voluntaristic, atavistic and indulgent. This is an error: the end of the comfortable certainties of the cold war has revealed a complex pattern of ever-changing structural relationships within which discrete polities must make their way; these changes have given us the European Union, an unfolding project, and as structural change in Europe runs through Scotland local agents must read and react with an eye to the future. Arguments for independence are rational; critics may disagree with such proposals, but it would be sensible to consider them directly. Those inclined to dismissal may neglect good argument today and store up unpleasant surprises for themselves tomorrow.

Recent analysis of the ceramic assemblage from the Neolithic loch islet settlement of Eilean Dòmhnuill, North Uist, in the Western Isles of Scotland has highlighted the intense conservatism of the potting traditions over a period of more than 800 years. Hebridean Neolithic pottery exhibits clear relationships with pottery from Argyll, Arran, and Bute, as well as Orkney and the north-east mainland of Scotland. It appears to have developed a distinctive, often decoratively elaborate regional form very soon after its initial appearance, which subsequently appears to have undergone little or no significant change until the introduction of Grooved Ware in the early 3rd millenniumbc. An association exists between large assemblages of elaborately decorated Hebridean pottery and a number of artificial islets in freshwater lochs, some very small and producing little or no evidence for domestic activities. This might be explained by the importance of commensality in mediating relations between small communities in the Western Isle at such sites following the introduction of agriculture in the 2nd quarter of the 4th millenniumbc. The conservatism and stasis evident at Eilean Dòmhnuill, in the face of environmental decline, raises wider issues around the adaptive capabilities of the first farming communities prior to significant social changes in the earlier 3rd millenniumbc.

This article argues that the conceptualisation of private police in current academic literature requires expansion to accommodate the role of the regulated sector in the Anti- Money Laundering (AML) framework. Firstly, it evaluates the literature on ‘private police’ and argues that its current parameters are too narrow to accommodate the ‘policing’ role of the regulated sector. Secondly, it lays out the legislative framework that has developed to deal with the problem of money laundering. Thirdly, it contextualises the role of the regulated sector, examining the domestic inter-agency policing relationships within the suspicious activity regime as operationalised in Scotland. Finally, it takes a closer look at how the courts have interpreted the ‘failure to report offence’ under s330 of the Proceeds of Crime Act (POCA) 2002 and its consequential effect on the engagement of the regulated sector with the SARs regime.

In the year 1643 the Dutch revolt against Spain was dragging gradually to an end. Repeated attempts by Stadtholder Frederick Henry to take Antwerp had failed. Since 1640 only minor military operations had been undertaken. The demand for peace was growing, but this, at the same time, led to divisions of opinion. During this period of domestic tension the United Provinces became involved in events in England leading to the Civil War.

Brexit, as a profound political and institutional shock for the United Kingdom and the whole European Union as an integration organization, has significantly changed the context of the functioning of British ethno-regional autonomies. The UK’s exit from the European Union has transformed the parameters of the political actorness of British regions in the context of an ongoing devolution. The devolutionary framework, characterized by asymmetrical relations between the center and the regions, as well as the unthorough nature of the reforms carried out, created barriers to the development of the political actorness of the regions in a situation of redistribution of powers after the elimination of the supranational level of governance after Brexit. Britain’s exit from the EU led to an attempt to recentralize domestic policy by the Conservative government of Boris Johnson, following which he acted in line with the previously pursued devolutionary policy. The authors of the article set out to identify the impact of Brexit on the political actorness of the British regions of the United Kingdom – Scotland and Wales – using theoretical tools of historical institutionalism. The study concluded that the increased demand for expanding the political actorness of British regions after Brexit does not lead to an increase in the powers and preferences of regional administrations, based on the existing devolutionary framework that limits the ability of regions to fight for their status, powers and preferences within the existing political system. The system determines the limits of the strategy of regional government actors in the absence of a clear configuration of multi-level politics in the United Kingdom and the lack of institutional mechanisms to increase the actorness of the regions. It was revealed that the central authorities use an exclusionary policy of ‘soft recentralization’ after Brexit in relations with the regions. Scotland and Wales, in turn, implement strategies of ‘managable confrontation’ and ‘forced cooperation’ in relation to the center based on the lack of effective institutional mechanisms for increasing their own status within the national political system.

It is obvious that today the facts of international relations do notfitinto any general framework of which people are aware (perhaps they never have). As descriptions, concepts such as state, sovereignty, federation seem more than ever stabs in the dark. In prescriptive political theory, we are even more at sea. Old prescriptive certainties such as nationhood must be conceded to be at best the most provisional of guides to action. The interface between domestic sovereignty and international organisations (and what a wilderness of phenomena that term is supposed to describe) needs to be comprehended anew. This is urgent if we are to make sense of, and have a sense of direction through, the problems of the European Community, the Commonwealth of Independent States, Eastern Europe, the Balkans, not to mention a host of problematic multi-ethnic polities as diverse as India and Iraq. Wherever we look in the world today, the relationship between ‘state’, ‘nation’ and ‘community’ seems to be in crisis: from the Balkans to Canada, from Scotland to Kurdistan. This no more has the appearance of an aberration from some historical norm than does the tie between state and nation in previous European history. It makes more sense to regard both as shifting patterns of collective human consciousnesses. The idea that there is something ‘out there’, ‘given’, that preordains human beings to live in nations, and nations t o form states, was certainly a myth; and as a myth had a certain real force. The problem today is, first, that the myth is reviving in some places at just the time when it is being swept aside in others (in parts of the European Community, for example); and, secondly, that the idea of imprescriptible national rights seems to be a postulate of democracy whenever the majority in a territory embrace it, and at the same time a recipe for carnage and the vilest known abrogation of all other human rights. The revival of this nationalist idea around 1990 has also to be set beside the real feelings of belonging that arise amongst groups other than nations; which, whenever they do have such a feeling of corporate identity, we may describe by the general term ‘communities’.

The article is devoted to the problem of the Scottish nationalists coming into power, the beginning of discussion on the possible Scotland’s secession from Great Britain and its impact on international influence of the Kingdom.

Introduction. Aberdeen-Angus breed, selection achievement of United Kingdom, long time ago ceased to be merely a cultural heritage and became a global transcontinental obtainment in beef cattle breeding. Productive "attractiveness" of Aberdeen-Angus breed makes it a popular genetic resource in the cattle branch production. It causes the optimistic results of the statistical analysis of farm animal biodiversity for data of European EFABIS data base, according which the status of this breed can be defined as "not at risk". Ukrainian population of Aberdeen-Angus formed in 1961 by importing breeding stock from Canada and animals of compact small type of Scotland (1962) and the establishment of breeding plant at the research station "Vorzel" of Agrarian Academy of Ukraine. The modern breed area covers 11 regions of Ukraine. According to the State register of breeding subjects in animal breeding on 01.01.2016, the stock has 7637 controlled heads (including 3475 cows, 80 bulls) and concentrated in 23 breeding subjects. For a long time, the Principal breeding center of Ukraine engaged with breeding farms’ development and controlled the situation in the breed. At this institution base bulls were evaluated, semen was sampled and stored, information database of individual data was being formed and automated, breeding program were developed and plans for the bulls’ matching were formed. Currently low share of artificial insemination at 18%, lack of control of live bulls involvement in the matching campaign, limited activities of regional breeding associations on centralized bulls’ assessment resulted in irreversible changes in the genetic structure of Aberdeen-Angus population, phenotypic manifestation of which is the youngsters’ growth and development declining, low efficiency of feed conversion, cows’ milk production decreasing, impairment in reproductive quality, increased exterior faults’ and genetic anomalies level. One of the measures for improvement of breeding herds is individual evaluation of bulls, which can optimize the selection and matching of bulls for breeding stock for calves of high breeding value production. However, the re-orientation in consumer demand, incapability of internal market to ensure profitable beef production and breaks of export-import relations naturally led to a weakening of motivation for breeding bulls branch business and its state control. Thus, according to the technology of beef cattle breeding mainly with natural mating feasible is the realization of sires’ on their own performance evaluation initial phase directly at the base of breeding farms in accordance with "Instructions on beef bulls’ selection" and to perform the Ministry of Agriculture Order N154 on 13.04.2016 on the approving of the "Procedure of sires’ breeding value determination by pedigree, their own performance, and progeny quality testing." Analyzing the quantitative and qualitative indices of economic activity we’ve found that one of the prospective objects for future beef bull evaluation is breeding farm "Buffalo" of Manevychi district, Volyn region. There are 850 Aberdeen-Angus dams (cows, heifers), evaluation power of the farm gives the possibility to evaluate simultaneously more than 400 animals. So, the aim of this paper is the analysis of Aberdeen-Angus bulls’ evaluation on their own performance results. Materials and methods of research. The study engaged 30 Aberdeen Angus breeding bulls of "Buffalo" farm. The selection of animals for evaluation was performed at the 210 days’ age with previously conducted individual analysis of their growth during suckling period, using the materials of electronic information database "ORSEK-M". At the time of evaluation diet of growing calves presupposed gain getting not below 1200 g per day. Analysis of the growth and development of youngsters was done by the results of monthly weighing during the period from 8 to 12 months. Key bull’s measurements was taken at 12 months’ age. The evaluation was carried out according to Regulation "Instruction on beef bull selection". Statistical data processing was performed, using the Microsoft Excel software. Results. Algorithms of determination and calculation of selection indices for evaluation of beef animals are chosen by representative organizations and approved at the level of each state. For countries participating INTERBULL (INTERBEEF) bulls’ evaluation results are converted to a common information data base on which the matching and comparison of data for further use in the breeding work correction. The main features taken into account in the assessment of the breeding value are share of pure blood, live weight at different ages, the intensity of growth for average daily gains, exterior parameters (body measurements, linear features), milk production, calving ease, temperament (for some breeds, such as Charolais), term of economic use, sperm productivity indices and others. According to international recommendations EBV and EPD indices are calculated, which define contribution weight of each feature into integrated breeding value of an animal. Under the current law of Ukraine, the evaluation of beef animals is done with the definition of an integrated class at appraisal, bulls are evaluated by index A – own performance, B – quality of progeny. The main results of sires’ evaluation were obtained during the process of native beef breeds creation. In the course of our studies we’ve initially selected bulls of Aberdeen-Angus breed, taking into account the indices of their individual growth till 7-months’ age. Totally there were selected sons of 7 Aberdeen-Angus bulls, including 5 native and 2 of German selection. Native bulls were of Wright Iver 9251195, BV Vinton 1342, Sauthoma Extra 715968, V.B.M. Henri 158013 lines. At 210 days’ age the average live weight of calves was 228,03 ± 6,750 kg, the average daily gain – 964,1 ± 30,881 g. Coefficient of variation for average daily gain at 17.5% reflects both the individual differences in eating behaviour of the researched calves during suckling and the differences in their mothers’ milk production and nutritional value of milk. The average live weight of animals evaluated at 12 months was 389,3 ± 8,35 kg, average daily gain when growing – 1114,47 ± 34,208 g. The coefficients of variability of these traits are under 11.5% and 16.8% accordingly. Average live weight at weaning and at 12 months’ age exceeded its corresponding values, determined due to the minimum requirements for live weight of beef calves to reach the complex class "elite" and "elite-record." Phenotypic features of farm animals’ body built are the indicators of species’ and breeds’ specificity and individual characteristics of the organism, the totality of which forms the parametric basis for primary estimation of genetic potential of productivity. Expressiveness, harmony and age matching of body parts outline a general picture of individual growth and development and reflect the level of balanced nutrition and optimal technology accepted as a whole. At the group studied the bull's average height in rump at the age of 12 months was 115,70 ± 0,622 cm with a coefficient of variation 2.9%. Chest girth is 158,33 ± 1,18 cm with variability 1.2%. Average body length was 126,63 ± 1,162 cm with a coefficient of variation 5.0%. Testicular circumference, as one of the evaluation parameters of bull reproductive system, was 31,10 ± 0,564 cm with a coefficient of variability 9.9%. Thus, among the recorded traits, the largest variability was indicated on live weight, average daily gain and scrotal circumference. The least variability was indicated on rump height and chest girth. Average value of complex selection index on all the researched bulls is 100,5 ± 0,9. According to the positions of Instructions, 14 calves with complex selection index above 100.0 may be allowed for further use as at the herds with natural mating, so put for assessment on sperm productivity at the State Enterprise "Volynian regional agricultural production enterprise on breeding business in animal breeding." This will allow to re-new the genetic material store from native valued representatives of the Aberdeen-Angus breed and partially restore local control over the use of sires in breeding herds as well as in households. Therefore, it is feasible to continue similar research involving a larger number of animals, to consider the power of influence of mother genotype and conduct further evaluation of sires of Aberdeen-Angus breed on performance of their sons and daughters. Conclusions. In similar conditions of feeding and management the realization of the genetic potential of productivity of Aberdeen-Angus bulls is different. The given results are the first step in the organization of systematic evaluation of sires’ breeding value, analysing of inheritance of key traits of growth and development of animals and rationalization of the use of genetic resources of the breed in general and reduction in cost per unit of production in live and carcass weight.

The aim of the present study was to investigate the relationships of physical activity types and sedentary behaviour with BMI and waist circumference (WC). The sample comprised 6215 adults (2775 men, 3440 women) aged 16 years and over living in Scotland. Self-reported physical activity of moderate to vigorous intensity (MVIA) included domestic activity, walking, and sports and exercises. MVIA levels were classified as being inactive, being insufficiently active, being sufficiently active for general health benefits and being sufficiently active for obesity prevention. Sedentary time was defined as television and other screen-based entertainment time (TVSE). Dependent variables were BMI-defined obesity (BMI-OB) and WC-defined obesity (WC-OB). TVSE was positively related to both WC-OB (adjusted OR 1·69 (95 % CI 1·39, 2·05) for ≥ 4 h of TVSE per d compared with < 2 h/d) and BMI-OB (OR 1·88; 95 % CI 1·51, 2·35) independently of MVIA. Those classified as most active who reported ≥ 4 h/d of TVSE had higher prevalence of BMI-OB (18·9 v. 8·3 %; P < 0·05) and WC-OB (28·0 v. 10·0 %; P < 0·01) than those equally active with < 2 h/d of TVSE. Sports and walking were related inversely to WC-OB (OR for no time compared with ≥ 30 min/d: 1·55 (95 % CI 1·24, 1·94); 2·06 (95 % CI 1·64, 2·58)), but only walking was related to BMI-OB (OR 1·94; 95 % CI 1·58, 2·37). Domestic physical activity was not related to BMI-OB or WC-OB. In conclusion, physical activity and sedentary behaviour are independently related to obesity. Public health recommendations should both promote physical activity and discourage engagement in sedentary pursuits.

El movimiento secesionista de Quebec, uno de los más antiguos de ese tipo en un país democrático, continúa suscitando interés en otras partes del mundo. Pero este movimiento actualmente se enfrenta importantes desafíos. El objetivo principal de este artículo es de proporcionar a sus lectores una visión general de algunos de los principales obstáculos políticos y legales que afronta en la actualidad el movimiento independentista de Quebec. El primero obstáculo se debe poner en relación con el marco legal aplicable al intento de secesión provincial desde la decisión de 1998, del Tribunal Supremo de Canadá en la Reference re Secession of Quebec. El segundo se encuentra en el impacto potencial del proceso del reciente referéndum en Escocia sobre la estrategia del movimiento secesionista de Quebec. El tercero se creó como consecuencia de la división interna de este movimiento. Por último, se estudia una nueva pretendida base legal para reivindicar la secesión, es decir, el denominado «derecho a decidir», en tanto distinto del derecho a la auto-determinación externa.Quebec’s secessionist movement is one of the oldest of the sort in any democratic country. This paper seeks to provide an overview of some of the main political and legal hurdles currently faced by the Quebec independence movement. First it revisits the domestic legal framework applicable to a provincial secession attempt since the seminal 1998 opinion of the Supreme Court of Canada in Reference re Secession of Quebec, which was a major game changer in the debate over Quebec’s potential secession. Then it examines the potential impact of recent political events, as the Scotland’s recent referendum process, on the strategy of the Quebec secessionist movement. And last it looks at an alleged new legal foundation for secession, i.e. a so-called “right to decide” distinct from the right to external self-determination.

Why do substate actors engage in foreign affairs even if endowed with limited formal powers? How are these activities institutionalised and legitimised? This article addresses these questions by examining a critical case: the rise of Scotland’s international development cooperation. The spotlight is put on the domestic sources of foreign policy formation. Our core argument is that the politics of nation-building underpins both the ambition and the increased distinctiveness of the Scottish approach to development. This nation-building effort is mainly reflected in the emergence of an assertive narrative: ‘Scotland as a good global citizen’. Another core insight is the strong articulation between domestic and international representations. The external projections of the Scottish Government mirror the domestic agenda. Our article places the striking Scottish case in analytical and comparative perspective.

We investigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic violence service providers in rural and island communities in North East Scotland and Orkney. Domestic abuse and violence in rural areas is typically underestimated and might be more hidden due to stigma, a surveillance culture, and the practical difficulties of accessing services. The geographical challenges of rural and remote areas in relation to domestic violence are, to some extent, further amplified in small island locations, given population sizes, terrain and separation by sea. In such communities, visits to a service organisation’s offices, or a visit by one of their staff, might publicly mark a service user out as a domestic abuse survivor. This article focuses on the move to digital and telephone provision of support in areas where broadband internet access is inconsistent and service users may live many miles from sources of support. At the same time, the move to online modes of communication was welcomed by staff in relation to offering opportunities for training and networking. There was also use of social and local media to raise awareness of the prevalence of domestic violence in these locations and to counter the myth of idyllic and abuse-free rural and island communities.

The invisibility of Wales compared to other sub-state nations such as Catalonia and Scotland invites case studies of this sociological phenomenon from multiple perspectives. This article utilises the formation and development of a new, territorially-centred political party and its invention of a new nationalism as an instrument for achieving territorial visibility, which was recognised and empowering. In the process, it characterised its predecessor old nationalism as unseen or subjugated. While intellectual innovation, party activities conventional and unconventional and press exposure were central to this new formation, its foundational era the post-War turbulence of the inter-war period and the Second World War challenged its political development but saw it rapidly adapt. The article critically reviews the current historiography of Welsh nationalism from the failure of the old nationalism of the Liberal and Labour parties and places this demonstrably new nationalism in its European and global contexts. State-building was the partys core component, which placed it in sharp opposition to the British state. Nor was it just another political party competing within the state, but one with an alternative world-view. Another foundational principle was the protection of the Welsh language. Yet it appealed to non-Welsh speakers and immigrants in the era of fascist Europe. This newly constructed alterity was especially marked in the field of international relations. At the apogee of the British Empire, it espoused a fundamentalist opposition to imperialism, stressing what it saw as the negative connectivity between UK domestic and international policies. Defining a new national interest, the party used the super-visible Irish Free State as an exemplar, not only on constitutional issues but economics, trade, international affairs and defence. The latter helped define its 'defensive neutrality' policy during World War II, a position which invited powerful attacks from state opponents.

IntroductionDespite claims that the importance of distance has been reduced due to technological and communications improvements (Cairncross; Friedman; O’Brien), the ‘power of place’ still resonates, often intensifying the role of geography (Christopherson et al.; Morgan; Pratt; Scott and Storper). Within the film industry, there has been a decentralisation of production from Hollywood, but there remains a spatial logic which has preferenced particular centres, such as Toronto, Vancouver, Sydney and Prague often led by a combination of incentives (Christopherson and Storper; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Goldsmith et al.; Miller et al.; Mould). The emergence of high end television, television programming for which the production budget is more than £1 million per television hour, has presented new opportunities for screen hubs sharing a very similar value chain to the film industry (OlsbergSPI with Nordicity).In recent years, interventions have proliferated with the aim of capitalising on the decentralisation of certain activities in order to attract international screen industries production and embed it within local hubs. Tools for building capacity and expertise have proliferated, including support for studio complex facilities, infrastructural investments, tax breaks and other economic incentives (Cucco; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Jensen; Goldsmith et al.; McDonald; Miller et al.; Mould). Yet experience tells us that these will not succeed everywhere. There is a need for a better understanding of both the capacity for places to build a distinctive and competitive advantage within a highly globalised landscape and the relative merits of alternative interventions designed to generate a sustainable production base.This article first sets out the rationale for the appetite identified in the screen industries for co-location, or clustering and concentration in a tightly drawn physical area, in global hubs of production. It goes on to explore the latest trends of decentralisation and examines the upturn in interventions aimed at attracting mobile screen industries capital and labour. Finally it introduces the Scottish screen industries and explores some of the ways in which Scotland has sought to position itself as a recipient of screen industries activity. The paper identifies some key gaps in infrastructure, most notably a studio, and calls for closer examination of the essential ingredients of, and possible interventions needed for, a vibrant and sustainable industry.A Compulsion for ProximityIt has been argued that particular spatial and place-based factors are central to the development and organisation of the screen industries. The film and television sector, the particular focus of this article, exhibit an extraordinarily high degree of spatial agglomeration, especially favouring centres with global status. It is worth noting that the computer games sector, not explored in this article, slightly diverges from this trend displaying more spatial patterns of decentralisation (Vallance), although key physical hubs of activity have been identified (Champion). Creative products often possess a cachet that is directly associated with their point of origin, for example fashion from Paris, films from Hollywood and country music from Nashville – although it can also be acknowledged that these are often strategic commercial constructions (Pecknold). The place of production represents a unique component of the final product as well as an authentication of substantive and symbolic quality (Scott, “Creative cities”). Place can act as part of a brand or image for creative industries, often reinforcing the advantage of being based in particular centres of production.Very localised historical, cultural, social and physical factors may also influence the success of creative production in particular places. Place-based factors relating to the built environment, including cheap space, public-sector support framework, connectivity, local identity, institutional environment and availability of amenities, are seen as possible influences in the locational choices of creative industry firms (see, for example, Drake; Helbrecht; Hutton; Leadbeater and Oakley; Markusen).Employment trends are notoriously difficult to measure in the screen industries (Christopherson, “Hollywood in decline?”), but the sector does contain large numbers of very small firms and freelancers. This allows them to be flexible but poses certain problems that can be somewhat offset by co-location. The findings of Antcliff et al.’s study of workers in the audiovisual industry in the UK suggested that individuals sought to reconstruct stable employment relations through their involvement in and use of networks. The trust and reciprocity engendered by stable networks, built up over time, were used to offset the risk associated with the erosion of stable employment. These findings are echoed by a study of TV content production in two media regions in Germany by Sydow and Staber who found that, although firms come together to work on particular projects, typically their business relations extend for a much longer period than this. Commonly, firms and individuals who have worked together previously will reassemble for further project work aided by their past experiences and expectations.Co-location allows the development of shared structures: language, technical attitudes, interpretative schemes and ‘communities of practice’ (Bathelt, et al.). Grabher describes this process as ‘hanging out’. Deep local pools of creative and skilled labour are advantageous both to firms and employees (Reimer et al.) by allowing flexibility, developing networks and offsetting risk (Banks et al.; Scott, “Global City Regions”). For example in Cook and Pandit’s study comparing the broadcasting industry in three city-regions, London was found to be hugely advantaged by its unrivalled talent pool, high financial rewards and prestigious projects. As Barnes and Hutton assert in relation to the wider creative industries, “if place matters, it matters most to them” (1251). This is certainly true for the screen industries and their spatial logic points towards a compulsion for proximity in large global hubs.Decentralisation and ‘Sticky’ PlacesDespite the attraction of global production hubs, there has been a decentralisation of screen industries from key centres, starting with the film industry and the vertical disintegration of Hollywood studios (Christopherson and Storper). There are instances of ‘runaway production’ from the 1920s onwards with around 40 per cent of all features being accounted for by offshore production in 1960 (Miller et al., 133). This trend has been increasing significantly in the last 20 years, leading to the genesis of new hubs of screen activity such as Toronto, Vancouver, Sydney and Prague (Christopherson, “Project work in context”; Goldsmith et al.; Mould; Miller et al.; Szczepanik). This development has been prompted by a multiplicity of reasons including favourable currency value differentials and economic incentives. Subsidies and tax breaks have been offered to secure international productions with most countries demanding that, in order to qualify for tax relief, productions have to spend a certain amount of their budget within the local economy, employ local crew and use domestic creative talent (Hill). Extensive infrastructure has been developed including studio complexes to attempt to lure productions with the advantage of a full service offering (Goldsmith and O’Regan).Internationally, Canada has been the greatest beneficiary of ‘runaway production’ with a state-led enactment of generous film incentives since the late 1990s (McDonald). Vancouver and Toronto are the busiest locations for North American Screen production after Los Angeles and New York, due to exchange rates and tax rebates on labour costs (Miller et al., 141). 80% of Vancouver’s production is attributable to runaway production (Jensen, 27) and the city is considered by some to have crossed a threshold as:It now possesses sufficient depth and breadth of talent to undertake the full array of pre-production, production and post-production services for the delivery of major motion pictures and TV programmes. (Barnes and Coe, 19)Similarly, Toronto is considered to have established a “comprehensive set of horizontal and vertical media capabilities” to ensure its status as a “full function media centre” (Davis, 98). These cities have successfully engaged in entrepreneurial activity to attract production (Christopherson, “Project Work in Context”) and in Vancouver the proactive role of provincial government and labour unions are, in part, credited with its success (Barnes and Coe). Studio-complex infrastructure has also been used to lure global productions, with Toronto, Melbourne and Sydney all being seen as key examples of where such developments have been used as a strategic priority to take local production capacity to the next level (Goldsmith and O’Regan).Studies which provide a historiography of the development of screen-industry hubs emphasise a complex interplay of social, cultural and physical conditions. In the complex and global flows of the screen industries, ‘sticky’ hubs have emerged with the ability to attract and retain capital and skilled labour. Despite being principally organised to attract international production, most studio complexes, especially those outside of global centres need to have a strong relationship to local or national film and television production to ensure the sustainability and depth of the labour pool (Goldsmith and O’Regan, 2003). Many have a broadcaster on site as well as a range of companies with a media orientation and training facilities (Goldsmith and O’Regan, 2003; Picard, 2008). The emergence of film studio complexes in the Australian Gold Coast and Vancouver was accompanied by an increasing role for television production and this multi-purpose nature was important for the continuity of production.Fostering a strong community of below the line workers, such as set designers, locations managers, make-up artists and props manufacturers, can also be a clear advantage in attracting international productions. For example at Cinecitta in Italy, the expertise of set designers and experienced crews in the Barrandov Studios of Prague are regarded as major selling points of the studio complexes there (Goldsmith and O’Regan; Miller et al.; Szczepanik). Natural and built environments are also considered very important for film and television firms and it is a useful advantage for capturing international production when cities can double for other locations as in the cases of Toronto, Vancouver, Prague for example (Evans; Goldsmith and O’Regan; Szczepanik). Toronto, for instance, has doubled for New York in over 100 films and with regard to television Due South’s (1994-1998) use of Toronto as Chicago was estimated to have saved 40 per cent in costs (Miller et al., 141).The Scottish Screen Industries Within mobile flows of capital and labour, Scotland has sought to position itself as a recipient of screen industries activity through multiple interventions, including investment in institutional frameworks, direct and indirect economic subsidies and the development of physical infrastructure. Traditionally creative industry activity in the UK has been concentrated in London and the South East which together account for 43% of the creative economy workforce (Bakhshi et al.). In order, in part to redress this imbalance and more generally to encourage the attraction and retention of international production a range of policies have been introduced focused on the screen industries. A revised Film Tax Relief was introduced in 2007 to encourage inward investment and prevent offshoring of indigenous production, and this has since been extended to high-end television, animation and children’s programming. Broadcasting has also experienced a push for decentralisation led by public funding with a responsibility to be regionally representative. The BBC (“BBC Annual Report and Accounts 2014/15”) is currently exceeding its target of 50% network spend outside London by 2016, with 17% spent in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Channel 4 has similarly committed to commission at least 9% of its original spend from the nations by 2020. Studios have been also developed across the UK including at Roath Lock (Cardiff), Titanic Studios (Belfast), MedicaCity (Salford) and The Sharp Project (Manchester).The creative industries have been identified as one of seven growth sectors for Scotland by the government (Scottish Government). In 2010, the film and video sector employed 3,500 people and contributed £120 million GVA and £120 million adjusted GVA to the economy and the radio and TV sector employed 3,500 people and contributed £50 million GVA and £400 million adjusted GVA (The Scottish Parliament). Beyond the direct economic benefits of sectors, the on-screen representation of Scotland has been claimed to boost visitor numbers to the country (EKOS) and high profile international film productions have been attracted including Skyfall (2012) and WWZ (2013).Scotland has historically attracted international film and TV productions due to its natural locations (VisitScotland) and on average, between 2009-2014, six big budget films a year used Scottish locations both urban and rural (BOP Consulting, 2014). In all, a total of £20 million was generated by film-making in Glasgow during 2011 (Balkind) with WWZ (2013) and Cloud Atlas (2013), representing Philadelphia and San Francisco respectively, as well as doubling for Edinburgh for the recent acclaimed Scottish films Filth (2013) and Sunshine on Leith (2013). Sanson (80) asserts that the use of the city as a site for international productions not only brings in direct revenue from production money but also promotes the city as a “fashionable place to live, work and visit. Creativity makes the city both profitable and ‘cool’”.Nonetheless, issues persist and it has been suggested that Scotland lacks a stable and sustainable film industry, with low indigenous production levels and variable success from year to year in attracting inward investment (BOP Consulting). With regard to crew, problems with an insufficient production base have been identified as an issue in maintaining a pipeline of skills (BOP Consulting). Developing ‘talent’ is a central aspect of the Scottish Government’s Strategy for the Creative Industries, yet there remains the core challenge of retaining skills and encouraging new talent into the industry (BOP Consulting).With regard to film, a lack of substantial funding incentives and the absence of a studio have been identified as a key concern for the sector. For example, within the film industry the majority of inward investment filming in Scotland is location work as it lacks the studio facilities that would enable it to sustain a big-budget production in its entirety (BOP Consulting). The absence of such infrastructure has been seen as contributing to a drain of Scottish talent from these industries to other areas and countries where there is a more vibrant sector (BOP Consulting). The loss of Scottish talent to Northern Ireland was attributed to the longevity of the work being provided by Games of Thrones (2011-) now having completed its six series at the Titanic Studios in Belfast (EKOS) although this may have been stemmed somewhat recently with the attraction of US high-end TV series Outlander (2014-) which has been based at Wardpark in Cumbernauld since 2013.Television, both high-end production and local broadcasting, appears crucial to the sustainability of screen production in Scotland. Outlander has been estimated to contribute to Scotland’s production spend figures reaching a historic high of £45.8 million in 2014 (Creative Scotland ”Creative Scotland Screen Strategy Update”). The arrival of the program has almost doubled production spend in Scotland, offering the chance for increased stability for screen industries workers. Qualifying for UK High-End Television Tax Relief, Outlander has engaged a crew of approximately 300 across props, filming and set build, and cast over 2,000 supporting artist roles from within Scotland and the UK.Long running drama, in particular, offers key opportunities for both those cutting their teeth in the screen industries and also by providing more consistent and longer-term employment to existing workers. BBC television soap River City (2002-) has been identified as a key example of such an opportunity and the programme has been credited with providing a springboard for developing the skills of local actors, writers and production crew (Hibberd). This kind of pipeline of production is critical given the work patterns of the sector. According to Creative Skillset, of the 4,000 people in Scotland are employed in the film and television industries, 40% of television workers are freelance and 90% of film production work in freelance (EKOS).In an attempt to address skills gaps, the Outlander Trainee Placement Scheme has been devised in collaboration with Creative Scotland and Creative Skillset. During filming of Season One, thirty-eight trainees were supported across a range of production and craft roles, followed by a further twenty-five in Season Two. Encouragingly Outlander, and the books it is based on, is set in Scotland so the authenticity of place has played a strong component in the decision to locate production there. Producer David Brown began his career on Bill Forsyth films Gregory’s Girl (1981), Local Hero (1983) and Comfort and Joy (1984) and has a strong existing relationship to Scotland. He has been very vocal in his support for the trainee program, contending that “training is the future of our industry and we at Outlander see the growth of talent and opportunities as part of our mission here in Scotland” (“Outlander fast tracks next generation of skilled screen talent”).ConclusionsThis article has aimed to explore the relationship between place and the screen industries and, taking Scotland as its focus, has outlined a need to more closely examine the ways in which the sector can be supported. Despite the possible gains in terms of building a sustainable industry, the state-led funding of the global screen industries is contested. The use of tax breaks and incentives has been problematised and critiques range from use of public funding to attract footloose media industries to the increasingly zero sum game of competition between competing places (Morawetz; McDonald). In relation to broadcasting, there have been critiques of a ‘lift and shift’ approach to policy in the UK, with TV production companies moving to the nations and regions temporarily to meet the quota and leaving once a production has finished (House of Commons). Further to this, issues have been raised regarding how far such interventions can seed and develop a rich production ecology that offers opportunities for indigenous talent (Christopherson and Rightor).Nonetheless recent success for the screen industries in Scotland can, at least in part, be attributed to interventions including increased decentralisation of broadcasting and the high-end television tax incentives. This article has identified gaps in infrastructure which continue to stymie growth and have led to production drain to other centres. 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Fürstbischof Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn (1573 – 1617) und die Hexenverfolgungen im Hochstift Würzburg (Hexenforschung, 16), Bielefeld 2017, Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 252 S. / Abb., € 24,00. (Rainer Walz, Bochum) Sidler, Daniel, Heiligkeit aushandeln. Katholische Reform und lokale Glaubenspraxis in der Eidgenossenschaft (1560 – 1790) (Campus Historische Studien, 75), Frankfurt a. M. / New York 2017, Campus, 593 S. / Abb., € 58,00. (Heinrich Richard Schmidt, Bern) Moring, Beatrice / Richard Wall, Widows in European Economy and Society, 1600 – 1920, Woodbridge / Rochester 2017, The Boydell Press, XIII u. 327 S. / Abb., £ 75,00. (Margareth Lanzinger, Wien) Katsiardi-Hering, Olga / Maria A. Stassinopoulou (Hrsg.), Across the Danube. Southeastern Europeans and Their Travelling Identities (17th–19th C.) (Studies in Global Social History, 27; Studies in Global Migration History, 9), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, VIII u. 330 S. / Abb., € 110,00. (Olivia Spiridon, Tübingen) „wobei mich der liebe Gott wunderlich beschutzet“. Die Schreibkalender des Clamor Eberhard von dem Bussche zu Hünnefeld (1611 – 1666). Edition mit Kommentar, hrsg. v. Lene Freifrau von dem Bussche-Hünnefeld / Stephanie Haberer, [Bramsche] 2017, Rasch, 216 S. / Abb., € 34,50. (Helga Meise, Reims) Rohrschneider, Michael / Anuschka Tischer (Hrsg.), Dynamik durch Gewalt? Der Dreißigjährige Krieg (1618 – 1648) als Faktor der Wandlungsprozesse des 17. Jahrhunderts (Schriftenreihe zur Neueren Geschichte, 38; Neue Folge, 1), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, VII u. 342 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Claire Gantet, Fribourg) Schloms, Antje, Institutionelle Waisenfürsorge im Alten Reich 1648 – 1806. Statistische Analyse und Fallbeispiele (Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, 129), Stuttgart 2017, Steiner, 395 S., € 62,00. (Iris Ritzmann, Zürich) Mühling, Christian, Die europäische Debatte über den Religionskrieg (1679 – 1714). Konfessionelle Memoria und internationale Politik im Zeitalter Ludwigs XIV. (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte Mainz, 250), Göttingen 2018, Vandenhoeck &amp; Ruprecht, 587 S., € 85,00. (Cornel Zwierlein, Bamberg) Dietz, Bettina, Das System der Natur. Die kollaborative Wissenskultur der Botanik im 18. Jahrhundert, Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 216 S., € 35,00. (Flemming Schock, Leipzig) Friedrich, Markus / Alexander Schunka (Hrsg.), Reporting Christian Missions in the Eighteenth Century. Communication, Culture of Knowledge and Regular Publication in a Cross-Confessional Perspective (Jabloniana, 8), Wiesbaden 2017, Harrassowitz, 196 S., € 52,00. (Nadine Amsler, Frankfurt a. M.) Berkovich, Ilya, Motivation in War. The Experience of Common Soldiers in Old-Regime Europe, Cambridge / New York 2017, Cambridge University Press, XII u. 280 S. / graph. Darst., £ 22,99. (Marian Füssel, Göttingen) Stöckl, Alexandra, Der Principalkommissar. Formen und Bedeutung sozio-politischer Repräsentation im Hause Thurn und Taxis (Thurn und Taxis Studien. Neue Folge, 10), Regensburg 2018, Pustet, VII u. 280 S., € 34,95. (Dorothée Goetze, Bonn) Wunder, Dieter, Der Adel im Hessen des 18. Jahrhunderts – Herrenstand und Fürstendienst. Grundlagen einer Sozialgeschichte des Adels in Hessen (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Hessen, 84), Marburg 2016, Historische Kommission für Hessen, XIV u. 844 S. / Abb., € 39,00. (Alexander Kästner, Dresden) Mährle, Wolfgang (Hrsg.), Aufgeklärte Herrschaft im Konflikt. Herzog Carl Eugen von Württemberg 1728 – 1793. Tagung des Arbeitskreises für Landes- und Ortsgeschichte im Verband der württembergischen Geschichts- und Altertumsvereine am 4. und 5. Dezember 2014 im Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart (Geschichte Württembergs, 1), Stuttgart 2017, Kohlhammer, 354 S. / Abb., € 25,00. (Dietmar Schiersner, Weingarten) Bennett, Rachel E., Capital Punishment and the Criminal Corpse in Scotland, 1740 – 1834 (Palgrave Historical Studies in the Criminal Corpse and its Afterlife), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XV u. 237 S., € 29,96. (Benjamin Seebröker, Dresden) York, Neil L., The American Revolution, 1760 – 1790. New Nation as New Empire, New York / London 2016, Routledge, XIII u. 151 S. / Karten, Hardcover, £ 125,00. (Volker Depkat, Regensburg) Richter, Roland, Amerikanische Revolution und niederländische Finanzanleihen 1776 – 1782. Die Rolle John Adams’ und der Amsterdamer Finanzhäuser bei der diplomatischen Anerkennung der USA (Niederlande-Studien, 57), Münster / New York 2016, Waxmann, 185 S. / Abb., € 29,90. (Volker Depkat, Regensburg) Steiner, Philip, Die Landstände in Steiermark, Kärnten und Krain und die josephinischen Reformen. Bedrohungskommunikation angesichts konkurrierender Ordnungsvorstellungen (1789 – 1792), Münster 2017, Aschendorff, 608 S. / Abb., € 59,00 (Simon Karstens, Trier)