Academic literature on the topic 'Domestic relations – Scotland'
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Journal articles on the topic "Domestic relations – Scotland"
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Charles, Nickie, and Fiona Mackay. "Feminist politics and framing contests: Domestic violence policy in Scotland and Wales." Critical Social Policy 33, no. 4 (June 24, 2013): 593–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018313483488.
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Mackillop, Andrew. "Accessing Empire: Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (November 2005): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.
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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.
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Hunt, Jo, and Rachel Minto. "Between intergovernmental relations and paradiplomacy: Wales and the Brexit of the regions." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 4 (August 23, 2017): 647–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117725027.
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The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) is an assertion of UK nation-state sovereignty. Notwithstanding this state-centrism, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have distinct interests to protect as part of the Brexit negotiations. This article explores how the interests of one regional case, Wales, were accommodated in the pre-negotiation phase, at a domestic level—through intergovernmental structures—and an EU level through paradiplomacy. We explore the structures for sub-state influence, Wales’ engagement with these structures and what has informed its approach. We argue that Wales’ behaviour reflects its positioning as a ‘Good Unionist’ and a ‘Good European’. Despite the weakness of intra-UK structures, Wales has preferred to pursue policy influence at a UK (not an EU) level. In Brussels, regional interests inform the context for Brexit. Here, Wales has focused on awareness-raising, highlighting that the UK Government does not command the ‘monopoly on perspectives’ towards Brexit in the United Kingdom.
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Preston, Peter. "Cutting Scotland Loose: Soft Nationalism and Independence-in-Europe." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10, no. 4 (November 2008): 717–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00337.x.
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The reactions of metropolitan political elites to the recent electoral successes of Scottish Nationalists have been broadly negative; arguments for independence have been characterised in domestic United Kingdom terms and thereafter dismissed as voluntaristic, atavistic and indulgent. This is an error: the end of the comfortable certainties of the cold war has revealed a complex pattern of ever-changing structural relationships within which discrete polities must make their way; these changes have given us the European Union, an unfolding project, and as structural change in Europe runs through Scotland local agents must read and react with an eye to the future. Arguments for independence are rational; critics may disagree with such proposals, but it would be sensible to consider them directly. Those inclined to dismissal may neglect good argument today and store up unpleasant surprises for themselves tomorrow.
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Copper, Mike, and Ian Armit. "A Conservative Party? Pots and People in the Hebridean Neolithic." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 84 (October 22, 2018): 257–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2018.12.
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Recent analysis of the ceramic assemblage from the Neolithic loch islet settlement of Eilean Dòmhnuill, North Uist, in the Western Isles of Scotland has highlighted the intense conservatism of the potting traditions over a period of more than 800 years. Hebridean Neolithic pottery exhibits clear relationships with pottery from Argyll, Arran, and Bute, as well as Orkney and the north-east mainland of Scotland. It appears to have developed a distinctive, often decoratively elaborate regional form very soon after its initial appearance, which subsequently appears to have undergone little or no significant change until the introduction of Grooved Ware in the early 3rd millenniumbc. An association exists between large assemblages of elaborately decorated Hebridean pottery and a number of artificial islets in freshwater lochs, some very small and producing little or no evidence for domestic activities. This might be explained by the importance of commensality in mediating relations between small communities in the Western Isle at such sites following the introduction of agriculture in the 2nd quarter of the 4th millenniumbc. The conservatism and stasis evident at Eilean Dòmhnuill, in the face of environmental decline, raises wider issues around the adaptive capabilities of the first farming communities prior to significant social changes in the earlier 3rd millenniumbc.
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Egan, Mo. "The Role of the Regulated Sector in the UK Anti-Money Laundering Framework: Pushing the Boundaries of the Private Police." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 2 (July 14, 2010): 272–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i2.265.
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This article argues that the conceptualisation of private police in current academic literature requires expansion to accommodate the role of the regulated sector in the Anti- Money Laundering (AML) framework. Firstly, it evaluates the literature on ‘private police’ and argues that its current parameters are too narrow to accommodate the ‘policing’ role of the regulated sector. Secondly, it lays out the legislative framework that has developed to deal with the problem of money laundering. Thirdly, it contextualises the role of the regulated sector, examining the domestic inter-agency policing relationships within the suspicious activity regime as operationalised in Scotland. Finally, it takes a closer look at how the courts have interpreted the ‘failure to report offence’ under s330 of the Proceeds of Crime Act (POCA) 2002 and its consequential effect on the engagement of the regulated sector with the SARs regime.
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Nijenhuis, Willbm. "A Disputed Letter: Relations Between the Church of Scotland and the Reformed Church in the Province of Zeeland in the Year of the Solemn League and Covenant." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001678.
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In the year 1643 the Dutch revolt against Spain was dragging gradually to an end. Repeated attempts by Stadtholder Frederick Henry to take Antwerp had failed. Since 1640 only minor military operations had been undertaken. The demand for peace was growing, but this, at the same time, led to divisions of opinion. During this period of domestic tension the United Provinces became involved in events in England leading to the Civil War.
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Shein, S., Y. Belous, P. Chupriyanova, N. Semenova, and L. Koroleva. "Devolution as a Post-Brexit Factor of the British Regions Political Actorness: The Cases of Scotland and Wales." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2023): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2023-3-79-90.
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Brexit, as a profound political and institutional shock for the United Kingdom and the whole European Union as an integration organization, has significantly changed the context of the functioning of British ethno-regional autonomies. The UK’s exit from the European Union has transformed the parameters of the political actorness of British regions in the context of an ongoing devolution. The devolutionary framework, characterized by asymmetrical relations between the center and the regions, as well as the unthorough nature of the reforms carried out, created barriers to the development of the political actorness of the regions in a situation of redistribution of powers after the elimination of the supranational level of governance after Brexit. Britain’s exit from the EU led to an attempt to recentralize domestic policy by the Conservative government of Boris Johnson, following which he acted in line with the previously pursued devolutionary policy. The authors of the article set out to identify the impact of Brexit on the political actorness of the British regions of the United Kingdom – Scotland and Wales – using theoretical tools of historical institutionalism. The study concluded that the increased demand for expanding the political actorness of British regions after Brexit does not lead to an increase in the powers and preferences of regional administrations, based on the existing devolutionary framework that limits the ability of regions to fight for their status, powers and preferences within the existing political system. The system determines the limits of the strategy of regional government actors in the absence of a clear configuration of multi-level politics in the United Kingdom and the lack of institutional mechanisms to increase the actorness of the regions. It was revealed that the central authorities use an exclusionary policy of ‘soft recentralization’ after Brexit in relations with the regions. Scotland and Wales, in turn, implement strategies of ‘managable confrontation’ and ‘forced cooperation’ in relation to the center based on the lack of effective institutional mechanisms for increasing their own status within the national political system.
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Black, Antony. "Nation and community in the international order." Review of International Studies 19, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117358.
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It is obvious that today the facts of international relations do notfitinto any general framework of which people are aware (perhaps they never have). As descriptions, concepts such as state, sovereignty, federation seem more than ever stabs in the dark. In prescriptive political theory, we are even more at sea. Old prescriptive certainties such as nationhood must be conceded to be at best the most provisional of guides to action. The interface between domestic sovereignty and international organisations (and what a wilderness of phenomena that term is supposed to describe) needs to be comprehended anew. This is urgent if we are to make sense of, and have a sense of direction through, the problems of the European Community, the Commonwealth of Independent States, Eastern Europe, the Balkans, not to mention a host of problematic multi-ethnic polities as diverse as India and Iraq. Wherever we look in the world today, the relationship between ‘state’, ‘nation’ and ‘community’ seems to be in crisis: from the Balkans to Canada, from Scotland to Kurdistan. This no more has the appearance of an aberration from some historical norm than does the tie between state and nation in previous European history. It makes more sense to regard both as shifting patterns of collective human consciousnesses. The idea that there is something ‘out there’, ‘given’, that preordains human beings to live in nations, and nations t o form states, was certainly a myth; and as a myth had a certain real force. The problem today is, first, that the myth is reviving in some places at just the time when it is being swept aside in others (in parts of the European Community, for example); and, secondly, that the idea of imprescriptible national rights seems to be a postulate of democracy whenever the majority in a territory embrace it, and at the same time a recipe for carnage and the vilest known abrogation of all other human rights. The revival of this nationalist idea around 1990 has also to be set beside the real feelings of belonging that arise amongst groups other than nations; which, whenever they do have such a feeling of corporate identity, we may describe by the general term ‘communities’.
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Andreeva, T. "Domestic and International Aspects of the Scottish Independence Problem." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2014): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-6-65-74.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the Scottish nationalists coming into power, the beginning of discussion on the possible Scotland’s secession from Great Britain and its impact on international influence of the Kingdom.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Domestic relations – Scotland"
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NOLAN, Aoife. "Children's socio-economic rights and the courts : evaluating an activist approach." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4729.
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Defence date: 28 October 2005Examining Board: Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, EUI (Supervisor) ; Prof. Carol Sanger, Columbia University (External Supervisor) ; Prof. Philip Alston, New York University ; Prof. Geraldine Van Bueren, Queen Mary/University of Cape Town
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Despite the significant growth in academic interest in both children's rights and socio-economic rights over the last two decades, children's socio-economic rights are a comparatively neglected area. This is particularly true with regard to the role of the courts in the enforcement of such rights. Aoife Nolan's book remedies this omission, focussing on the circumstances in which the courts can and should give effect to the socio-economic rights of children. The arguments put forward are located within the context of, and develop, long-standing debates in constitutional law, democratic theory and human rights. The claims made by the author are supported and illustrated by concrete examples of judicial enforcement of children's socio-economic rights from a variety of jurisdictions. The work is thus rooted in both theory and practice. The author brings together and addresses a wide range of issues that have never previously been considered together in book form. These include children's socio-economic rights; children as citizens and their position in relation to democratic decision-making processes; the implications of children and their rights for democratic and constitutional theory; the role of the courts in ensuring the enforcement of children's rights; and the debates surrounding the litigation and adjudication of socio-economic rights. This dissertation thus represents a major original contribution to the existing scholarship in a range of areas including human rights, legal and political theory and constitutional law.
Books on the topic "Domestic relations – Scotland"
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Nichols, David Ian. The Family Law (Scotland) Act 1985. 2nd ed. Edinburgh: W. Green/Sweet & Maxwell, 1991.
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Executive, Scotland Scottish. Family matters: Improving family law in Scotland. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive, 2004.
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M, Thomson J. Family law in Scotland. 2nd ed. Edinburgh: Butterworths, 1991.
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M, Thomson J. Family law in Scotland. 3rd ed. Edinburgh: Butterworths, 1996.
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M, Thomson J. Family law in Scotland. London: Butterworths, 1987.
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Britain, Great. The Family Law (Scotland) Act 1985. Edinburgh: Green, 1985.
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Nichols, David Ian. The Matrimonial Homes (Family Protection) (Scotland) Act 1981. 2nd ed. Edinburgh: W. Green & Son, 1986.
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Nichols, D. I. The Family Law (Scotland) Act 1985. Edinburgh: W. Green, 1985.
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Jane, Lewis. The role of mediation in family disputes in Scotland: Report of a research study : final report. Edinburgh: Scottish Office Central Research Unit, 1999.
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McInnes, Betty. The longest journey. Sutton: Severn House, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Domestic relations – Scotland"
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McCarthy, Angela. "National Identities and Twentieth-Century Scottish Migrants in England." In Anglo-Scottish Relations, from 1900 to Devolution and Beyond. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0011.
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This chapter presents a preliminary examination of the twentieth-century Scottish migrant experience within England by investigating notions of national identity as articulated by individual migrants. It also shows that the analysis of interviews with Scottish immigrants in England reveal ‘predominantly favourable accounts of life in England’ and indicate that ‘Scots did not receive a hostile reception’. The six interviews used here for the exploration of Scottish identity were sourced from the National Sound Archive at the British Library. For the purposes of this discussion, expressions of identity are confined to Scottish-born migrants. In exploring what Scottish identities meant to these migrants, the chapter is mainly concerned with personal manifestations of Scottishness. The internal character of Scottishness briefly outlined in this chapter can misleadingly suggest that Scots were integrated into the societies they settled in. Moreover, the testimonies indicate that interpretations of Scottish identity have for too long been reliant on domestic conditions in Scotland.
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Jackson, Clare. "Judicial Torture, the Liberties of the Subject, and Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1660–1690." In Anglo-Scottish Relations from 1603 to 1900. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263303.003.0005.
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This chapter provides a picture of the uses to which judicial torture was put after 1660. It also reconsiders Hume's ‘vestige of barbarity’: the role of judicial torture in late seventeenth-century Scotland. It first explores the practice of judicial torture in its broader legal, political, and philosophical contexts before turning to consider three specific instances wherein torture was sanctioned. The first concerns the torture in 1676 of the Covenanting preacher, James Mitchell, following his alleged attempt to assassinate the head of the established church, Archbishop James Sharp of St Andrews. The second investigates the torture of William Spence and William Carstares in 1684 on suspicion of treasonable attempts to foment an Anglo-Scottish rebellion against Charles II's authority, and the final case addresses the torture in 1690 of an English political agitator, Henry Neville Payne, in connection with Anglo-Scottish Jacobite intrigues being concerted against the government of William and Mary. Moreover, it describes the role of judicial torture within a domestic Scottish context. It is noted that if judicial torture is regarded as ‘an engine of state, not of law’, primarily deployed to protect civil society, rather than to punish known crimes, then some chilling contemporary parallels emerge.
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Gallagher, Jim. "The Ghost in the Machine? The Government of England." In Governing England, 69–90. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266465.003.0004.
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The asymmetry of the UK as a union means that England, unlike Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, not only has no domestic legislature but no executive of its own either. Westminster is England’s Parliament and the UK Government is England’s Government. Much attention has been devoted to the (parliamentary) anomaly of the West Lothian Question, but there has been little discussion of England’s Government. This chapter asks whether the UK Government contains a ghost in the machine: an embryonic English Government, perhaps in English departments or cabinet committees, or shown in social or economic policy or in taxation and spending. It notes how deeply entangled UK and English economic and fiscal policy are, notably via the Barnett formula, and considers the options for more explicit English governance such as a ‘Minister for England’, but questions how politically salient this would be when the main issue is England’s relations with Europe.
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Smuts, R. Malcolm. "Introduction." In Political Culture, the State, and the Problem of Religious War in Britain and Ireland, 1578-1625, 1—CIP59. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863133.003.0001.
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Abstract The introduction first examines the vocabulary used to describe polities in the early modern period, especially concepts of commonwealths and states. The latter term was increasingly used in discourse about practical political problems that demanded serious responses. Contemporaries regarded states as complex systems of both hard and soft power that formed and evolved through a three-way interaction between sovereigns, the societies they ruled, and challenging historical circumstances that threatened the state by foreign aggression or internal upheavals. By the late sixteenth century, the states of England, Scotland, and Ireland had all become Protestant; but all three states were challenged by sharpening religious conflicts that possessed both domestic and international dimensions. This pattern of religious competition and strife provoked complex responses, involving both top-down efforts to impose stronger royal control and voluntary initiatives by private individuals that affected relations among the three kingdoms and neighboring parts of Europe, as well as the internal history of each of them.
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Caughie, John. "Depicting Scotland: Scotland in Early Films." In Early Cinema in Scotland. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420341.003.0009.
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This chapter by John Caughie addresses both fiction and non-fiction films, dealing with scenics made by international companies, and with the ways in which Scotland was represented in international feature cinema. Particular attention is given to the mapping of scenics and their relation to eighteenth- and nineteenth-century travel literature. With regard to the feature film, it follows the traditions of Scott and romanticism, the movement in the 1920s towards Barrie and domestic melodrama, and the perennial return to the comic characters of Scottish music hall. The chapter addresses the question of how it came to be that a country without its own film industry nevertheless secured a place in the international cinematic imaginary.
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Bryden, John. "The Development of Industry and North Sea Oil in Scotland and Norway." In Northern Neighbours. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696208.003.0006.
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This Chapter discusses the many important differences between the nature and processes of Industrialisation in Scotland and Norway from the 18th Century up to the present day. The dissferences discussed particularly concern the timing of the shift from ‘proto-industrialisation’ to ’modern industrialisation’ based on the factory system; the relationship between agrarian, rural, urban and industrial development, especially concerning the peasantry, migration streams and urbanisation; working-class divisions and alliances; attitudes and policies concerning foreign interest and capital in relation to basic resources; the source of energy for modern industry and its impacts on the location of industrial development; the importance of domestic and overseas markets and industrial protection; different ideas on the role of the State and protectionism; and the differential impact of neo-liberal policies after 1970. It is argued that because of these deep-rooted differences and Scotland’s constitutional position within the UK, the experience of the development and exploitation of North Sea oil and gas in the two countries after about 1970 is also quite different, as are its social and economic consequences. Among other points, the Chapter discusses how Norway’s strong local government tradition (Ch.5) leveraged Norway’s wealth-sharing scheme from its oil and gas boom, and the importance of Norway’s Concession Laws of 1906-09 restricting the activities of foreign capital in natural resources, which set the stage and deepened Norway’s public goods culture. In contrast, Scotland’s oil revenues routinely bled off to elites and investors.
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Sandrock, Kirsten. "Scotland’s Atlantic Visions, 1660–1691." In Scottish Colonial Literature, 80–129. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474464000.003.0003.
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This chapter focuses on Scottish Atlantic literature from the 1660s to the early 1690s. It explores how colonial utopian writing broadened in the mid-seventeenth century to include drama, life writing, legal sources, and abolitionist texts, including not only literature directly linked to Atlantic expansion but also texts usually associated with domestic Scottish literature, such as Thomas Sydserf's Tarugo's Wiles: Or, the Coffee-House (1668) or Archibald Pitcairne's The Assembly; Or, Scotch Reformation (1691). Engaging with recent works on Scotland's role in Atlantic slavery and the Black Atlantic, the chapter seeks to broaden understandings of how Scottish literature and culture participated in the development of the Black Atlantic and Eurocentric thought. The chapter further looks at legal and governmental sources relating to New Jersey and the Middle Colonies from the 1680s onwards, at abolitionist writings, and texts that pertain to the Six Nations and indigenous populations of the Americas. All of these bring out the paradoxes of possession versus dispossession and of freedom versus enslavement in Scottish colonial literature. They illustrate how aesthetic devices of utopianism work towards spatializing the colonial sphere and trying to stabilize boundaries between colonizing and colonized subjects.
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Hill, Anne Macleod. "Reformed Theology in Gaelic Women’s Poetry and Song." In The History of Scottish Theology, Volume II, 99–111. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759348.003.0008.
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Gaelic women’s poetry and song track the reception of Reformed theology in Gaelic communities both geographically and diachronically. They also allow insights into the spiritual, ethical, and societal concerns of those whose voices are otherwise unheard. Whether ostensibly secular or explicitly spiritual, Gaelic women’s songs carry a record of the religious, cultural, and domestic life of Highland Scotland in many individual voices. The earliest Gaelic evangelical songs belonged to the oral tradition, and were specifically directed towards making biblical teaching and Reformed doctrine accessible within non-literate Gaelic-speaking communities. Women’s spiritual songs quickly became a forum for personal and communal religious expression, public exhortation, and discussions on faith and doctrine. They show women, both literate and non-literate, acting as spiritual mentors, actively engaging in biblical exegesis, relating scriptural teaching to contemporary issues, and demanding that Christian ethics be applied in both personal and public life.
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Howard, Gillian S. "Legal aspects of fitness for work." In Fitness for Work, 21–41. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780199643240.003.0002.
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The English legal system is based on the common law. The common law system in England and Wales developed from the decisions of judges whose rulings over the centuries have created precedents for other courts to follow and these decisions were based on the ‘custom and practice of the Realm’. The system of binding precedent means that any decision of the Supreme Court—the new name for the former House of Lords (the highest court in the UK)—will bind all the lower courts, unless the lower courts are able to distinguish the facts of the current case and argue that the previous binding decision cannot apply, because of differences in the facts of the two cases. However, since the UK joined the European Union (EU), the decisions of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) now supersede any decisions of the domestic courts and require the English national courts to follow its decisions. (Scotland has a system based on Dutch Roman law, and some procedural differences although no fundamental differences in relation to employment law.) The Human Rights Act 1998 became law in England and Wales in 2000 (and in Scotland in 1998) in order to incorporate the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law. The two most important Articles applicable to employment law are Article 8(1), the right to respect for privacy, family life, and correspondence, and Article 6, the right to a fair trial.