Journal articles on the topic 'Domestic intelligence – Great Britain – History'
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1
Лабутина, Т. Л. "“WOMEN OF CATHERINE'S RUSSIA THROUGH THE EYES OF BRITISH DIPLOMATS”." Британские исследования, no. VII(VII) (June 1, 2022): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.vii.vii.004.
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В рамках востребованного в последние годы в отечественной науке направления (исторической имагологии) автор анализирует взгляды британских послов при дворе Екатерины II на женщин-аристократок. Указанная проблема прежде не являлась предметом специального исследования в исторической науке. Опираясь на дипломатическую переписку дипломатов с госсекретарем Великобритании, а также их мемуары, в статье изучаются их высказывания об императрице и ее ближайшей сподвижнице княгине Е.Р. Дашковой. Выясняется, что послы обращали внимание исключительно на представительниц высших слоев российского общества не только потому, что были ограничены в возможностях контактировать с простолюдинками, но главным образом в силу полученных от короля инструкций — информировать правительство о Екатерине II и ее ближайшем окружении. Дипломаты обращали внимание на характерные черты, манеры поведения, внешность аристократок. Они критически оценивали проводимую императрицей внутреннюю и внешнюю политику, единодушно осуждая самодержавную форму правления в России. В то же время дипломаты были вынуждены признать большие заслуги Екатерины II в ее деятельности, а также высоко оценить такие качества, присущие ей, как смелость, решительность, незаурядный ум и целеустремленность к достижению блага России и ее граждан. Представленный британцами портрет княгини Е.Р. Дашковой позволяет сделать вывод о том, что дамы света в России мало, в чем уступали женщинам Европы, что в свою очередь, корректировало их оценки русского народа как «нецивилизованной нации». Знакомство с восприятием британских послов наиболее известных женщин России во второй половине XVIII века расширяет и обогащает представления современников о социокультурной истории страны Within the framework of the direction demanded in recent years in Russian science (historical imagology), the author analyzes the views of the British ambassadors at the court of Catherine II on aristocratic women. This problem has not previously been the subject of special research in historical science. Based on the diplomatic correspondence of diplomats with the Secretary of State of Great Britain, as well as their memoirs, the author examines their statements about the Empress and her closest associate Princess E.R. Dashkova. It turns out that the ambassadors paid attention exclusively to representatives of the upper strata of Russian society, not only because they were limited in their opportunities to contact with the people, but mainly because of the instructions received from the king — to inform the government about Catherine II and her inner circle. Diplomats paid attention to the characteristic features, demeanor, appearance of aristocrats. They critically assessed the domestic and foreign policy pursued by the Empress, and unanimously condemning the autocratic form of government in Russia. At the same time, the diplomats were forced to recognize the great merits of Catherine II in her activities, as well as to highly appreciate such qualities inherent in her as courage, determination, extraordinary intelligence and determination to achieve the good of Russia and its citizens. The portrait of Princess E.R. Dashkova presented by the British allows us to conclude that the ladies in Russia were little inferior to the women of Europe, which in turn corrected their assessments of the Russian people as an “uncivilized nation”. Familiarity with the perception of British ambassadors of the most famous women of Russia in the second half of the 18th century expands and enriches the ideas of contemporaries about the socio-cultural history of the country.
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MADEIRA, VICTOR. "MOSCOW'S INTERWAR INFILTRATION OF BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, 1919–1929." Historical Journal 46, no. 4 (December 2003): 915–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003352.
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The celebrated ‘Cambridge five’ have hitherto been believed to be the first long-term communist penetration agents in HM government, beginning with Donald Maclean in 1935. However, new research indicates that by 1919 another Cambridge man – like four of the ‘five’, a Trinity graduate – had already begun working for Moscow. This article is the first to examine how William Norman Ewer, known as ‘Trilby’ to his co-conspirators, organized networks in Great Britain and France to target the governments of those two powers. Under close Soviet supervision, Ewer's subordinates infiltrated half-a-dozen Whitehall departments, foremost among them Scotland Yard. Operating under the aegis of the home office, the Yard was a vital cog in the machinery of government set up to combat the ‘red menace’ in this country immediately after the First World War. By compromising the lead agency tasked with fighting them, the Bolsheviks thus created the requisite conditions for the metastasis in Great Britain of Soviet espionage in the 1920s.
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NAROVLIANSKIY, Oleksandr. "EDUCATIONAL TOURISM IN GREAT BRITAIN." Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series: Philosophy, Pedagogy, Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023) (December 29, 2023): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-7013-2023-2-17.
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The article is devoted to the organisation of educational excursions in the UK and their role in the educational process of secondary schools. The purpose is to analyze the existing experience of organising school trips and to identify opportunities for using this experience in modern education in Ukraine. The historical origins of educational excursions are identified. The results of surveys and other studies conducted in the UK to determine the attitude of teachers to excursions as an element of the educational process, as well as the problems that arise in their organisation, are highlighted. Current experience of conducting excursions in various subjects - history, geography, natural sciences, mathematics, social sciences, computer technology. The article identifies the most popular educational tourism sites in the UK and highlights the methods used to organise school tours (specially designed tours related to the school curriculum, master classes, workshops, etc.) It is noted that special educational and training centers have been set up at certain facilities to conduct training sessions. It is noted that in Britain, excursions to government facilities such as the Parliament, the Royal Palace, the residence of the head of government, and the court have become widespread. It is determined that most museums and other visitor attractions establish preferential conditions for receiving groups of schoolchildren or provide opportunities for free visits. The problems that hinder the development of educational tourism at the present stage of development, in particular, lack of funding, are identified. The role of charitable foundations in the development and support of school excursions and the directions of their activities are highlighted. The experience of involving business structures, in particular Hyundai, in supporting educational tourism is analyzed. The unique experience of parliamentary support for educational tourism through the development of special bills on outdoor education, which are at different stages of consideration by the parliaments of Great Britain, Scotland and Wales, is indicated. The elements of experience that can be used in domestic education are identified.
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Volodymyr Fedorovych, CHERKASOV. "CONTENT OF EDUCATIONAL WORK IN INSTITUTIONS OF SECONDARY EDUCATION OF GREAT BRITAIN." Academis notes. Series: Pedagogical sciences 7 (April 26, 2024): 68–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.59694/ped_sciences.2024.07.068.
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The article substantiates the content of the organization of educational work in secondary education institutions of Great Britain based on the analysis of research by domestic and foreign scientists, the generalization of the work experience of state and private schools, the introduction of music classes, which positively affects the formation of the personality of the future citizen and defender of general cultural and national values. On the basis of a comparative analysis of the reform of secondary education institutions in Great Britain, we tried to identify psychological-pedagogical and moral-ethical problems of humanizing the educational process, the results of which were aimed at the formation of universal and national values in students. Based on the analysis of the scientific intelligence of British researchers, we were convinced that the reform of the content of educational work in Great Britain led to a shift in emphasis to internal centralization processes, which included the introduction of educational standards and programs of autonomous school management in Great Britain. At the same time, it should be recognized that educators and teachers also provide schoolchildren with leisure time and ensure that students lead a healthy lifestyle. In their free time from classes, school teachers organize excursions for children, organize various sports competitions and involve them in interest clubs. In most boarding houses, music programs have been developed, where children participate in vocal ensembles and learn to play musical instruments. Jazz ensembles, playing electronic musical instruments, and participation in solo singing groups are popular. Keywords: educational work, secondary education institutions, Great Britain.
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JACKSON, PETER. "FRENCH INTELLIGENCE AND HITLER'S RISE TO POWER." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 795–824. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008000.
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This article examines the French response to the rise to power of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party in Germany in January of 1933. It argues that French intelligence warned civilian and military leaders that the priorities of the new regime were rearmament and the militarization of German society in preparation for a war of conquest. This essentially accurate appreciation of the situation inside Germany had little impact on the course of French foreign policy. At this juncture French society was preoccupied with worsening economic crisis and pacifist sentiment had reached its inter-war zenith. The national focus was inward and domestic concerns took priority over the external threat from Germany. Finally, France was in a position of relative isolation and could garner no support for a policy of firmness from its erstwhile allies, Great Britain and the United States. This combination of national introspection and diplomatic isolation deterred a succession of governments from taking determined steps to meet the Nazi challenge in 1933.
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Punko, Victoria. "Historiography of the Privatization Processesin Great Britain During the Reign of M. Thatcher in 1979-1990." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 328–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.328-337.
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The article summarized and systematized documentary and historiographical sources of the privatization process in the UK government in times of conservative government under Margaret Thatcher. Used different genres historiographical sources of domestic and foreign origin, memoirs, collective and individual monographs, historical essays, political biographies, articles and specialized intelligence information pressed. Based on this study the concept of historiography problem causes "neoconservative revolution", its theoretical basis, the state of the British economy for dominance keysianskoyi economic model British model of privatization of periods, forms, tools pozytive and negative side, the possibility of borrowing the British privatization experience in Ukrainian realities.
Keywords: Historiography, neo-conservatism, monetarism, economicliberalism, Margaret Thatcher, privatisation, the «popular capitalism»
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RIZAS, SOTIRIS. "Geopolitics and Domestic Politics: Greece's Policy Towards the Great Powers During the Unravelling of the Inter-War Order, 1934–1936." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000038.
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AbstractThis article examines the evolution of Greece's foreign policy from a position of relative detachment to an increasing involvement in international affairs that eventually led to the country's realignment with Britain during the Abyssinian crisis. It is argued that Greece's foreign policy shift was a result of an interplay between a perceived threat of Italian revisionism, Britain's reappearance in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Abyssinian crisis and domestic political dynamics that led to the defeat of Eleftherios Venizelos who favoured a foreign policy detached from combinations of great powers.
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Paci, Simone, Nicholas Sambanis, and William C. Wohlforth. "Status-Seeking and Nation-Building: The “Piedmont Principle” Revisited." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 51, no. 1 (June 2020): 65–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01520.
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The pursuit of status on the international stage through participation in the Crimean War was critical to Italy’s drive toward unification. Piedmont’s Prime Minster Count Camillo di Cavour’s entry into the wartime alliance with France and Great Britain was a major component in his nation-building project, which Italy’s enhanced status after the war brought to fruition. Primary sources highlight the nexus between status competition at the international level and domestic political outcomes. Similar processes can explain the success and failure of other nation-building enterprises.
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Schregel, Susanne. "‘The intelligent and the rest’: British Mensa and the contested status of high intelligence." History of the Human Sciences 33, no. 5 (November 26, 2020): 12–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695120970029.
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This article explores the history of British Mensa to examine the contested status of high intelligence in Great Britain between the late 1940s and the late 1980s. Based on journals and leaflets from the association and newspaper articles about it, the article shows how protagonists from the high IQ society campaigned for intelligence and its testing among the British public. Yet scathing reactions to the group in newspapers suggest that journalists considered it socially provocative to stress one’s own brainpower as extraordinarily high. To better understand such disagreements, the article analyses communicative patterns that were used to make judgements about intelligence. This case study sheds light on how aspects of difference and the ascription of social positions are negotiated in public understandings of intelligence.
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Yakovleva, N. M. "Argentina vs Great Britain: the trajectory of one conflict." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no. 3 (January 19, 2023): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-123-135.
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40 years ago, on April 2, 1982, Argentina made a failed attempt by military means to establish sovereignty over the archipelago in the South Atlantic, which was under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. The war was the result of a two-century dispute over the ownership of the islands. Upon joining the UN in 1945, Buenos Aires loudly announced its claims to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) and began to seek from the international community to recognize its claims as legitimate. Since then, the problem has been a red thread through the history of the country. The policy of the Argentine authorities on the issue of disputed territories developed with a pendulum dynamic. Periods of de-escalation of the conflict and the development of cooperation with Great Britain, coupled with a friendly attitude towards the islanders, were replaced by phases of the dominance of irreconcilable discourse with a strong demand for the “termination of the colonization policy” by the British authorities. Relations between Argentina and Great Britain after the end of hostilities can be divided into several stages. Regardless of the direction of the course of the next government, the issue of sovereignty over disputed territories has never been removed from the agenda. The Argentine side certainly used the “Malvinas question” as an instrument of domestic policy. Currently, the conflict is in a latent phase with no prospect of an early resolution.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "British Intelligence Ambassadors at the Court of Anna Ioannovna." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020235-6.
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In the first third of the eighteenth century, relations between Russia and Britain remained strained. Although Russia, under Empress Anna Ioannovna (1730–1740), welcomed Britain, restoring the diplomatic relations it had severed under Peter I and concluding a trade treaty favourable to the British in 1734, official London continued to pursue a policy far from friendly towards the Russian Empire. The intelligence activities of the British official diplomats at the Imperial Court were a vivid illustration of this. King George II of Great Britain, when he sent his ambassadors to their destination, urged them to gather information on everything they would see in Russia. He specifically listed those the diplomats were to focus on: the Russian Empress, her ministers and other high-ranking officials, as well as courtiers and favourites. The British authorities were particularly interested in the state of the nation's armed forces. On their return home, the ambassadors were expected to give a detailed account of everything they had seen and heard at Court. Drawing on an analysis of the ambassadors' diplomatic correspondence with the British Secretary of State, as well as some of their essays, the author examines the problem of British ambassadors' intelligence activities at the court of Anna Ioannovna. As it turns out, the ambassadors collected information on the high-ranking dignitaries close to the Tsarina, their predilections and weaknesses; on the alignment of political powers at court, as well as on the state of the army and navy. Attention is drawn to the fact that the informants of diplomats were often not only Britons in Russian service, but more often high-ranking officials themselves, ready to defend British interests for the sake of monetary rewards or gifts. Few of them realised that by revealing secret information to British ambassadors, they were committing a high crime and harming their homeland. The history of British espionage in Russia in the first third of the eighteenth century, which has not previously been the subject of a special study in historical scholarship, reveals the real purpose of British diplomacy, namely to study the potential enemy, as it viewed the Russian Empire at that time.
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Mylian, Zhanna. "ORGANIZATIONAL AND MANAGEMENT CONDITIONS OF FORMATION OF PRIMARY EDUCATION CONTENT IN GREAT BRITAIN." Scientific Bulletin of Uzhhorod University. Series: «Pedagogy. Social Work», no. 1(54) (May 13, 2024): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2524-0609.2024.54.129-132.
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The study is dedicated to identifying the peculiarities of the formation of the content of primary education in Great Britain. In the modern conditions of globalization the study of the main laws affecting the formation and modernization of primary education content in Great Britain is relevant and necessary for the domestic national education system development. The research aim: to reveal the organizational and managerial conditions for the formation of primary education content in Great Britain. Methods of research: analysis, synthesis, generalization, specification, and comparison. Primary education in Great Britain occupies a prominent place in the education system, it is the basis of schooling. The content of education, primary including, is based on a combination of three key components: the formation of a management system based on educational results; stimulation of diverse cooperation of education subjects; implementation of freedom of choice principles. The countryʼs educational policy is aimed at developing and modernizing the content of primary education while preserving the country culture and history. In Great Britain, organizational and management actions are considered in terms of modern trends of management decentralization and centralization in the field of school education. The model of strategic development, financing, and management of general school education is an organizational condition for the formation of the primary school education content. The British centralized model of school education is a single-state management of general education throughout the country. Standardization is the basis of the organizational and management model of the formation of the content of primary education, which is mandatory with a variable structural and content component, implemented through the National Curriculum. Formation of primary education content in Great Britain depends on many factors, including the basic organizational and management conditions, which is a model of strategic development, management, and financing of general school education.
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Tilly, Charles. "The Emergence of Citizenship in France and Elsewhere." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113653.
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In April 1793, France was waging war both inside and outside its borders. Over the previous year, the French government had taken up arms against Austria, Sardinia, Prussia, Great Britain, Holland and Spain. In its first seizure of new territory since the Revolution began in 1789, it had recently annexed the previously Austrian region we now call Belgium. Revolutionaries had dissolved the French monarchy in September 1792, then guillotined former king Louis XVI in January 1793. If France spawned violence in victory, it redoubled domestic bloodshed in defeat; a major French loss to Austrian forces at Neerwinden on 18 March 1793, followed by the defection of General Dumouriez, precipitated both a call for expanded military recruitment and a great struggle for control of the revolutionary state. April saw the formation of the Committee of Public Safety, fearsome instrument of organizational combat. France's domestic battle was to culminate in a Jacobin seizure of power.
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Anna Bargenda, Julia, and Shona Wilson Stark. "The Legal Holy Grail? German Lessons on Codification for a Fragmented Britain." Edinburgh Law Review 22, no. 2 (May 2018): 183–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2018.0482.
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Codification seems to be coming back into vogue in Great Britain, especially in Wales and in Scotland as a result of devolution and a related (if possibly temporary) surge in nationalism. Using Germany as a comparator, we argue that a codification renaissance should be met with caution. By examining German literature on the history of codification, it can be seen that codification is a difficult transplant in Great Britain. In any event, the German experience shows that codification is no panacea. Furthermore, when it comes to codification, we are quite literally speaking a different language to continental lawyers. Codifying statutes, more achievable in the British jurisdictions than larger, continental-style codes, reflect a peculiarly British style of codification, but risk being the compromise that pleases nobody. A patchwork of substantive reform, consolidation and restatement is proposed as a more suitable domestic solution.
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Harris, James J. "H1N1 in the ‘A1 Empire’: Pandemic Influenza, Military Medicine, and the British Transition from War to Peace, 1918–1920." Social History of Medicine 33, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 604–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky119.
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Summary The article reexamines the history of the 1918–19 influenza pandemic to better place it in its war-time context. Using Britain as a case study, the essay examines how British military medicine took a leading role in studying and developing a (still largely ineffective) public health response to the epidemic, whereas domestic public health leaders did almost nothing to stem the spread of the pandemic due to the impact measures such as quarantine would have had on the war effort. The article ends by briefly considering how the pandemic affected efforts to restore Britain to ‘normalcy’ during the immediate post-war recovery. In so doing, this essay further argues how it is essential to consider the deep connections between the Great War and the influenza pandemic not simply as concurrent or consecutive crises, but more deeply intertwined.
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Totten, Robbie. "National Security and U.S. Immigration Policy, 1776–1790." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39, no. 1 (July 2008): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.39.1.37.
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An examination of U.S. immigration policy during the early Republic from a security perspective—a common analytical focus within the field of international relations—reveals the inadequacy of traditional economic and ideological interpretations. Security concerns, based on actual threats from Great Britain and Spain, permeated the arguments both for and against immigration. Those in favor of immigration hoped to strengthen the nation, primarily by providing soldiers and money for the military; those opposed to immigration feared that it would compromise national security by causing domestic unrest and exposing the new nation to espionage and terrorism. These issues are not unlike those that beset contemporary policymakers.
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Caestecker, Frank, and Bob Moore. "Female Domestic Servants as Desirable Refugees: Gender, Labour Needs and Immigration Policy in Belgium, The Netherlands and Great Britain." European History Quarterly 41, no. 2 (April 2011): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691411399699.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Sterkhov, Dmitrii. "The Hanoverian Question and Prussian Foreign Policy in the Early Nineteenth Century (1801–1806)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018318-7.
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This study explores the significance of the Hanoverian Question for Prussian foreign policy in the early nineteenth century. The author looks at the origins of the Hanoverian Question and analyses Prussian motives for annexing Hanover in the first part of the article. Special attention is paid to the relationship between Prussian foreign policy and Prussian domestic stability. The political system in Prussia was severely unbalanced by the capture of vast swathes of Polish territory to the east, populated mostly by Catholics. To restore the balance, the Prussian state badly needed a German-speaking and Evangelical province to the west, and only the Electorate of Hanover met these requirements. The Hanoverian Question went hand in hand with the neutrality policy pursued by Prussia between 1795 and 1806. After the unsuccessful occupation of Hanover in 1801, Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm III committed himself solely to the peaceful annexation of the Electorate, which had to be recognised internationally, above all by France, Great Britain, and Russia. Forced to manoeuvre between Napoleon and the Anti-French Coalition, Prussia eventually gained possession of Hanover, but found itself at war with both Great Britain and France. Thus, the delicate Hanoverian Question paved the way for the War of the Fourth Coalition of 1806–1807, which ended in Prussia's worst defeat. One can conclude that Prussia failed to resolve the Hanoverian Question satisfactorily, yet this diplomatic setback was instrumental in changing Prussian foreign policy. After 1806 Prussia finally abandoned its policy of neutrality and manoeuvring appeared more willing to use force to achieve its goals.
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Sergeev, Evgeny. "Soviet Agitprop about Great Britain and the British in the Second Half of the 1920s — Early 1930s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022198-6.
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The author examines the propaganda materials that were published by the Soviet regime during the second half of the 1920s and early 1930s, when relations between Moscow and London experienced ups and downs against the background of changes that characterised the evolution of the Versailles-Washington world order. The article illustrates the peculiarities of the perception by the Bolshevik leadership not only of the UK domestic political life, but also of key international events that influenced bilateral relations. The conclusions reached by the author demonstrate that it was in the period under review when the conceptual principles of the totalitarian ideology as well as the methods and techniques of “brainwashing” acquired a completed form in the Soviet Union.
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Sfikas, Thanasis D. "War and Peace in the Strategy of the Communist Party of Greece, 1945–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419493.
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Using archival sources that only recently have become available, this article fo-cuses on the interplay between the concepts of war and peace in the strategy of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) during the Greek Civil War of the late 1940s. The article demonstrates that the choices facing the KKE and its opponents changed quite dramatically in the period from 1945 to 1949. The active role of Great Britain in Greek domestic affairs and the relatively limited role of the Soviet nion meant that the KKE was increasingly ostracized in the international community. The unwillingness of the Greek Liberal Party to forge a political alliance with the KKE prompted the Communists to resume their armed struggle for power. This article presents the alternatives facing the KKE in light of the postwar domestic and international contexts.
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McAdams, A. James. "Spying on Terrorists: Germany in Comparative Perspective." German Politics and Society 25, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250304.
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Intelligence and law enforcement agencies in western democracies are turning increasingly to electronic surveillance tools in their efforts to identify and combat new terrorist threats. But this does not mean that they are equally equipped to undertake these measures. As the author shows by comparing surveillance activities in three countries—Great Britain, the United States, and Germany—the Federal Republic's more restrictive legal norms and institutions provide its government with much less freedom of maneuver than its allies.
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Kostyuchenko I.V, Nelga I. A. "Chemical Weapons: History of the Study of Organophosphorus Toxic Agents Abroad." Journal of NBC Protection Corps 3, no. 2 (2019): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35825/2587-5728-2019-3-2-175-193.
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Organophosphorus compounds occupy a unique positon among all chemical warfare agents (CWA's). Since the 1930-s their high toxicity, wide range of physical-chemical properties and complex action attracted close attention of foreign military experts. In 1936 a German chemist, Dr. Gerhard Schrader, synthesized O-ethyl-dimethyl amidocyanophosphate, known as tabun, for the first time. By the beginning of World War II, more than two thousand new organophosphorus and phosphorus containing compounds were synthesized by his laboratory's stuff. Some of these compounds were selected for further study as CW agents and subsequently were adopted as weapons by the German army. In 1938 the same Gerhard Schrader have synthesized the organophosphorus compound, closed to tabun, but more toxic: О-isopropyl methyl fluorophosphate, called sarin. In 1944 the German chemist, the 1938 Nobel laureate in chemistry Richard Kuhn synthesized soman and revealed the damaging effect of organophosphorus CWA's. In 1941 the British chemist Bernard Saunders synthesized diisopropyl fluorophosphate. During World War II the industrial production of organophosphorus CWA's was organized in Germany, Great Britain and in the USA. Germany produced tabun, sarin and soman, the western allies: diisopropyl fluorophosphate. Till the end of World War II the leadership in the sphere of the development of nerve agents belonged to Nazi Germany. After the end of the war the German scientists, many of whom were devoted Nazis, continued their work under the auspices of military departments of the USA and Great Britain. Subsequently phosphorylated thiocholine esters: V-series substances (VG, VM, VR, VX, EA 3148, EA3317 agents etc.) were synthesized with their participation. The wide range of organophosphorus compounds was tested on volunteers in Porton Down (Great Britain) and in the Edgewood arsenal (USA). But after the synthesis of V-series agents the work on organophosphorus CWA's did not stop. In recent years there appeared the tendency of the transformation of real threats connected with the chemical weapons use, to propaganda sphere. The provocation which the «Novichok» agent, arranged primitively by the British intelligence, is the perfect example of such a transformation. But it does not mean that the research in the sphere of new organophosphorus CWA's in the West is stopped
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Gasanov, Kamran N. "Influence of Great Britain on Turkish Policy in the Transcaucasia and the Middle East." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 168–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-168-190.
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The study explores the Turkish-British partnership. The author verifies the thesis, which gained popularity after the beginning of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war in the Russian expert and journalistic community, that the United Kingdom had a significant impact on Türkiye’s foreign policy in order to destabilize the South Caucasus and oust Russia from the region. Some experts hypothesize that London is trying to implement the “Great Turan” project in the post-Soviet space through the hands of Ankara to the detriment of Russian interests. One of the main arguments that Türkiye’s foreign policy is managed from London is the appointment of former ambassador R. Moore, who has close contacts with Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, to the post of head of British Foreign Intelligence, MI6. To test this hypothesis, the author of the article analyzes the trade, financial, political relations between Great Britain and Türkiye, as well as the degree of similarity in their positions regarding the conflicts in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh. The author comes to the conclusion that Great Britain and Türkiye are indeed close allies. This is confirmed by the fact that the British government lobbied Türkiye to join the EU, refrained from interfering in internal affairs, supported R.T. Erdogan during the coup attempt in 2016, and did not criticize Ankara’s pro-Azerbaijani position during the Karabakh conflict. At the same time, the lack of a high level of financial and economic interdependence, Türkiye’s desire to play an independent role in the Middle East and Transcaucasia bypassing NATO, Ankara’s close cooperation with London’s geopolitical adversary Moscow, as well as differences in approaches to the Syrian conflict allow the author to refute the thesis that that Türkiye acts as a “conduit for the interests of Great Britain.”
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Shaw, Tony. "The Politics of Cold War Culture." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419510.
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This article examines the relationship between politics and culture in Great Britain and the United States during the Cold War, with particular emphasis on the period from the late 1940s to the early 1960s. The article critically examines several recent books on British and American Cold War cultural activities, both domestic and external. The review covers theatrical, cinematic, literary, and broadcast propaganda and analyzes the complex network of links between governments and private groups in commerce, education, labor markets, and the mass entertainment media. It points out the fundamental differences between Western countries and the Soviet bloc and provides a warning to those inclined to view Western culture solely through a Cold War prism.
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Williams, Brad. "Why the Five Eyes? Power and Identity in the Formation of a Multilateral Intelligence Grouping." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 1 (2023): 101–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01123.
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Abstract Adopting an analytically eclectic approach that draws on theories of realist bargaining, identity, and socialization, this article investigates the early Cold War origins of the Five Eyes intelligence grouping (the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand). An understanding of identity grounded in culture suggests a natural process of international intelligence community building, but this was not the case with the Five Eyes. The formation of the grouping was not preordained. Although Anglo-Saxonism was a necessary condition, it was not sufficient. In addition to being able to provide valuable sites for signals intelligence collection, aspiring members had to be seen as staunchly anti-Communist (and therefore politically trustworthy) by the United States in order to become full members of this exclusive community. Early postwar concerns over the political loyalties and secrecy protection regime of the Australian government prompted the British to initiate a process of socialization aimed at bolstering its affiliate's security institutions and practices and guaranteeing its own access to U.S. secrets.
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Jervis, Robert. "Response to James Lebovic's review of Why Intelligence Fails: Lessons from the Iranian Revolution and the Iraq War." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 4 (November 23, 2010): 1169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710002252.
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Among the many issues raised by James Lebovic's perceptive review are two that strike me as crucial: the relationships between intelligence and social science and those between intelligence and policymaking. The first itself has two parts, one being how scholars can study intelligence. Both access and methods are difficult. For years, diplomatic historians referred to intelligence as the “hidden dimension” of their subject. Now it is much more open, and Great Britain, generally more secretive than the United States, has just issued the authorized history of MI5 (see Christopher Andrew, Defend the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5, 2009). Since the end of the Cold War, the CIA has released extensive, if incomplete, records, and the bright side (for us) of intelligence failures is that they lead to the release of treasure troves of documents, which can often be supplemented by memoirs and interviews. But even more than in other aspects of foreign policy analysis, we are stuck with evidence that is fragmentary. In this way, we resemble scholars of ancient societies, who forever lament the loss of most of the material they want to study.
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Petrov, Alexander. "Aggravation of the Colonial Struggle in the Pacific Ocean in 1760—1770s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028746-9.
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The article is devoted to the struggle for colonies in the North Pacific in the context of the interaction between Russia, Great Britain and Spain in the second half of the 18th century, with an emphasis on the voyage of J. Cook to the coast of Alaska. The activity of Russia and the Western European powers related to the intensification of efforts in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean is considered. The article notes that the region studied by us has long attracted the attention of European countries. The factors that contributed to the development of the North-West of America are revealed. The authors show that it was a very complex and multifaceted process, in which various levels of state power, up to the emperors, participated. The importance of the initiative of private commercial companies in the colonization of territories is noted. The authors of the article draw attention to the fact that the expansion of the Spanish Empire became possible due to Madrid’s fears about the strengthening of Russia in the North Pacific. In turn, Great Britain carried out active intelligence activities, which resulted in a phase of military conflict at the end of the 18th century. On the basis of Russian and foreign documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the authors of the article try to show the validity of the fears of the Madrid court regarding Russian colonization, as well as the ambitions of London in this region. Promotion of Russia to the northwest of America was due to economic and political reasons. The access to the Pacific Ocean of Russian private structures was caused by the desire to collect yasak from the indigenous peoples, as well as to obtain furs, which were highly valued in world markets. The article notes the changes in the position of Great Britain, Spain and Russia in relation to the colonies in the 18th century. It is concluded that, in general, the policy of Spain and Great Britain was aimed at curbing the Russian advance in the Pacific Ocean. Russian-Anglo-Spanish relations in the Northwest Pacific at the end of the 17th century and the first half of the 18th century made a significant contribution to the subsequent active colonization of the North Pacific. The article was written using an interdisciplinary approach based on a wide range of sources from domestic and foreign archives.
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Kulik, L. V. "The History of the Indian Diaspora Formation and Its Impact on the Domestic and Foreign Policies of Great Britain and India." Vestnik RFFI, no. 1 (2020): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22204/2410-4639-2020-105-01-59-62.
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CROWCROFT, BARNABY. "EGYPT'S OTHER NATIONALISTS AND THE SUEZ CRISIS OF 1956." Historical Journal 59, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 253–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000060.
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ABSTRACTThe Egyptian experience of the Suez crisis and subsequent conflict of 1956 has received significantly less treatment than those of the other major players, Great Britain, France, Israel, and the United States. The consensus over Egypt's role in the crisis has, moreover, has advanced very little from the narrative put forward by official participants at the time, portraying the event as a landmark in a nationalist struggle to restore Egypt's independence and national dignity. This article takes a fresh look at the Suez crisis from the perspective of the figures of an emergent Egyptian political opposition in 1955–6, whose responses differed substantially from this received view. By bringing domestic Egyptian political struggles to the foreground of this international crisis, the article will offer a more nuanced view of the origins of Suez in British planning, and of its significance for contemporary Egyptians. The conclusion will seek to explain how a collection of sometimes extreme nationalists could take such a counter-intuitive position in the Suez crisis through exploring the diversity of nationalist thought in the Egypt of the 1950s.
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.
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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
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Trifonov, Vladimir A., Dilyara N. Shaymuratova, Gulshat Sh Asylgaraeva, Sergey P. Monakhov, Anna S. Molodtseva, Arthur O. Askeyev, Igor V. Askeyev, and Oleg V. Askeyev. "Archaeogenomics of Animal Domestication in Eurasia." Povolzhskaya Arkheologiya (The Volga River Region Archaeology) 1, no. 35 (March 25, 2021): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24852/pa2021.1.35.179.186.
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The processes of domestication and subsequent distribution of animals in Eurasia are closely related to human migrations and intercultural exchanges starting from the end of the Pleistocene. The development of methods for the isolation and analysis of ancient DNA from archaeological and paleontological remains has made it possible to take a new look at both the presumed core regions of domestication and the geography and dynamics of livestock distribution. This paper discusses the reports on the reconstruction of the migration processes of domestic animals in Eurasia using the analysis of ancient DNA performed by leading specialists from Great Britain, France, Finland, Ireland, and Russia at the international symposium on Domestic Animal Archaeogenomics (Bolgar, Republic of Tatarstan, March 2020). In addition to discussing the demographic history of different species of domestic animals, special attention was given to the development of methods for working with ancient DNA and the peculiarities of sample storage and handling. Summarizing the results of the symposium, the authors identified priority areas for future research. The interdisciplinary nature of research and the need to create broad scientific network that includes specialists from different fields were emphasized.
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "FUNDAMENTAL INDICATION OF THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 16 (2023): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.16.5.
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The aim of this article is to shed light on the phenomenon of «special relations» between the United States of America and Great Britain. Despite the fact that the topic gained considerable attention in the academic literature and the term «special relations» is applied to different states and regions, it is necessary to understand its origins. The purpose of the article is to investigate the phenomenon of American-British relations, to analyze the historical and political view of the problem, and to formulate the characteristics of the relations between the United States and the United Kingdom. Chronological limits are determined by the first mention of the term in 1946 and the presidential term of D.Trump, who managed the office in 2017–2021. Methodology of the article. Hypotheses were tested through historiographical analysis and the historical-comparative method were used to analyze published studies on the history of «special relations». The scientific novelty of the study consists in determining the peculiarities of relations between the United States and Great Britain during the tenure of Donald Trump. Therefore, the «special relationship» is a unique historically formed complex of interaction between the USA and Great Britain, which is manifested in various spheres of public life: political (to have an opportunity for better implementation of their own foreign policy), military (the USA and the United Kingdom have an unprecedented level of mutual trust and cooperation in the field of intelligence and nuclear programs), cultural (the historical memory of both nations makes American and British society sensitive to the problems of their «English-speaking neighbours»). We consider it necessary to highlight the following features of American-British relations:the long-term historical interaction that brought the two nations closer together and laid the foundation for relations between the United States and Great Britain; the common ideology of liberalism; cooperation provides an opportunity to better implement one’s own foreign policy; close relations between political figures of states; relations are characterized by periodic «approaching and distancing», which create new challenges for the allies. Each of these features is traced in the relations between the USA and Great Britain and during the administration of Donald Trump. Both states faced a number of challenges in international politics, due to the crisis state of the modern system of international relations. The governments of the United States and the United Kingdom have demonstrated the ability to compromise in critical situations, that proves the uniqueness of such an alliance.
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Manchester, Margaret Murányi. "The Corporate Dimension of the Cold War in Hungary: ITT and the Vogeler/Sanders Case Reconsidered." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 2 (2021): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00983.
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Abstract In 1949, two executives at the Hungarian subsidiary of the U.S. conglomerate International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT), Robert Vogeler of the United States and Edgar Sanders of Great Britain, along with five Hungarian nationals, were arrested, tortured, given peremptory trials, and imprisoned for espionage and economic sabotage. This article reexamines the case in light of the diplomatic efforts to secure their release. The case needs to be understood in the context of U.S. intelligence agencies’ policies during the early Cold War. Numerous organizations that were not necessarily well coordinated embarked on intelligence-gathering and a variety of covert operations, some of which were undertaken with the cooperation of multinational corporations such as ITT. Vogeler and Sanders were indeed guilty of many of the charges leveled against them, and their ordeal was significant because it revealed the ineffectiveness of Cold War policies to influence behavior behind the Iron Curtain during the Stalin era.
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Rota, Mauro, and Francesco Schettino. "The long-run determinants of British capital exports, 1870–1913." Financial History Review 18, no. 1 (November 22, 2010): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565010000284.
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Unlike recent contributions in the field, which discuss the geography of British overseas investments, this article focuses on the growth of capital exports from Great Britain during the period 1870–1913. Using a broader concept of foreign investments, which includes foreign direct investments (FDIs), and refocusing on the push and pull factors emphasised in earlier literature, we propose a framework able to capture the long-run determinants of British capital exports. Moreover, the framework includes elements suggested by early and recent works such as the institutional setup of the international economy and the evolution of world trade. The most relevant result, in an error correction model environment, is that the timing of British overseas investments in the long run seems to be related to the evolution of world trade, domestic growth and to the role of India as a colony. On the other hand, the attraction elements of the borrowing countries, captured by the risk-adjusted realised rates of return abroad, have been proven to matter in the short run.
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Goodman, Giora. "The British Government and the Challenge of McCarthyism in the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 62–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.62.
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The domestic policies and excesses of American anti-Communism in the early Cold War, dominated by the image of Senator Joseph McCarthy, have been the subject of controversy and a great deal of historical research. No less significant and much commented on at the time was the influence of McCarthyism on foreign relations and perceptions of the United States abroad. This article deals with the British government's responses to the anti-Communist fervor in the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Britain was itself grappling with the challenges posed by the Cold War, including those relating to security and civil liberties in a democratic society. The impact of American anti-Communism was felt strongly in that context. The article draws extensively on recently released files from the British security services and other British government agencies.
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Hazin, Volodymyr, and Serhiy Oliinyk. "Thomas Edward Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia) in the struggle of Great Britain and the Ottoman empire for the Middle East." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 42 (January 12, 2024): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2023-42.193-203.
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The purpose of the study is to determine the role and place of T. E. Lawrence in the British-Turkish struggle and relations between Great Britain and the Arab peoples during the First World War, based on scientific works and sources. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness, integrity and systematicity. Among the applied general scientific methods are the methods of analysis and synthesis, and among the special-historical ones - the problem-chronological method. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that this problem is highlighted in domestic historiography for the first time. Conclusions. Thomas Edward Lawrence, one of the best British orientalists of the early 20th century, played an important role in London's struggle against the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East and in building British-Arab relations. At the beginning of the First World War, as a result of repeated and long expeditions and travels in the Middle East and Egypt, he knew well the behavior and mentality of the Arabs, the Arabic language, had rich experience of communicating with the local population, which made him a valuable specialist for the British intelligence in the Middle East. During the war, Lawrence's work with the Arabs produced important results for British success both on the battlefield and in the preparation and support of the Arab Revolt. Thus, Lawrence found an effective tactic of using Arab units to disrupt the logistics and supply of the Ottoman Empire's troops. Lawrence managed to avoid direct clashes between Turkish and Arab units and at the same time inflict serious losses on the enemy, most of all – losses of material resources. The results of T. E. Lawrence's activities were reflected both on the map of the fronts and, finally, on the borders of the states that emerged after the fall of the Ottoman Empire.
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Sergeev, Evgeny. "Central Asia in Soviet and British Strategy, 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (2022): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018263-7.
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The author analyses Soviet Russia and Great Britain’s strategies for Central Asia, a crucial geopolitical region, the control of which allowed both Moscow and London to safeguard their state interests at the final stage of the Great War. The development of these plans was accompanied by intense internal political struggles in Britain over the 'Bolshevik menace' to British possessions in Asia and the crisis in the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and Afghanistan, which spawned ethno-confessional movements of various stripes. The author compares the role and place of Central Asia in Moscow's and London's foreign policy: while the former sought to use the situation to implement plans for a 'world revolution', the latter sought to strengthen its position in countering the national movements that sought support from the powers of the Quadruple Alliance. The relevance of the study stems from the persistence and even exacerbation of tensions in the region of interest to the author, which necessitates a study of the historical experience of dispute resolution. The novelty of the study is determined by the introduction into academic discourse of several official diplomatic documents together with the sources from private collections which are examined in a complex, comparative way making it possible to stipulate strategic goals of leading geopolitical actors at the final stage of the First World War. As the article elucidates, despite the existing domestic and foreign scholarship on the subject, various scenarios of military-political steps of Moscow and London in Central Asia require clarification while considering the German-Turkish projects of relying upon nationalistic movements under Islamic slogans.
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WHATMORE, RICHARD. "ETIENNE DUMONT, THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005905.
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Etienne Dumont became famous in the early nineteenth century for taking Jeremy Bentham's incoherent manuscripts and editing them into readable books which he translated into French. This article focuses on Dumont's earlier life, and specifically his Genevan background, to explain his work for Mirabeau in the first years of the French Revolution and his ultimate sense of the importance of Bentham's system of legislation. The article explains why Dumont's Genevan origins caused him to promote reforms in France intended to establish domestic stability and international peace. Dumont believed that states across Europe needed to combine free government with moral reform, in order to stifle the growth of democracy. The extent of the danger posed by popular government to modern societies was, in Dumont's view, the major lesson of the French Revolution. An alternative reform project to democracy was necessary, but one that did not entail a return to monarchical or aristocratic despotism. The characteristics of Dumont's planned reform became clear by adopting a comparative perspective on events in France. In developing a comparative perspective, Dumont argued that the history of Britain since 1688 needed to be in the foreground. He was perplexed by the French rejection of Britain's political and constitutional model, and explained many major developments at Paris in 1789 by reference to what he considered to be this peculiar fact. After the Terror, Dumont lost his faith in experiments in constitution building as a means of securing the independence of free states like Geneva. Bentham's great achievement was to have provided an alternative system of legislation that would transform national character gradually, making reform politics compatible with domestic and international peace. For Dumont, Bentham established a bulwark against the enthusiasm and democratic excess, and this was the key to utilitarianism as a moral reform project.
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Merenkova, Olga N., and Igor Yu Kotin. "Problems of British Bangladeshis’ Adaptations." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, no. 3 (2021): 331–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.302.
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The novel Brick Lane by British writer Monica Ali provides a vivid sketch of the life of Bangladeshis both at home and in London, where the largest community of people from Bangladesh lives outside South Asia, primarily natives of Sylhet County. The book got its name due to the street, which has become a distinctive center of concentration for Bengalis in the capital of Great Britain. Ali’s novel Brick Lane can be regarded as a source on the recent history and ethnography of Great Britain and Bangladesh. The novel examines the peculiarities of the acculturation of Bengalis in England, identifies the points of conflicts between the host society and migrants, the growth of domestic racism in the place of concentration of migrants perceived as outsiders and the threat to traditional British values. The main characters of the novel — spouses Chanu and Nazneen, as well as their daughters — found themselves at the junction of two worlds: the European metropolis and the Asian rural hinterland. The work also depicts the conflict between representatives of different generations: between labor migrants, who arrived in England twenty or thirty years ago, recently arrived migrants and between descendants of migrants born in London who consider England as their homeland and Bangladesh as a distant country. Ali in her novel describes options for a way out of the conflict of civilizations in which the main characters were involved. Shanu, unable to achieve career growth and improve his social status, decided to leave London, while Nazneen and their daughters preferred to remain in the city.
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Lumumba-Kasongo, Tukumbi. "China-Kenya Relations with a Focus on the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) within a Perspective of Broad China-Africa Relations." African and Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (November 6, 2019): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341428.
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Abstract My article is a critical reflection on China-Kenya Relations with the focus on the Chinese MSRI link with Kenya. Since Kenya gained its nominal political independence in 1963 from Great Britain, it has been involved in complex foreign relations with China. Currently, they enjoy solid bilateral relations, despite some domestic priority shifts and ideological differences among their leaders. From Jomo Kenyatta to Daniel Arap Moi, Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenya-China relations have been growing. The Forum on China Africa Cooperation. Within FOCAC, a collective, pragmatic consultancy and dialogue scheme was established. There have been more than 80 Chinese development projects in Kenya, ranging from the provision of grants to the building of infrastructures and concessional loans. This essay reflects, using the geopolitics critique of neo-realism supported by historical structuralism and multipolarity paradigms, potential gains of the MSRI within Kenya vision of 2030 (Ruwaza ya Kenya). What and how would Kenya gain from this initiative, beyond the existing relations? What kind of partnership will develop out of MSRI, which can support African regional needs, exigencies of practices of democracy and those of sustainable development, and environmental parameters? I propose a multipolar perspective as a new theoretical ground to address the above questions.
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Morris, Caroline. "Book Review: The Constitution of Independence." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 36, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v36i3.5612.
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This article is a book review of Peter C Oliver The Constitution of Independence: The Development of Constitutional Theory in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005) (367 + xx pages). The book is a contribution to the area of domestic constitutional law of the Commonwealth. Oliver addresses the question: are the former colonies of Britain ever truly independent, or is that independence illusory? He also asks how such colonies seek to understand and explain their constitutional history. Morris argues that the book had a great deal of potential but has been left unrealised. As a legal historiography, the book does not always satisfactorily explain how people involved in creating that legal history (or in analysing it since) understand it. As an exercise in constitutional theory, the book merely suggests that there is nothing much to choose between theories as a matter of logic. The book also suffers from very dense prose and a number of distracting metaphors for the process of constitutional independence. Morris ultimately concludes that the book fails to provide useful insight into New Zealand's constitutional theory.
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Alfred Peszke, Michael. "A Review of: “Intelligence Co-Operation between Poland and Great Britain during World War II — The Report of the Anglo-Polish Historical Committee”." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2006): 787–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040601028578.
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KUZMINA, Violetta M., and Arina V. SVETIKOVA. "THE REACTION OF THE WORLD COMMUNITY AND THE ECONOMIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE EU TO BREXIT." Historical and social-educational ideas 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2019): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2019-11-2-147-157.
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Introduction. Today Brexit is one of the most pressing issues of world politics, due to the acquisition of global proportions. Of course, this process is a phenomenon at the regional level, but the very fact of the voting and the efforts being made to exit the UK economy from the EU created many questions around themselves, thereby giving rise to the idea in the minds of the population of other countries that the EU cannot cope with the main functions there is the possibility of holding a referendum and a decision to leave the union. The UK and the European Union have never been partners for each other from a historical perspective. Multiple prerequisites, which originated in the last century almost immediately after the signing of the decision on the accession of the Kingdom to the EU, tended to develop and grow. Disputes among members of parliament have always existed, but were not as pronounced as today. In this sense, the country's policy was divided into 2 camps: those who spoke and advocate for the measures of “tough” Brexit, and those who believed and believe that the exit process should be smooth and measured in order not to spoil relations with the EU point of no return.Methods. As the materials of the study were taken data presented in monographic studies and journalistic articles of domestic, but mostly foreign experts in the field of international law, the General modern history, the history of the UK, macroeconomics. The article is written on the basis of sociological research conducted by Western European agencies and Brexit research centers using the analytical type of research and its forms: sociological and expert surveys. The analysis of statistical economic information regarding the real GDP of the EU countries is presented using a comparative historical research method.Results and conclusions. Economic consequences for the European Union from Brexit will become noticeable after some time has passed since the date of the official UK secession from the European Union. Also a minus will be the reduction of anti-crisis programs that the European Union is trying to implement. Attention is deserved by the attitude of other European countries to the membership in the European Union. In this case, more and more we are talking about opposition movements, parties that develop the theme of Euroscepticism. This is especially true in drawing a parallel with the critical eurodirection, which has been traced in EU policy lately.
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Afanas’eva, D. A. "Domestic and foreign Marxist tradition of the Northern Ireland conflict origins definition (1969–1998)." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 29, no. 4 (December 30, 2023): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2023-29-4-12-19.
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The article examines the perspectives of Soviet and foreign Marxist researchers in relation to the underlying causes of the beginning and escalation of Northern Irish conflict (The Troubles). The significance of this research lies in comprehending the lesser-explored Marxist heritage within the contemporary study of historical events in Great Britain and Ireland. The scientific novelty lies in addressing the scarcity of historiographical works dedicated to this issue, the depth of analysis they provide, and the absence of comprehensive comparative experiences. The research aims to investigate specific processes in the intellectual history of the USSR and other countries during the latter half of the XX century, focusing on instances of interaction or lack thereof between various Marxist schools of thought and trends. This is achieved by utilizing the Marxist historiography of the Northern Ireland conflict as an illustrative case. To fulfill this objective, the study undertakes a comparison of extensive sets of historiographical sources and internal subgroups of approaches present within Eastern and Western scholarly traditions that explore aspects of the Northern Ireland conflict within the context of Marxism. The primary theoretical framework draws upon the works of foreign and Russian Marxist scholars devoted to the issue of intercommunal conflict in Northern Ireland. The key finding of the research highlights the existence of evident similarities, encompassing logical, substantive, and linguistic-rhetorical aspects, between the works of Western and Eastern Marxists, despite the lack of direct citations between them. The research postulates several hypotheses concerning the origins of this phenomenon, including the potential impact of distinct methodologies on researchers’ perceptions of social processes and historical events, irrespective of the array of available source material. Furthermore, the research does not negate the possibility of implicit interactions between proponents of the English-language and the Russian-language Marxist academic traditions.
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Weinberg, Gerhard L. "German Documents in the United States." Central European History 41, no. 4 (November 14, 2008): 555–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000848.
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At the end of World War II, vast quantities of German documents had fallen into the hands of the Allies either during hostilities or in the immediately following weeks. Something will be said near the end of this report about the archives captured or seized by the Soviet Union; the emphasis here will be on those that came into the possession of the Western Allies. The United States and Great Britain made agreements for joint control and exploitation, of which the most important was the Bissell-Sinclair agreement named for the intelligence chiefs who signed it. The German naval, foreign office, and chancellery archives were to be physically located in England, while the military, Nazi Party, and related files were to come to the United States. Each of the two countries was to be represented at the site of the other's holdings, have access to the files, and play a role in decisions about their fate. The bulk of those German records that came to the United States were deposited in a section of a World War I torpedo factory in Alexandria, Virginia, which had been made into the temporary holding center for the World War II records of the American army and American theater commands. In accordance with the admonition to turn swords into plowshares, the building is now an artists' boutique.
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Palachanin, I. "The Political Struggle with the Issue of a ‘Hard’ Brexit During Theresa May Premiership." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2023): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2023-1-58-75.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the struggle of various political forces in Great Britain with the issue of a ‘hard’ Brexit during the period from the moment the results of the referendum on the membership of the United Kingdom (UK) in the European Union (EU), held on June 23, 2016, appeared until the announcement of the change of the first British strategy for the UK’s exit from the EU, held on July 5, 2018. Due to the approximately equal split between citizens regarding the participation of the country in the European integration project, split among members of leading parties into euro-optimists and euro-pessimists, existence of unresolved domestic political problems, executing the original Brexit plan made by the Conservatives met resistance from the pro-European part of the British society and the parliamentarians who represented its interests. Generally, the given period was a time of gradual accumulation of contradictions between various political forces in the United Kingdom on the issue of a ‘hard’ Brexit, which later resulted in one of the deepest political crises in the modern history of the country.
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Mulder, Nicholas. "The Trading with the Enemy Acts in the age of expropriation, 1914–49." Journal of Global History 15, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022819000342.
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AbstractThis article examines one of the most consequential legal–political models for the confiscation of private property in the twentieth century: the Trading with the Enemy Acts (TEAs). Two laws with this name were passed in Britain (1914) and the United States (1917), enabling the large-scale expropriation of ‘enemies’ and ‘aliens’. The extra-territorial application of these laws during the era of total war led to the globalization of its paradigm of expropriation in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. The TEAs made the administrative process of dispossession effective and profitable for liberal states. The US law was repurposed for domestic use during the New Deal, while its British counterpart played an unforeseen role during decolonization and the great partitions of the late 1940s, as the nascent nation-states of India, Pakistan, and Israel used it to constitute themselves as territorial and economic units by taking land and property from ‘evacuees’ and ‘absentees’. The article provides a short history of these four national cases in their international context and argues that the history of the TEAs shows that state-driven mass expropriation was much more common throughout the mid twentieth century than usually supposed; the ‘age of extremes’ was also in part an ‘age of expropriation’.
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Mulholland, Caitlin. "Guiding Canada's Girls Toward the Empire." Mirror - Undergraduate History Journal 44, no. 1 (April 10, 2024): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/mirror.v44i1.17094.
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Through a critical analysis of Guiding's official programming books, the hierarchy of its organizational structure, and scholarly works on the history of the Guiding and Scouting Movements in Britain and Canada, this paper explores the early development of the Girl Guides of Canada; analyzing the early 20th century public's shifting views on girlhood and examining the relationship between Guiding and the British Empire. The central thesis of this essay is that the organization was originally founded in 1910 with a strict, conservative gender ideology and a strong imperial connection, but changed its messaging during the Interwar Period to reflect emerging modern notions of girlhood and imperialism; while still retaining its core values in its official programming.
Born out of the Scouting Movement of Great Britain, the Girl Guides of Canada were originally founded with the intention of preparing young girls for a domestic life; serving the British Empire by being dutiful wives and mothers. The organization's mission was to address the public's anxiety surrounding modern girlhood. As new economic and leisure opportunities appeared for women and girls in Canada's urban areas, so did the fear that these working women would lead lives of promiscuity, potentially causing the breakdown of domestic life. Guiding sought to prevent this issue by taking up young girls' spare time with gendered instruction on subjects such as how to run a home and the role of women in the British Empire. This messaging and ideology was incredibly popular at the time, and the Guiding movement spread like wildfire.
Following the First World War, the Canadian public's views on the role of girls and the British Empire were changing: through Guiding's wartime volunteer efforts, girls had proven themselves to be capable of much more than domestic instruction, and Canada began to question its place within the empire. The emergence of alternative youth movements, with a specific focus on physical training and fostering a Canadian national identity, reflected this change. In response to these developments, the Girl Guides released introduced international camps with messaging surrounding peace and international friendship, and promoted a more progressive view of girls with new badges and activities. This new rhetoric made the movement more appealing to a wider array of girls, but only obscured the organizations original values of imperialism and domesticity. The structure of the organization still adhered to a hierarchy that favoured British Girl Guides, with the Canadian arm taking all direction from Britain. Upon analysis of Guiding's programming books, it is also clear that gendered instruction was still the primary focus of the organization. This paper also examines how Canadian Girl Guides' programming was used to naturalize and assimilate girls who did not fit the Empire's idealized model of white womanhood, such as Indigenous girls attending residential schools and girls from immigrant households, further complicating its notion of internationalism.
The changes to the Guiding Movement's programming reflect the organization's desire to spread its ideology to a wider audience, rather than a commitment to more modern ideas of girlhood and progressive notions of international friendship. The programming, while becoming more refined over time, still centered around domestic skills and preparing girls for motherhood, while the organization's international structure relied on a hierarchy that placed Britain at the top, and kept Canada at an arms' length.