Journal articles on the topic 'Domestic relations – Majorca (Spain)'
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1
Yrigoy, Ismael. "Beyond parasitism: Unpacking land rentiership relations in Magaluf (Majorca, Spain)." Geoforum 116 (November 2020): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2020.07.010.
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Grydehøj, Adam. "Guest Editorial Introduction: Understanding island cities." Island Studies Journal 9, no. 2 (2014): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.300.
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Island studies research has traditionally focused on relatively rural, peripheral, and isolated communities, yet island cities (strongly urbanized small islands or archipelagos or major population centres of large islands or archipelagos) also represent an important research area. Island spatiality has a host of historical and continuing effects on urban development, influencing urban densification and agglomeration, zonal differentiation, and neighbourhood formation in cities both big and small. This special section of Island Studies Journal includes papers on the island cities and urban archipelagos of Peel (Isle of Man, British Isles), Nuuk (Greenland), Palma de Majorca (Spain), Belize City (Belize), and Mumbai (India). The Island Cities and Urban Archipelagos research network seeks to help enrich wider island studies scholarship and contribute to introducing the island dimension to urban studies.
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León, Margarita. "Migration and Care Work in Spain: The Domestic Sector Revisited." Social Policy and Society 9, no. 3 (June 1, 2010): 409–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000126.
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This paper explores the increasing significance of domestic workers in Spain, a country that has the highest figures of registered household employees in the EU, many of them female migrant workers. The paper focuses on how the domestic sector has grown in recent years along with mass migration flows. The growth of the household sector in Spain is situated within the context of the welfare and migration regimes. The household sector in Spain is currently absorbing a large part of the demand for childcare and elderly care provision. Although the domestic sector in Spain is more regulated than in many other countries, greater efforts to formalise and improve the labour and employment rights of household employees are needed to counterbalance occupational segregation and social inequality.
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Cherkasova, E. "Spain and Crisis: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-9-33-41.
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The article considers the causes and the nature of the economic crisis which was a heavy blow for Spanish economy being in need of structural reforms. The domestic political consequences of the crisis included the change of government, the emergence of new protest movements and strengthening of separatism. Under the Brussels' pressure, Spain was forced to make significant adjustments to its national anti-crisis strategy which had a high social price. Particular attention is given to relations with the EU and the impact of the crisis on the country's foreign policy.
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Closa, Carlos. "The Formation of Domestic Preferences on the EU Constitution in Spain." Comparative European Politics 2, no. 3 (December 2004): 320–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cep.6110041.
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Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.
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The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.
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Murray, N. Michelle. "On Feminist Paradoxes: Transnational Domestic Encounters in Contemporary Spain." Letras Femeninas 41, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 265–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44733782.
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Abstract This essay analyzes Spanish feminisms through an exploration of the domestic sphere and its transformations, as represented in two recent novels: Ángeles Caso’s Contra el viento (2010) and José Ovejero’s Nunca pasa nada (2007). In these works, the juxtaposition of Spanish women and immigrant women in the domestic sphere creates sites of solidarity between nationals and immigrants as women. While the relations between these two groups of women are steeped in power paradigms that reflect the asymmetries extant in the global world system, the influence the foreign women wield within this space as transmitters of (inter)national culture is tremendous. Further, Caso’s and Ovejero’s novels engage histories of gendered oppression by reevaluating the experiences of Spanish women from earlier generations in relation to those of immigrant women today. Through these unexpected juxtapositions, the novels reveal the ways in which the liberation of Spanish women has resulted in the marginal ization of foreign women—often women of color and the formerly colonized—and the falsehoods intrinsic to Spanish women’s liberation as they are subtly demonized for requiring domestic assistance. My readings of Contra el viento and Nunca pasa nada are in dialogue with second-wave feminist critiques of capitalism and domesticity and third-wave critiques that consider the roles of race, class, and citizenship in women’s movements. My analyses will use feminist critiques to argue that these domestic encounters ostensibly rooted in colonization, marginalization, and social anonymity can fuel resistance, change, and solidarity.
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Suri, Gayatri. "Gendered Orientations around Domestic Objects; A Study of Home Truths: Gender, Domestic Objects and Everyday Life." New Literaria 04, no. 01 (2023): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.48189/nl.2023.v04i1.014.
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When Daniel Miller asked ‘Why some things matter?’, it became critical to question why they matter differently for various genders. This paper is an attempt to analyze how ‘orientations’ around objects play out differently for the female gender in Sarah Pink’s (2004) Home Truths: Gender, Domestic and Everyday Life. The domestic space of research informants in England and Spain is taken up to explore not only how orientations are different for the female genders, but how they also go on to reinforce gender roles. Thus works of foundational thing theorists like Bill Brown, Bruno Latour and Daniel Miller’s ideas of subject-object relations are critiqued and revealed to be inadequate until gender is factored in. Additionally, the paper also reveals how bodies then purposely attempt to break out of gender roles by molding their subject-object relations. Ultimately, things end up shaping our mind more than we can fathom.
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Øystein Pharo, Helge. "Small State Anti-Fascism: Norway’s Quest to Eliminate the Franco Regime in the Aftermath of World War II." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.008.
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In the early postwar years Norway was among the most active in the campaign against Franco’s Spain, supporting the policy of keeping Spain out of the UN, and pushing for UN members to break off diplomatic relations with Spain. Within a few years the policy of ostracism was seen to fail as it appeared to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. Spain was then gradually allowed into the warmth. Until the early 1950s Norway’s retreat from its 1946 position was very reluctant, and it was in 1949 the last Western European state to accept normalization. Spain retaliated with economic pressures, and by 1951 Norway had relented and joined in the general reestablishment of normal diplomatic relations, and in 1955 accepted the package deal that brought Spain into the UN. The article discusses the foreign policy concerns and the domestic political struggles that explain Norwegian policies, including the veto on Spanish NATO membership that was never given up.
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Rubio, Sónia Parella. "Immigrant women in paid domestic service. The case of Spain and Italy." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 3 (August 2003): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900310.
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In the familistic welfare state regimes of Italy and Spain, the resurgence in live-in domestic work and the demand for migrant domestic workers is stronger than in other European countries. Organising and regulating services in order to help with the burden of caring for one's family is not an important objective of social policy in southern European countries. It is taken for granted that the family (‘women') is the main provider of social protection. In the absence of policy decisions in this field, the increase in local women's labour market participation in recent decades has led to households recruiting non-EU immigrant women in order to help them balance the needs of their family with the demands of paid employment. These immigrants constitute an enormous supply of low-cost labour and there is a shortage of local female workers in paid domestic work.
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Ward, Steven. "Decline and Disintegration: National Status Loss and Domestic Conflict in Post-Disaster Spain." International Security 46, no. 4 (2022): 91–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00435.
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Abstract Decline has long been a central concern of international relations scholarship, but analysts have only recently begun to investigate whether a change in international status influences a state's domestic politics. A new theoretical framework for understanding the domestic political consequences of relative national decline posits that eroding national status activates two sets of social psychological dynamics that contribute to domestic conflict inside declining states. First, eroding state status prompts some groups to strengthen their commitment to the state's status and dominant national identity, at the same time as it prompts other groups to disidentify from the state. Second, eroding status produces incentives for substate actors to derogate and scapegoat one another. These dynamics are particularly likely to contribute to center-periphery conflict in multinational states after instances of acute status loss. The plausibility of the argument is demonstrated by showing how the erosion of Spain's status (especially because of military failure in the 1898 Spanish-American War and the subsequent loss of its last colonies in the Americas) intensified domestic conflict in Spain during the first decades of the twentieth century. Findings indicate that decline may actually exacerbate domestic conflict, making it more difficult for states to adopt appropriate reforms.
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Moreno, Luis. "The Madrid Bombings in the Domestic and Regional Politics of Spain." Irish Studies in International Affairs 16, no. 1 (2005): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2005.0001.
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Moreno, Luis. "The Madrid Bombings in the Domestic and Regional Politics of Spain." Irish Studies in International Affairs 16, no. -1 (January 1, 2005): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2005.16.1.65.
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Marrero Rocha, Inmaculada. "The Implications of Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations for Moroccan Immigrants in Spain Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations and Moroccan Immigrants." European Journal of Migration and Law 7, no. 4 (2006): 413–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181605776293228.
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AbstractThe terrorist attacks in Madrid on March 11, 2004 were one of the most traumatic events in recent Spanish domestic history, and have had a profound influence in internal policy as well as determining the strategy of its foreign and security policy. In many sectors it has created a climate in which there are serious negative repercussions in the acceptance and integration of immigrants from Morocco, bearing in mind that most of the people detained and put on trial are from that country but were residing in Spain. However, if the March 11 terrorist attacks are an important factor militating against Moroccan integration in Spain, the truth is that for many years they have had greater difficulties in integrating into the host community than other immigrant groups. This paper argues that Spanish-Moroccan political relations constitute further factors that create special difficulties for Moroccan immigrants in their integration into Spanish society. In order to demonstrate this hypothesis, the paper first describes in section one the specific Spanish migration context, firstly from the demographic point of view, analysing the rapid change of Spain from an emigrant country to an immigrant country and the increase in foreign population over recent years and, secondly from cultural point of view when it discusses the already existing diversities among the different Spanish regions and, finally, from a legal point of view the paper studies the changeable and unstable Spanish law on migration. The main goal of this introductory section is to show the general problems of integration applicable to all immigrant groups living in Spain, including Moroccans. Secondly, in sections two and three, the paper attempts to examine the unequal treatment against Moroccan immigrants and argues that this situation is not only due to Spanish attitudes toward immigrants in general and the social, racial and religious characteristic of Moroccan immigrants but also because there are other political reasons related to the relations between the Spanish and Moroccan Governments that affect the situation of Moroccans in Spain because of their nationality. In order to show this unequal treatment of Moroccan immigrants in comparison with other immigrant groups, section two describes the main examples of clear discrimination: specific racist and xenophobic attacks against Moroccans in Spain; employment discrimination against Moroccans; and the institutional declarations that negatively affect Moroccans. The third section attempts to demonstrate how old and recent political crisis and controversies in the fields of fishing, agricultural, territorial disputes, and illegal immigration controls between both countries constitute factors which have made the integration of Moroccan labourers in Spain more difficult. The fourth section shows how the political crises and conflicts between Spain and Morocco have worsened the Spanish population's perception of Morocco and have influenced the treatment Moroccan immigrants receive in Spain. Finally, the last section contains several conclusions as a warning to the Spanish Government to improve its relations with Moroccan Authorities not only to obtain institutional and political results but also to bring about positive consequences for Moroccans living in Spain.
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de la Rasilla del Moral, Ignacio. "The Swan Song of Universal Jurisdiction in Spain." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 5 (2009): 777–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753609x12507729201354.
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AbstractOn 29 April 2009 the Spanish National Court opened a cause against the "perpetrators, the instigators, the necessary collaborators and accomplices" of alleged tortures at the Guantanamo camp and other overseas detention facilities. Before examining how these and other causes currently opened in Spain under the principle of universal jurisdiction enshrined by Art. 23.4 of the Organic Law of the Judicial Branch (LOPJ) are likely to be affected by the legislative reform of that very provision approved by the Spanish Congress of Deputies on 25 June 2009, we will first examine the sinuous - and now dramatically indicative in retrospect - jurisprudential evolution of the treatment of the principle of universal justice by Spanish Courts since the Constitutional Court enshrined a doctrine of unconditional universal jurisdiction in its widely celebrated Guatemala Genocide case in June 2005. This is complemented by an overview of the cases that, jurisdictionally based on the principle of universal justice enshrined by Article 23 of the LOPJ, are still currently open (from e.g., Tibet to Rwanda or Gaza) before Spanish Courts. In addition, set against the background provided by the release of the four so-called "torture memos" by the Obama Administration in April 2009, there is a brief examination of the possibilities of jurisdictional prosecution of both the perpetrators and those who formulated the legal guidance authorizing the "enhanced interrogators techniques" in both the U.S. domestic law system and international legal jurisdictional settings, including at the ICJ level. Eventually, an examination of the hasty procedure through which the new relevant Spanish provision in this area has been adopted and the legal effects, with reference to cases currently opened before the Spanish courts, of the newly reformed article give place to a brief reflection on the prospects of international law in the age of an emerging new international judiciary in view of the structural deficit of mechanisms of participatory democracy on the domestic plane with relevance in the international realm as dramatically epitomized at this juncture by the Spanish legal system.
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Storm, Eric. "When Did Nationalism Become Banal? The Nationalization of the Domestic Sphere in Spain." European History Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2020): 204–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420910948.
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Inspired by Michael Billig’s Banal Nationalism, social scientists have begun to study the impact of nationalism on everyday life. However, Billig’s concept is far from clear. Actually, banal can refer to ‘mundane’ expressions of nationalism, to their ‘unconscious’ consumption or their ‘cold’ temperature. Moreover, on many occasions Billig referred to the state instead of the nation, thus in fact analysing ‘banal statism’. For historians it is often difficult to ascertain whether people consciously perceived certain expressions of nationalism or not. However, we can analyze when certain mundane forms of nationalism were invented, while looking for clues as to how they cooled down and slowly became taken for granted. In this article, I will analyze how the nationalization of the domestic sphere manifested itself in Spain. In fact, this transnational trend has been largely ignored by architectural historians and scholars dealing with gender, food, design and animal–human relations, because they primarily focused on processes of modernization. In this way, the intensification of the nation-building process, which now also actively implies housewives, has remained largely invisible. Using evidence from a broad array of books, lectures and magazines, I will show that during the belle époque – when Spanish nationalism was quite hot – all kinds of spaces, objects and practices associated with the private sphere and the home were consciously nationalized by writers, architects and cooks. The focus will be on the nationalization of domestic architecture, food and dishes, but I will also pay attention to the nationalization of furniture, pets, gardening and cleaning. There are clear indications that over time many new national forms, objects and spaces slowly became banal stereotypes, thus further naturalizing existing national identities.
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Garofalo Geymonat, Giulia, Daniela Cherubini, and Sabrina Marchetti. "The feminist and domestic workers’ movements: disconnected practices, discursive convergences." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16125208512228.
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The article explores the relationship between women’s rights and feminist and domestic workers’ movements by drawing on qualitative data gathered in a comparative study on domestic workers’ rights in Italy, Germany, Spain, India, the Philippines, Taiwan, Colombia, Brazil and Ecuador (2016–21). Despite the frequent disconnection between the two movements at the practical level, a possible convergence may be identified in the discursive frames that domestic workers’ rights activists make use of. The analysis focuses on two feminist anti-capitalist frames recurring in mobilisations for domestic workers’ rights, addressing the valorisation of reproductive labour and the transnational commodification of care. Domestic workers’ activism tends to build on these frames beyond their mainstream forms and to expand them in intersectional ways, enlarging their capacity to include racialised, low-class, migrant and other minority groups. This becomes a creative force at the level of discourse, where different alliances may take place in a less visible way.
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O'Brien, Patrick Karl, and Leandro Prados de la Escosura. "Balance Sheets for the Acquisition, Retention and Loss of European Empires Overseas." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024542.
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Our essay will critically survey and attempt to offer an overall interpretation of a growing volume of publications by historians who have attempted to evaluate the costs and benefits for Europe's domestic economies flowing from some five centuries of involvement with empires overseas. That involvement began with the conquest of Ceuta by the Portuguese in 1417 and passed through two epochs: 1417-1825 and 1825-1974. After a first conjuncture marked by the French Revolution, a quarter of a century of global warfare and movements for independence in Southern America, Britain emerged as the hegemonic imperial power in Europe. Its major rivals for commerce and dominion in Africa, Asia and the Americas (Portugal, Spain, France and Holland) ceded control over parts of their possessions overseas to Britain or (in the cases of Spain and Portugal), lost sovereignty over their colonies in Latin America.
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Nijenhuis, Willbm. "A Disputed Letter: Relations Between the Church of Scotland and the Reformed Church in the Province of Zeeland in the Year of the Solemn League and Covenant." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001678.
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In the year 1643 the Dutch revolt against Spain was dragging gradually to an end. Repeated attempts by Stadtholder Frederick Henry to take Antwerp had failed. Since 1640 only minor military operations had been undertaken. The demand for peace was growing, but this, at the same time, led to divisions of opinion. During this period of domestic tension the United Provinces became involved in events in England leading to the Civil War.
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Trofimets, I. A. "Genesis of marriage law in Spain." Lex Russica, no. 3 (April 5, 2019): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.148.3.124-133.
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The study of the institution of marriage in the foreign legal order makes it possible not only to see the identity and historical succession, but also to find out whether the provisions on marriage have common features that characterize it as the highest value, and how permissible foreign borrowing in the formation of its own legal system without prejudice to its uniqueness and individuality. The use of foreign experience reveals a lot of issues and conflicts that need to be resolved in relation to national law. An obligatory component is the study of the heritage of the past, the so-called legislative retrospective, which contributes to the knowledge of legal culture. For the first time in domestic science there is an attempt to periodize the institution of marriage in Spain, depending on the type of social regulator: customs, canonical rules, rules of law (own and borrowed). The periodization of the Spanish marriage law is presented and the main features of its formation are shown: the application of the customs of the peoples inhabiting the territory of Spain; the reception of Roman private law; the influence of Canon law; the appearance of foreign influence. The whole history of marriage law is divided into 5 periods: customary law (the first period), the rule of canon law (second period), systematic legislation on marriage (the third period), harmonization of secular marriage legislation with the provisions of canon law (the fourth period), contemporary law (fifth period). Separately, in the settlement of relations between the sexes, a pre-legal period is allocated. Of course, each period is characterized by a variety of rules of marriage law, which is explained by the evolution of social relations and the development of the legal institution of marriage. The consistent influence of universal values on the formation of legal provisions of marriage is shown. As the marriage law is formed, rules are formed that determine the conditions and order of its conclusion. The enduring value of the family organization of the way of life of people and the family form of management determines the preservation of this social institution throughout the period of human history, although in a constantly changing form.
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Villacampa, Carolina, and Alejandra Pujols. "Stalking Victimisation: Prevalence and Dynamics amongst Spanish University Students." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 25, no. 4 (November 23, 2017): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-02504003.
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Stalking was recently criminalised in Spain and other European countries, following the signing of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, despite a lack of empirical knowledge of victimisation by this phenomenon. Previous research carried out in the usa and in other European countries on victimisation by stalking with female samples has shown that young women are the most frequently victimised group. Based on those findings, research was conducted in Spain with a sample of 1,162 university students, including women and men. This paper presents the main findings of this research, determining the prevalence of stalking victimisation, the victim and stalker profiles, and the dynamics of this type of victimisation.
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Lozares, Carlos, and Faustino Miguélez. "Working time flexibility against time of life inflexibility." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 3 (August 2006): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200308.
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The intentions of this article are, first, to clarify the reasons underlying new contradictions that are arising between the increasing flexibility of productive working time and the increasing inflexibility of domestic work and time off work; secondly, to ascertain what strategies are developed in practice by people who wish to overcome these contradictions. The authors develop their arguments on the basis of research carried out in the factory in Spain of one multinational company.
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Sandholtz, Wayne. "Europe's monetary malaise: international institutions and domestic policy commitments." Review of International Studies 22, no. 3 (July 1, 1996): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118546.
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A yearlong nightmare for the European Monetary System (EMS) began in September 1992. Amid name–calling, finger–pointing, and hand–wringing, the British pound and the Italian lira dropped out of the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM). In succeeding months, virtually every other ERM currency came under attack.1 Three of them—the Spanish peseta, the Portuguese escudo, and the Irish punt—devalued within the system. Three others—the French franc, the Belgian franc, and the Danish krone—avoided devaluation, but only at the price of recurrent and costly rounds of intervention by multiple central banks. Finally, in August 1993, the defenders of the parities surrendered. The twelve EMS countries agreed to expand the fluctuation margins from 2.25 per cent on either side of parity (6 per cent for Spain, Portugal and the UK) to 15 per cent on either side of parity. The wider margins eliminated the potential for speculative attacks, but left the system only the thinnest veneer of exchange rate coordination. This article seeks not to assess the causes of the crisis but rather to explain why the EMS governments did not defuse it with a realignment—the mechanism built into the ERM for precisely such occasions.
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Stucki, Andreas. "Introduction: Violence, Migration, and Gender in the Portuguese- and Spanish-Speaking World, 1945–2019." Itinerario 44, no. 1 (March 24, 2020): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000030.
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AbstractThis special issue on violence, migration, and gender in the Portuguese- and Spanish-speaking world brings together specialists on the Iberian colonies in Africa as well as scholars focusing on the domestic impacts of decolonisation in Spain and Portugal to this day. The articles in the issue focus on social change broadly understood, analysed through a historical and anthropological lens. For the first time, this endeavour brings together questions related to violence and gender, forced migration, and administrative internment, as well as current (European) migration regimes, in an “Iberian” perspective.
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Castro, Yeim. "La división intrafamiliar del trabajo en el marco de los procesos migratorios: entre ires y venires." Migraciones internacionales 13 (January 15, 2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.33679/rmi.v1i1.2340.
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This article analyzes some implications of migratory processes in the family world. Specifically, it investigates the division of reproductive labor into families where at least one of the parents returned to Colombia from Spain. The biographical method is used to examine the family organizational system before emigration and after the return. The results show changes, permanence, and resistance to the traditional division of labor, even though staying in Spain seems to have introduced some balance, after returning, the findings point to the provisional nature of some of these arrangements. The consolidation of female co-suppliers is evident, while men do not end up assuming their role in domestic chores. It is concluded that slowly and without contradictions, progress is being made in the transition process towards more democratic relations, where factors beyond migration combine withit to encourage the emerging processes of change.
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Vergara, Amado Manuel Canales, Amparo Martínez Martínez, Juan Vicente Delgado Bermejo, Martina Macri, Pablo Rigoberto Andino Nájera, Nelson Antonio Duchi Duchi, and Paula Alexandra Toalombo Vargas. "A Matrilineal Study on the Origin and Genetic Relations of the Ecuadorian Pillareño Creole Pig Population through D-Loop Mitochondrial DNA Analysis." Animals 11, no. 11 (November 20, 2021): 3322. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani11113322.
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Domestic pig breeds reached America on the second Columbus trip; from this date, Iberian pig genetic resources were disseminated throughout the continent, forming diverse creole breeds. These Ecuadorian Creole pigs are important for food production but have been genetically eroded since the introduction of transboundary breeds. In this study, we sought to characterize this erosion more thoroughly through mitochondrial DNA D-Loop analysis of Ecuadorian Pillareño Creole pigs from seven regions of Ecuador. To allow comparison, we also included in our analysis sequences from wild species, commercial lines, and domestic pigs, which were obtained from the NCBI GenBank database. Creole pigs’ population showed overall moderate Hd values and low π values, and a negative value of Tajima’s D was observed. The greatest differentiation from the Ecuadorian Pillareño Creole pigs was observed between Asian wild and Asian domestic pigs. The haplotype analysis revealed three different phylogenetic clades (A, E I, and E II) and 65 haplotypes. Ecuadorian Creole populations were grouped into nine haplotypes for Clade E I and E II, which have not previously been reported for Creole Pillareño populations. Our analysis indicates that in the establishment of Creole Pillareño pigs, individuals most likely separated from the Asian pig population and appear to be genetically influenced by European and Iberian populations raised in Spain.
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Farnelli, Gian Maria. "Recent Trends in Investment Arbitration Concerning Legitimate Expectations." International Community Law Review 23, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341457.
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Abstract The article addresses how the obligation not to frustrate legitimate expectations has been interpreted and applied in recent investment disputes arising out of amendments in domestic regimes in the renewable energies sector. The analysis will address cases against Czechia, Italy and Spain, the Countries currently facing the majority of disputes for alleged breaches of the Energy Charter Treaty. Jurisdictional issues related to the case law at hand, such as those stemming from intra-EU arbitration, will not be addressed. The contribution is divided in three parts, next to the introduction. First, the notion of legitimate expectations will be analysed. Second, the Czech, Italian and Spanish cases will be addressed, briefly sketching the respective domestic legal frameworks. As a conclusion, it will be suggested that tribunals have considered the fact that a State is exercising its regulatory power, and a potential lack of investors’ due diligence, in diminishing the quantum of compensation, and that such case law adds to the establishment of general “interpretative elements” of FET.
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Torcal, Mariano, Sergio Martini, and Lluis Orriols. "Deciding about the unknown: The effect of party and ideological cues on forming opinions about the European Union." European Union Politics 19, no. 3 (April 18, 2018): 502–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518769754.
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This article contributes to the literature on political heuristics by reporting two survey experiments conducted in Spain in 2014–2015 on party and ideology cues regarding preferences on a range of European Union and domestic issues in European and general elections. The findings reveal that party cues increase voters’ competence to take positions on European Union issues more than ideological ones. Cues increase competence in a similar fashion regardless of the nature of the topic, although the effect of cues that parties provide on European Union issues seems to be stronger than that of cues on domestic policies. Party cueing effects are also consistent across different electoral arenas (national vs. European), and for all types of parties regardless of their age or positions toward the European Union integration process.
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BOWN, CHAD P., and Niall Meagher. "Mexico–Olive Oil: Remedy without a cause?" World Trade Review 9, no. 1 (January 2010): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745609990255.
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AbstractThis paper provides a legal-economic analysis of the unappealed WTO Panel Report in Mexico–Olive Oil. The case involved a countervailing-duty measure imposed by Mexico on imports of olive oil from the European Communities (in particular, Spain and Italy). The dispute raised important issues regarding the determination of causation of injury, as neither the Panel nor the investigating authority gave much credence to evidence that the main complaint of the domestic industry was the loss of a distribution agreement and brand-name rights with a Spanish exporter. The dispute also raised interesting concerns regarding the remedies for violations of procedural obligations in the conduct of anti-dumping/countervailing-duty investigations and the right of a domestic producer that has ceased production to seek protection under the trade-remedy laws.
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Totten, Robbie. "National Security and U.S. Immigration Policy, 1776–1790." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39, no. 1 (July 2008): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.39.1.37.
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An examination of U.S. immigration policy during the early Republic from a security perspective—a common analytical focus within the field of international relations—reveals the inadequacy of traditional economic and ideological interpretations. Security concerns, based on actual threats from Great Britain and Spain, permeated the arguments both for and against immigration. Those in favor of immigration hoped to strengthen the nation, primarily by providing soldiers and money for the military; those opposed to immigration feared that it would compromise national security by causing domestic unrest and exposing the new nation to espionage and terrorism. These issues are not unlike those that beset contemporary policymakers.
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Villamil, Francisco, and Laia Balcells. "Do TJ policies cause backlash? Evidence from street name changes in Spain." Research & Politics 8, no. 4 (October 2021): 205316802110585. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211058550.
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Memories of old conflicts often shape domestic politics long after these conflicts end. Contemporary debates about past civil wars and/or repressive regimes in different parts of the world suggest that these are sensitive topics that might increase political polarization, particularly when transitional justice policies are implemented and political parties mobilize discontentment with such policies. One such policy recently debated in Spain is removing public symbols linked to a past civil war and subsequent authoritarian regime (i.e., Francoism). However, the empirical evidence on its impact is still limited. This article attempts to fill this gap by examining the political consequences of street renaming. Using a difference-in-differences approach, we show that the removal of Francoist street names has contributed to an increase of electoral support for a new far-right party, Vox, mainly at the expense of a traditional right-wing conservative party, PP. Our results suggest that revisiting the past can cause a backlash among those ideologically aligned with the perpetrator, and that some political parties can capitalize on this.
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Stenderup Jensen, Søren, and Angel Rodríguez-Vergara Diaz. "The European Convention on Human Rights in Domestic Law: A Comparative Study of the Convention's Position in Denmark and Spain 1." Nordic Journal of International Law 63, no. 1-4 (1994): 139–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181094x00806.
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Black, Jeremy. "Britain's Foreign Alliances in the Eighteenth Century." Albion 20, no. 4 (1988): 573–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050198.
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One of the greatest problems in the discussion of eighteenth-century British foreign policy concerns the assessment of the influence of the particular character of the British political system. British foreign policy, and thus the country's alliance strategy, was conditioned by the subtle interplay of internal processes, the functioning of her domestic political system, and the international situation. As historians are concerned increasingly to probe the nature of the domestic pressures influencing the formulation and execution of policy, so it becomes more important to define the political, as opposed to constitutional, role of Parliament and public opinion. This is of obvious significance for the study of Britain's relations with her allies. Were these made more difficult as a consequence of the distinctive character of the British political system? There was no shortage of contemporaries willing to state that this was the case. An obvious category of discussion concerned the citing of domestic pressure as a reason why concessions could not be made to foreign powers, both allies and those whose alliance was sought. This was of particular significance when ministries explained why gains made during war could not be surrendered at peace treaties and gains made at the peace could not be yielded subsequently. Their defense of the retention of Gibraltar was based on this argument. Similar arguments were used by British ministers in seeking to persuade allies to do as they wished. Diplomatic pressure on France over the state of Dunkirk or on Spain and Portugal over commercial disputes made frequent use of the argument of domestic pressure.
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Cabrero-García, Julio, Rocío Juliá-Sanchis, and Miguel Richart-Martínez. "Association of the global activity limitation indicator with specific measures of disability in adults aged below 65." European Journal of Public Health 30, no. 6 (May 14, 2020): 1225–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckaa066.
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Abstract Background Summary health measures as the global activity limitation indicator (GALI) or self-rated health (SRH) allow to quantify and monitor the health of the population. The GALI is widely used in the European Union; however, evidence of its construct validity is still limited. We examine whether the GALI reflects disability in specific living contexts such as self-care, domestic life and work activity, whether it does so consistently across gender and age and its added value concerning SRH. Methods We used the subsample of adults aged 16–64 years (N = 15 934) from the 2009 European Health Interview Survey in Spain and analyzed the data with logistic regression models using the GALI and SRH as response variables. Results The GALI was strongly and significantly associated with the three measures of disability: self-care (OR = 22.8, 95% CI: 15.9–32.7), domestic life (OR = 16.3, 95% CI: 13.6–19.5) and work activity (e.g. impossibility to work: OR = 41.9, 95% CI: 30.3–57.8; prolonged sick leave: OR = 10.7, 95% CI: 9–12.7). There were significant interactions with age on all three disability measures and with the gender on one (domestic life), although they were small. SRH was also strongly associated with all three disability measures, but to a lesser extent than the GALI. Conclusions The GALI reflects well and better than SRH, disability in self-care, domestic life and work activity. It is unknown whether the GALI performs equally in other living contexts such as social relations and community life.
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Albertos, José Fernández, and Alexander Kuo. "The structure of business preferences and Eurozone crisis policies." Business and Politics 20, no. 2 (January 28, 2018): 165–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2017.35.
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AbstractWhat explains business views regarding policy preferences in the Eurozone crisis? Although recent literature examines the impact of the crisis on citizen views, few studies examine business preferences towards adjustment policies. We present unique data from a new representative survey of 500 high-level firm representatives from Spain to test theories about such preferences, in particular views about the euro, fiscal austerity, and wage devaluation, as well as plausible mechanisms for such preferences. We test three broad families of theories to explain such preferences, focusing on the role of structural firm characteristics, economic hardship, and political leanings of firm managers. We find that first, there is a strong conservative position regarding all of these policies. Second, we find that contra conventional approaches to explaining preferences, for the domestic policies (but not for euro views), the political leanings of firms matter much more than baseline structural characteristics. Third, we find that surprisingly economic hardship does not cause firms to demand more left-wing policies, as it might for voters; in fact, firms that have suffered are likely to be more skeptical of such measures. These findings indicate the need to better measure political orientations of firm respondents and suggest that this is a larger division among firms than previously recognized.
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Ledeneva, V. "Administrative and organizational mechanisms for regulating the integration of migrants in Spain." Upravlenie 7, no. 3 (October 21, 2019): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2019-3-120-126.
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The article analyzes different approaches to the policy of integration of migrants in Spain. The purpose of the article is: to show the experience of integration policy and intercultural dialogue in Spain and to determine the most effective methods for application in the Russian migration policy.The phenomenon of socio-cultural integration of immigrants and intercultural interaction through theoretical and methodological developments of domestic and foreign experts has been considered. Distinctions between the concepts of “adaptation of migrants” and “integration of migrants” have been made. Integration involves the next stage of inclusion after adaptation in the host community. A list of criteria for assessing the processes of integration of immigrants into the host society has been formed, three main groups of criteria have been defined: socio-economic, political, legal and socio-cultural. During the analysis, the author comes to conclusion, that the key direction of the policy of integration of migrants into the host community in Spain is economic integration, which implies the inclusion of migrants in labor relations and is supported by state structures as much as possible.The main directions and effectiveness of the integration policy of Spain have been analyzed. It has been concluded, that the effectiveness depends on the existence of a holistic system of interaction between the Central government, regional and municipal authorities and non-governmental organizations, which greatly simplifies the process of integration of migrants into Spanish society. The article widely uses the results of practical studies of the integration experience of Spain, official reports of the EU supranational bodies on the migration situation in this country, reports on the implementation of specific integration initiatives, as well as the analysis of expert assessments on this issue. The article analyzes the most effective methods of integration of the government of Spain and Spanish public organizations, based on which practical recommendations for Russia are proposed, taking into account the specifics of migration processes.
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Kudelko, Bohdan. "Influence of the United States of America on Politics of Latin American Countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 45 (June 27, 2022): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2022.45.86-91.
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This article examines the history of relations between the United States and Latin American countries. The main stages of the development and the defining characteristics of each of them are outlined. It is studied how these actors coexisted after gaining the independence from Spain of most Latin American countries. This article also describes how US expanded its territory by the treaties and wars. The content of the Monroe Doctrine, the Big Stick Policy and the Neighborhood Policy are defined. It analyses impact of these policies on US and Latin American countries. Differences in relations in the period before the Second World War and during the Cold War are outlined. Article demonstrates examples of US interference in Latin American region. The actions of the USA concerning the influence on the domestic policy of the countries of this region during the aggravation of the Cold War are analyzed. Article describes actions that were used against communism in certain countries of the region It analyses Cuban Revolution and political crisis across the whole region in late 1970s - early 1980s and its impact on US. It is argued that the United States became a hegemon first in South America and later expanded its influence on a global scale. It is established that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the presence of the United States in the region decreased, but they continue to actively interfere in the domestic politics of Latin American countries, albeit to a lesser extent. Article shows how globalization influenced Latin American countries and political changes that happened in this region. Author shares the opinion that USA still plays leading role in foreign policy of the region and as well trying to control to some extent everything that concerns domestic policy of the countries in the region of Latin America.
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Kuhn, Theresa, and Aaron Kamm. "The national boundaries of solidarity: a survey experiment on solidarity with unemployed people in the European Union." European Political Science Review 11, no. 2 (May 2019): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000067.
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AbstractAmidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the European Union, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and pro-immigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad.
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Fernández, James D. "The Bonds of Patrimony: Cervantes and the New World." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 109, no. 5 (October 1994): 969–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/462965.
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“El celoso extremeño” is one of the most widely read tales in Cervantes's Novelas ejemplares. The story—a variation on the tale of the old man with a young bride—has been analyzed in the contexts of the Hispano-Arabic tradition (e.g., Américo Castro) and of the European humanist tradition (e.g., Alban Forcione). This essay attempts to develop a reading that identifies, and comes to terms with, the novella's numerous allusions to the Americas. Three neglected circumstances motivated this reading: “El celoso extremeño” takes place in Seville (the city that enjoyed an official monopoly on traffic between Spain and the New World in Cervantes's time), centers on the government of an isolated community of racially diverse women, and begins and ends with a character's departure for the Indies. The essay speculates that Spain's early colonial experience may have influenced and informed the debates concerning domestic social relations on the peninsula.
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Velasco, Sherry. "Surveilling Gender through Architecture and Urbanism in Early Modern Spanish-Algerian Spaces." Letras Femeninas 42, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/letrfeme.42.2.0063.
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Abstract Influenced by feminist perspectives on urban and architectural studies, this essay examines the relationship between premodern Muslim urbanism and gendered relations, an issue that has received little attention in Hispanic cultural studies to date. This discussion will center on two particular features of domestic architecture and city planning typical of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Algiers: the location and nature of street-facing windows and the communicable rooftops. Focusing primarily on Christian writers such as Antonio de Sosa, Miguel de Cervantes, and Lope de Vega, Velasco explores how their accounts document the ways in which women in Algiers could find unexpected and illicit ways of turning the high windows and the communicable rooftops to their advantage. Despite the constraints presented by an urban design and domestic architecture intended to segregate the sexes and control behavior, women in early modern Algiers (many of whom were recent immigrants from Spain) found ways to utilize their built environment to observe and navigate the world around them, gain access to a public domain commonly reserved for men, and sustain networks with other women in ways that might bypass traditional spatial, social, and personal restrictions and limitations. Through female-only gatherings and other forms of camaraderie that made use of traditional Islamic urbanism, Muslim women in Algiers found ways to challenge long-standing dichotomies of male/female, public/private, interior/exterior, visible/hidden, and chaste/lustful.
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Grantseva, Ekaterina. "The Second Spanish Republic in soviet and russian studies: specificity, problems, interpretations." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 324–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-324-368.
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For many years, representatives of Soviet and then Russian historical science paid special attention to the period of the Second Spanish Republic and, especially, to the events of 1936-1939. The Spanish Civil War was and remains a topic that attracts the attention of specialists and influences the development of a multifaceted Russian-Spanish cultural dialogue. There are significantly fewer works on the peaceful years of the Republic, which is typical not only for domestic science, but also for the historiography of this period as a whole. Four key periods can be distinguished in the formation of the national historiography of the Spanish Republic. The first is associated with the existence of the Republic itself and is distinguished by significant political engagement. The second opens after 1956 and combines the continuity with respect to the period of the 1930s. and, at the same time, striving for objectivity, developing methodology and expanding the source base. The third stage is associated with the period of the 1970s-1980s, the time of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Spain, as well as the active interaction of historians of the two countries. The fourth stage, which lasted thirty years, was the time of the formation of the Russian historiography of the Second Republic, which sought to get rid of the ideological attitudes that left a significant imprint on the research of the Soviet period. This time is associated with the active archival work of researchers and the publication of sources, the expansion of topics, interdisciplinary approaches. Among the studies of the history of the Second Republic outside Spain, Russian historiography has a special place due to the specifics of Soviet-Spanish relations during the Civil War, and the archival funds in our country, and the traditions of Russian historical Spanish studies, and the preservation of republican memory.
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Marks, Amber. "DEFINING ‘PERSONAL CONSUMPTION’ IN DRUG LEGISLATION AND SPANISH CANNABIS CLUBS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 68, no. 1 (January 2019): 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589318000404.
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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the normative framework for Spanish cannabis clubs by contextualizing it within the growing body of comparative constitutional law that recognizes legal obstructions to personal drug consumption as intrusions of the right to privacy. Article 3(2) of the United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, 1988 relieves State parties from the Article's obligation to criminalize drug possession and cultivation for ‘personal consumption’ when doing so would conflict with their constitution or basic concepts of their legal system. Spain relied on Article 3(2) in its decision not to criminalize conduct involving personal consumption. The Spanish judiciary has had to consider the legal implications of collective consumption and cultivation in the form of cannabis clubs. In addition to operating in a grey area of domestic law, Spain's cannabis clubs straddle the blurred boundary in international and European legal instruments between ‘personal consumption’ and ‘drug trafficking’. This article explores the theoretical and doctrinal implications of both Spanish law on cannabis clubs and comparative human rights law on drug use to outline the potential contours of a constitutionally protected zone of privacy pertaining to cannabis use in a social context.
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Nikulin, K. "Spanish Economy under COVID-19: Anamnesis and Prospects for Recovery." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-42-49.
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In 2019, Spanish economy maintained the post-crisis growth rates of the 2010s’ second half, although they were slightly lower than the average for the last period due to both, political and economic factors. The political uncertainty fueled by the necessity in holding four general elections in 2018–2019 has slowed down the search for consensus on reforming the country’s financial system. The decline in domestic demand reflected the evolution of personal consumption and investment, while the contribution of external demand was attributable to a slowdown in imports and slightly stronger exports. Low inflation and almost zero interest rates in banks also provided a favorable situation. By the end of the first quarter of 2020, the generally positive economic outlook was largely undermined by the global economic crisis caused by the COVID 19 pandemic which affected humanity in all socio-economic aspects. In the short term, the decline in Spain’s GDP and overall business activity is unprecedented since the country’s democratic transition that started on 20 November 1975. Even the vibrant Spanish foreign economic sector was tied: both external and internal demand for almost any economy in the world was in an equal crisis state with the start of the pandemic. Many factors analyzed point to a more precarious position in Spain compared to other countries. The Bank of Spain expects the Spanish GDP to fall by double digits in 2020 and it looks like the most realistic scenario. The article analyzes the economic situation in Spain by the beginning of the COVID 19 pandemic, examines the reaction of the national economy to the coronavirus, the individual measures of the Spanish government and the supranational institutions of the EU to combat the pandemic are analyzed, as well as a forecast regarding the post-crisis future of the country’s economy is given. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Marung, Steffi. "Out of Empire into Socialist Modernity." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8916939.
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AbstractIn this article the Soviet-African Modern is presented through an intellectual history of exchanges in a triangular geography, outspreading from Moscow to Paris to Port of Spain and Accra. In this geography, postcolonial conditions in Eastern Europe and Africa became interconnected. This shared postcolonial space extended from the Soviet South to Africa. The glue for the transregional imagination was an engagement with the topos of backwardness. For many of the participants in the debate, the Soviet past was the African present. Focusing on the 1960s and 1970s, three connected perspectives on the relationship between Soviet and African paths to modernity are presented: First, Soviet and Russian scholars interpreting the domestic (post)colonial condition; second, African academics revisiting the Soviet Union as a model for development; and finally, transatlantic intellectuals connecting postcolonial narratives with socialist ones. Drawing on Russian archives, the article furthermore demonstrates that Soviet repositories hold complementary records for African histories.
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Massoc, Elsa Clara. "Banks’ Structural Power and States’ Choices on What Structurally Matters: The Geo-Economic Foundations of State Priority toward Banking in France, Germany, and Spain." Politics & Society 50, no. 4 (November 2, 2022): 599–629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292221125565.
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Since the 2008 financial crisis, Europe's largest banks have largely remained unchallenged. Is this because of the structural power banks continue to hold over states? This article challenges the view that states are sheer hostages of banks’ capacity to provide credit to the real economy—the conventional definition of structural power. Instead, it sheds light on the geo-economic dimension of banks’ power: key public officials conceive the position of “their own” banks in global financial markets as a crucial dimension of state power. State priority toward banking thus results from political choices as to what structurally matters most for the state. Based on a discourse analysis of parliamentary debates in France, Germany, and Spain, as well as on a comparative analysis of the implementation of a special tax on banks, this article shows that power dynamics within states largely shape political priorities toward banking at both domestic and international levels.
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Calavita, Kitty. "The dialectics of immigrant ‘integration’ and marginality in industrialising America and post-industrial Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 3 (August 2003): 416–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900305.
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Immigration policies in Italy and Spain — even the restrictive policies put in place over the last several years — emphasise the importance of immigrant ‘integration'. At the same time, immigrants are welcome largely on the grounds that they fill important niches in the labour market, such as low-end jobs in construction, agriculture, and domestic service, that locals shun. This article explores the relationship between immigrants’ economic function in this southern flank of the European fortress, and their ability to integrate into the host society. Specifically, it argues that it is immigrants’ ‘otherness’ that is their calling card — their passport — in these new countries of immigration, and that their full integration into Spanish and Italian societies presumably would spell an end to their utility as ‘others'. Further, it documents the difficulties of integrating those who are legally and economically marginalised and for whom that marginality is seen as their chief virtue. The author makes comparisons with ‘Americanisation’ programmes in industrialising America and suggests that in both cases, the contradiction between the cheap labour of immigrants and the need to integrate them helps explain both the motivation for integration efforts and their complications.
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Malykh, S. E. "POTTERY OF THE TUNISIAN NABEUL: ANCIENT TRADITIONS AND MODERNITY." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (11) (2020): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-1-178-185.
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The article examines the pottery production of the Tunisian city of Nabeul, the administrative center of the province of Cap Bon, located in the north-eastern part of the country, on the Mediterranean coast. Modern Nabeul is situated on the site of the ancient city of Neapolis. A common occupation of local residents — pottery — is due to the large deposits of marl clays available in the district. The origins of this craft originate in the first centuries of our era, when the Romans founded their city on the site of a small Greek trading settlement and brought here their traditions of pottery. Archaeological surveys in Nabeul and its environs have revealed the existence of several pottery workshops engaged in the manufacture of both large ceramic containers — amphorae, and fine tableware imitating the Roman Terra sigillata. From here, Nabeul ceramics spread throughout the Mediterranean and was discovered in archaeological sites in Libya, Egypt, Spain, Britain and other regions. This phenomenon illustrates trade relations between various provinces of the Roman Empire. Nabeul’s modern pottery production, oriented both to the domestic market and tourists, also focuses on the production of large forms and richly ornamented tableware, the decor of which generally reflects the style of Islamic glazed ceramic products, but is more closely related to the style of modern Arabic ceramics of the Maghreb countries, especially Morocco. Also, Tunisian modern ceramics shows similarities in form, ornament and color palette with modern provincial ceramics in Spain, especially Andalusia, and probably has common roots.
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De Vries, Catherine E., Bert N. Bakker, Sara B. Hobolt, and Kevin Arceneaux. "Crisis signaling: how Italy's coronavirus lockdown affected incumbent support in other European countries." Political Science Research and Methods 9, no. 3 (March 8, 2021): 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2021.6.
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AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic is an unparalleled global crisis. Yet, despite the grave adversity faced by citizens, incumbents around the world experienced a boost in popularity during the onset of the outbreak. In this study, we examine how the response to the COVID-19 outbreak in one country affected incumbent support in other countries. Specifically, we leverage the fact that the first country-wide lockdown on European soil, in Italy on 9 March 2020, happened during the fieldwork of surveys conducted in four other European countries, France, Germany, Poland and Spain. This allows us to examine how an event abroad that alerted citizens to an imminent crisis—prior to a similar domestic government response—influenced incumbent support. Our results indicate a crisis signal effect of Italy's COVID-19 lockdown, as support for the incumbent increased domestically in other European countries after the lockdown. Importantly, these findings suggest that incumbents can benefit from a crisis unfolding in other countries, even when their own performance in response to the same crisis is not yet fully clear. They illustrate the importance of developments abroad for incumbent approval and the difficulty facing citizens seeking to disentangle performance signals from exogenous shocks.
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Bartenev, Vladimir. "European Donors in the Arab World: Redistribution of Resources and Roles." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620207689.
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The article explores official development assistance flows from European countries to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and highlights certain specifics and the logic of redistribution of resources and roles between the largest European donors throughout the 2010s – since the Arab Spring, which transformed the political landscape of the entire region. This trend is explained by uneven dynamics of the donor activities of three states with a direct access to the Mediterranean – France, Italy and Spain ‒ and other countries. This dynamic seems to be caused by differences in domestic economic and political environment and dissimilarities in motivation and strategy which manifested themselves in allocation of resources between MENA and other regions, humanitarian and non-humanitarian assistance, various sectors, sub-regions and recipient countries. The Arab Spring made these dissimilarities even more acute and created an illusion of a conscious 'division of labour'. However, leading European powers – Germany, France and the United Kingdom – compete actively with each other as well as with non-European actors. A wide range of new and unexpected challenges such as a recent destabilization in the countries to a lesser extent affected by the Arab Spring (Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq), escalation of tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, a devastating explosion in the Beirut port etc., notwithstanding mid- and long-term consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, might make this competition even more dynamic.
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Ravelli, Galadriel. "Strategies of Survival: Reviving the Neo-Fascist Network Through a Transnational Magazine." European History Quarterly 52, no. 1 (January 2022): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211069262.
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In the late 1970s, a group of far-right activists launched a geo-political magazine named Confidentiel and published in Paris. Far from being a domestic project, the magazine was also launched in Spain, Italy and Argentina, thanks to the wide transnational network of which its founders formed a part. Although the magazine was relatively short-lived and enjoyed a modest circulation (despite its transnational reach), its history illuminates the trajectories of some key nodes of the neo-fascist transnational network after the fall of Franco's regime in Spain, where distinct generations of far-right activists had found a safe sanctuary. By exploring the personal trajectories of its founders and examining material published in the magazine, this article argues that members of the neo-fascist transnational network developed Confidentiel as part of a survival strategy and used it to maintain a stable presence in Europe after the mid-1970s, as well as to revitalize the network itself. Our analysis of Confidentiel shows that its founders’ choice to rely on cultural tools to revitalize their network was crucially influenced by the Nouvelle Droite's meta-political turn, which allows us to place the magazine within the European right-wing milieu. The magazine echoed neo-fascism's Pan-European vocation and the call for an independent, sovereign Europe. Nonetheless, its main goal was not to develop comprehensive and innovative geo-political analysis: as the vagueness of its political elaboration reflects. Instead Confidentiel was mainly a survival tool. The existence of several editorial seats across Europe and Latin America justified the network's movements and relations, significantly allowing them to support their allies by using the magazine to counter negative propaganda. In this sense, Confidentiel helps illuminate fascism's transnational dynamism and activism after 1945.