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1
da Conceição-Heldt, Eugénia. "The Clash of Negotiations: The Impact of Outside Options on Multilateral Trade Negotiations." International Negotiation 18, no. 1 (2013): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341247.
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Abstract While the number of preferential trade agreements (PTA) has increased rapidly in recent years, the Doha round of multilateral trade negotiations has been deadlocked since 2006. Most PTAs were even concluded after the start of the Doha round. Does the shift to PTAs “marginalize” the multilateral system? And is there a clash between preferential and multilateral trade liberalization? To answer these questions, we build upon negotiation analysis literature, arguing that the proliferation of PTAs draws negotiating capacity away from the multilateral level and thus reduces the incentives to agree on multilateral trade agreements. The willingness of actors to move from their initial bargaining positions and make concessions at the multilateral level depends on their outside options, that is, their best or worst alternatives to a negotiated agreement. The more credible an actor’s argument that he has a good alternative to multilateralism, the greater his bargaining power will be. In order to support the argument we will analyze the negotiation process at the multilateral level and link it to PTAs under negotiation by the EU, US, Brazil, Australia, and India.
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MARGULIS, MATIAS E. "The Forgotten History of Food Security in Multilateral Trade Negotiations." World Trade Review 16, no. 1 (November 2, 2016): 25–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745616000410.
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AbstractFood security emerged as a major source of political deadlock in the WTO Doha Round negotiations. Concerns about food security only intensified at the WTO following the 2008 Global Food Crisis, with the Bali and Nairobi Ministerials revealing polarized views between the US and India on the financing of public food stockholding. These ‘food fights’ at the WTO have attracted significant international media, civil society, and scholarly attention. In this article, I argue that inter-state disagreement on food security is not new or specific to the Doha Round but instead has been a recurrent phenomenon in the multilateral trade system for decades. Employing an historical approach, I show that food security has repeatedly been an item of negotiation in successive GATT negotiating rounds and has been steadily codified in international trade law over time. Today, food security is deeply integrated into the rules of the trade regime, making the WTO an important yet largely unacknowledged institution in global food security governance.
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Gil, Juan Manuel. "FROM MULTILATERAL NEGOTIATIONS TO BILATERAL AND REGIONAL NEGOTIATIONS: THE EFFECT OF DOHA STALLING." Revista Civilizar de Empresa y Economía 2, no. 3 (June 10, 2011): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/2462909x.68.
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This article argues that the stalling of the Doha Round negotiations is a forsaken opportunity for developing countries. Since the first deadline of Doha Round was missed in 2005, developed countries have changed their strategy of achieving free trade through multilateral negotiations, towards achieving it in regional or bilateral negotiations. Therefore, developing countries have had to stop bargaining in a considerable less hierarchical system and being compelled to bargain in a scenario characterized by power asymmetries. They have also swapped free trade based on non-discriminative multilateral principles, for preferential and discriminative trade treatment.
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Crump, Larry, and Daniel Druckman. "Turning Points in Multilateral Trade Negotiations on Intellectual Property." International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630910.
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Abstract Application of a turning points analysis to detailed chronologies of events that transpired prior to and during two matched cases of multilateral intellectual property rights (TRIPS) negotiations yields useful lessons for understanding negotiation process and effective negotiator behavior. The unfolding negotiation process is traced in the GATT Uruguay Round and prior to and during the WTO Doha Ministerial. Departures from earlier trends in the chronologies merit special attention. A departure is defined as a clear and self-evident change from earlier events or patterns in the form of an impactful decision taken by one or more parties. By coding the causes (precipitants) and effects (consequences) of the departures, we perform a turning points analysis. The turning points analysis, composed of three-part sequences, reveals the triggers and impacts of departures during the extended TRIPS negotiation process. The analyses will allow a comparison of the patterns that unfolded during the two phases of TRIPS negotiations, which will highlight the breakthroughs that occurred during the Uruguay Round and the crises that emerged later, prior to and during the Doha Ministerial. Improving the effectiveness of multilateral trade negotiations depends in part on understanding how critical turning points emerge.
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Singh, J. P. "Trade Negotiations at the (Possible) End of Multilateral Institutionalism." International Negotiation 25, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23031166.
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Abstract Multilateral negotiations are often facilitated through international organizations, but are not coterminous with them. This essay advances a few ‘mid-level’ propositions with respect to the negotiation structure that provides an overall context and the negotiation process where tactics guide the exchange of concessions. In terms of negotiation structure, a stable institutional structure is giving rise to a transitional one resulting in system spoilers in international negotiations leading to deadlocks and no-agreements. The bargaining phases are marked with games of chicken and grand-standing making it hard to effectively practice common negotiation tactics such as coalition-building, trade-offs and linkages. The article provides examples from the Uruguay Round and the breakdown of the Doha Round of trade negotiations through the World Trade Organization. The essay’s propositions address the breakdown of existing multilateralism through international organizations, but also document the continuation of underlying multilateral principles.
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Singh, J. P. "Introduction: Emerging Powers and the wto." International Negotiation 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2016): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341330.
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International trade has become increasingly important to emerging market economies. Concurrently, increasing trade liberalization through the multilateral Doha Round, launched in November 2001, from the World Trade Organization (wto) has been a failure. The essays in this issue evaluate the role of Brazil, China, and India at thewtoexamining in particular their domestic and coalitional constraints, the fairness and justice claims underlying their interests, and the types of identity politics that inform their negotiation positions. These three facets do not make multilateral negotiations easy but they do offer possibilities for future negotiations. Multilateral trade negotiations may not decline but the current era of ‘managed multilateralism’ has become complex balancing great and emerging powers interests.
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Prekajac, Zora. "Agriculture and developing countries in the new round of negotiations within WTO." Privredna izgradnja 48, no. 1-2 (2005): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/priz0502053p.
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The Ministerial Conference held in Doha (Qatar) launched a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in World Trade Organization. It is called the development round because the interests and needs of developing countries are in the focus of negotiations. One of the most important (and controversial) questions is the liberalization of international trade in agricultural products. The beginning of that process was the conclusion of the Agreement on agriculture during the Uruguay Round which was followed by the negotiations initiated in 2000. The negotiations are supposed to finish until the end of the year 2006. Analyzing the recent results of negotiations, we can conclude that a lot of questions are not harmonized and that in front of the negotiators is a very difficult and complex task to overcome the existing differences and find compromise solutions. The results of the Doha negotiations (including agriculture) are very important for the future of the multilateral trading system.
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Crump, Larry. "Negotiation Process and Negotiation Context." International Negotiation 16, no. 2 (2011): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234011x573011.
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AbstractThis article examines how external events grounded in a negotiation’s relevant environment (i.e., negotiation context) influence negotiation process and outcome. Multilateral, regional and bilateral environments are examined through linkage theory to gain understanding about the impact of external events or context on negotiation process and outcome. Linkages between a negotiation and its context are examined through five trade negotiations: the WTO Doha round (multilateral-global); the Free Trade Area of the Americas (multilateral-regional); EU‐Mercosur (bilateral-regional); EU‐Chile (bilateral); and US‐Chile (bilateral). In addition to developing greater understanding about the strategic relationship between a negotiation and its context this article establishes a theoretic framework that defines the known universe of linkage dynamics. The impact of multilateral environments on the regional negotiation process and outcome is of particular interest, as is the strategic use of bilateral environments in seeking to achieve multilateral geopolitical ends.
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Sjöstedt, Gunnar. "NGOs in WTO Talks: Patterns of Performance and What They Mean." International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630947.
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AbstractNon-governmental organizations (NGOs) have remained outside all the GATT rounds since the 1950s. In contrast, hundreds of NGOs have taken part in the current WTO round. This article maps the formal participation of NGOs in five ministerial conferences during the Doha round. It also analyzes various forms of NGO involvement in the WTO trade talks, such as lobbying and capacity-building of developing countries. An assessment of the current and potential capacities of NGOs in the Doha round requires that their performance be seen from an explicit negotiation perspective. Both NGO participation and involvement, as well the interaction between these two forms of NGO performance need to be considered. An assessment of how NGOs may have an impact on negotiation effectiveness and efficiency in WTO rounds should be approached from a long-term perspective and should consider other kinds of outcomes than formal final agreements. NGO performance in WTO may increase the complexity of negotiations or the significance of non-trade issues. NGO activities outside the WTO may disturb multilateral trade negotiations in the short term, such as during ongoing Ministerial Conferences. On the other hand, NGOs may also help to pave the way for constructive long-term changes in the WTO regime, which, in turn, may have a favorable impact on the effectiveness and efficiency of the overall WTO negotiation system.
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WOLFE, ROBERT. "First Diagnose, Then Treat: What Ails the Doha Round?" World Trade Review 14, no. 1 (January 2015): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745614000342.
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AbstractThe commonplace tendency is to blame the difficulties of the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations on the World Trade Organization (WTO) itself. In contrast, I suggest in the first section of this article that exogenous structural factors, especially changing commodity prices and trade flows, fatally undermined the Round. In the second section, I discount the significance of endogenous institutional factors such as the number of participants, the size of the agenda, or the Single Undertaking, although design failures, notably in the ‘modalities’ for negotiation, did hurt. But what hurt even more was the way the WTO, in common with most multilateral organizations, has not caught up with the shifting centre of gravity in global governance. The trading system is no longer a transatlantic bargain. The regulatory issues on the twenty-first century trade policy agenda will inevitably be negotiated in Geneva, but only after a new trans-Pacific accommodation recognizes China's central role.
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Ahnlid, Anders. "Improving the Effectiveness of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: A Practitioner’s Perspective on the 2008 WTO Ministerial Meeting." International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630938.
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Abstract The informal WTO ministerial meeting in July 2008 brought the long stalled Doha Round to the verge of a breakthrough. The reason for its final failure was substantive and not related to the negotiating procedures, which previously had contributed to meager results and failures in the round. The meeting was conducted using procedures that ensured a considerable amount of trustworthiness, transparency and legitimacy, which in turn contributed to effectiveness in the process. Thus, the meeting solved many, albeit not all, outstanding issues on the path towards agreement on so-called modalities for agriculture and industrial products, which in turn would have been necessary for a final successful conclusion of the Round. The 2008 July negotiations demonstrated that complex large-scale multilateral negotiations can be handled procedurally in an acceptable and successful way. The article advances a neglected interpretation of the July meeting, and provides lessons for both future WTO negotiations and multilateral negotiations in other policy areas.
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Das, Dilip K. "The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations and Trade in Agriculture." Journal of World Trade 40, Issue 2 (April 1, 2006): 259–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2006014.
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Deitos, Marc Antoni. "Antidumping e a Organização Mundial do Comércio: da emergência à incerteza da regulação internacional/Anti-dumping and the World Trade Organization: from the emergency to the uncertainty of the international regulation." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 3 (December 21, 2015): 608–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.08.p608.
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Esse artigo tem como objetivo analisar a mudança de padrão do comportamento dos Estados nas negociações dos sucessivos acordos antidumping do sistema multilateral de comércio desde Bretton Woods. Parte-se do estudo histórico do comportamento dos Estados em relação aos códigos antidumping, após o fechamento das Rodadas Kennedy, Tóquio e Uruguai, e as reformas que se seguiram nas legislações domésticas dos signatários. Demonstra-se que, historicamente, os países aproximaram as práticas internas aos acordos multilaterais. Contudo, o mandato de abertura para negociar um novo acordo antidumping em Doha inseriu um componente desestabilizador na evolução histórica da regulação multilateral das medidas antidumping. Os membros, diante das incertezas de Doha, se anteciparam ao fechamento da rodada, alterando as legislações nacionais para adaptá-las aos novos desafios do comércio internacional, em movimento contrário ao historicamente verificado. Esse comportamento tende a dificultar ainda mais o fechamento da Rodada de Doha, uma vez que os membros limitaram, antecipadamente, em suas legislações nacionais antidumping, grande parte dos temas que poderiam transigir nas negociações internacionais.Palavras-chave: antidumping; Organização Mundial do Comércio; Rodada de Doha. Abstract: This article analyses the change in the pattern of State behavior throughout the successive antidumping agreements at the multilateral trade regime since Bretton Woods. It analyses the historic pattern of State behavior related to the antidumping agreements after each round of negotiation – Kennedy, Tokyo and Uruguay Round. It suggests that, historically, the signatories have brought together national and international regulations. On the other hand, it also suggests that the Doha Round has made a change in this historic pattern of State behavior. Confronted with Doha Round uncertainties, WTO members issued new anti-dumping regulations to face the challenges imposed by the actual international economic context. This behavior difficult even more to reach a final say on the new antidumping agreement negotiated during the Doha Round. The signatories have already written down their international position, when they passed new antidumping regulations at home. This behavior constraints the natural bargain that occurs in international negotiations, since it implicates changes in brand new national legislation. Key-words: antidumping; World Trade Organization; Doha Round. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p608-627
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Trejos, Alberto. "Bilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements, and Their Relationship with the WTO and the Doha Development Agenda." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850066. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1153.
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The Doha Round differs from previous multilateral rounds since a number of participating countries are negotiating and implementing bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) at the same time as they are negotiating multilaterally. The standard arguments against FTAs involve that they create trade diversion, are difficult to administrate, involve complex rules of origin that impost added costs on firms, and attract the attention and political capital of policy makers away from the multilateral negotiation. This paper poses other arguments about FTAs being beneficial to the multilateral process. For instance, they have allowed some countries to achieve zero tariffs with all their main trading partners, and therefore a large majority of their trade, and often involve reforms in sensitive issues that, once undertaken, allow governments to assume a more offensive position at the WTO. Most importantly, by creating trade diversion away from countries that act as laggards in all negotiation fronts, they generate the competitive pressure that can move those nations to assume a more constructive position in the multilateral negotiations; also, it may be easier to harmonize existing FTAs than to seek comprehensive plurilateral and multilateral agreements from scratch. Beyond the discussion of whether FTAs help or hinder multilateral progress, the paper discusses changes in the multilateral rules, and best practices in bilateral negotiations, that can help make both fronts better complements. The issues mentioned include guidelines among rules of origin, origin accumulation, harmonization of standing agreements, bilateral trade facilitation and solutions to preference erosion. Alberto Trejos is a Professor at INCAE in Costa Rica. From 1994-1998, he was Dean of INCAE, and General Director of its Latin American Center for Competitiveness and Sustainable Development from 1999-2002. He was a professor in the Economics Department of Northwestern University from 1994-98. He has also been a visiting professor and researcher at the Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica de Barcelona, the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, Fundaçao Getulio Vargas of Rio de Janeiro, and the University of Texas. As Minister of Foreign Trade of Costa Rica in 2002-04, he was responsible for the negotiation of CAFTA and of the CARICOM-Costa Rica FTA. He was in charge of Costa Rica´s ratification of its FTA with Canada and its entry into the Central American Customs Union. Trejos is a consultant for several companies, governments, and international organizations, President of CINDE (Costa Rican Investment Board), and a board member of several corporations and organizations. He has published extensively in leading journals, and he has been a National Science Foundation grantee and a Fulbright scholar. He received a PhD from the University of Pennsylvania in 1994.
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Bhagwati, Jagdish. "From Seattle to Hong Kong: Are We Getting Anywhere?" Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850063. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1150.
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With agricultural trade negotiations deadlocked, the Doha round of trade talks may appear dead in the water. But every round of trade talks in recent memory has oscillated between near breakthroughs and near breakdowns. Trade negotiations can be like a ride on a roller coaster but, while the roller coaster returns to where it started, multilateral trade negotiations have generally gone on to close successfully. Will this happen with the Doha round? Surprisingly, the answer is yes. Prospects for concluding the round in Hong Kong next month, at the World Trade Organization Ministerial meeting, are indeed bleak; but not the prospects for finishing later. While the initial attempt to launch the WTO's first round of multilateral trade negotiations in Seattle in November 1999 collapsed, the round was finally launched in Doha, Qatar, two years later, with reaffirmation of the twin virtues of democracy and openness to the world economy. While there was a lot of dissent in September 2003 at the next WTO meeting in Cancun, which also collapsed because of the lack of consensus especially on agricultural liberalization, there were nonetheless some important accomplishments in the tabling of most of the “Singapore issues” and an agreement to relax the TRIPS Agreement to permit developing country access to low-cost pharmaceuticals. Cancun was also a turning point insofar as the major developing countries coalesced in the Group of 20 to provide greater balance in the WTO membership and the design of the negotiating agenda. While it appears that agricultural liberalization is still a significant stumbling block facing the Hong Kong Ministerial, it is likely that the EU can be squeezed if there are reciprocal offers in manufactures and services that are forthcoming especially from some of the major developing countries that can be induced to liberalize in their own interests. It will also be helpful if a program of adjustment assistance can be devised in the form of “aid for trade” especially for low-income countries. The outlines of a deal to close the Doha Round are therefore clear. With forceful leadership on the part of Pascal Lamy to rescue the Doha Round in Hong Kong and to convince the WTO member states to follow with an extraordinary meeting within six months, it should be possible to take the penultimate steps to bring the Doha Round to a final conclusion by the end of 2006 and to obtain its approval by early 2007 before the U.S. fast-track negotiating authority expires. Jagdish Bhagwati is Senior Fellow in International Economics at the Council on Foreign Relations and University Professor, Economics and Law at Columbia University. He was Economic Policy Adviser to the Director General of GATT and of the WTO-appointed expert group that recently reported on The Future of the WTO. He is currently a member of the Eminent Persons Panel on Enhancing UNCTAD’s Impact and of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan’s Advisory Group on the NEPAD process in Africa. His latest books are Free Trade Today (Princeton, 2002) and In Defense of Globalization (Oxford, 2004).
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Reiterer, Michael. "The Doha development agenda of the WTO." Progress in Development Studies 9, no. 4 (October 2009): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146499340900900409.
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Size of membership, diverging interest because of different stages of development and the depth of regulation undertaken or foreseen in the World Trade Organization (WTO) made the economics and politics of international trade negotiations more complicated. This has repercussions on the negotiating mechanics in the WTO including the continued appropriateness of the technique of ‘rounds’. At the same time, the rational of further trade liberalization in the context of sustainable development is questioned. The widening scope of issues covered – which impact of domestic policies give raise to – quests for more transparency and accountability. The lack of adequate know-how renders the effective participation of developing countries in the negotiating round more difficult or even impossible. New forms of network formation – drawing on the many forms of international cooperation, participation and agenda setting – have to be developed in order to maintain the WTO as the centre of the multilateral rule-based system.
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Das, Kasturi. "GATS 2000 Negotiations and India: Evolution and State of Play." Journal of World Trade 41, Issue 6 (December 1, 2007): 1185–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2007045.
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In the recent past, trade in services has emerged as one of the most contentious areas of the multilateral trade negotiations. In line with the “built-in” agenda of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), a new round of services negotiations, termed “GATS 2000”, was launched in January 2000, which were subsequently subsumed by the Doha Development Agenda in November 2001. India, from being a leading opponent of the GATS during the Uruguay Round, has now emerged as one of the forerunners of the services trade liberalization under the GATS. Given this backdrop, this article tracks the evolution of the GATS 2000 negotiations and puts forward a concise overview of the state of play, with a special reference to India.
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Heydon, Kenneth. "Plurilateral Agreements and Global Trade Governance: A Lesson from the OECD." Journal of World Trade 48, Issue 5 (October 1, 2014): 1039–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2014036.
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A key lesson from failure at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to negotiate a multilateral agreement on investment is that attempts to reduce barriers to trade and investment will fail without broad-based domestic support for open markets. This article applies that lesson to the faltering Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations and argues that the deadlock is due to the collective failure to make-the-case for liberalization rather than, as is commonly suggested, the systemic constraints of a 'single undertaking' or the ascendancy of emerging powers. Deadlock in the Doha Round has triggered the pursuit of alternatives to multilateral negotiation. The result is increased emphasis on plurilateral approaches and the further entrenchment at the centre of trade diplomacy of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) - such as those being negotiated across the Pacific and the Atlantic. This article outlines the powerful motivations behind PTAs but also the dangers, including of limited welfare gains, disincentives to non-discriminatory liberalization and increased complexity and discord in international rule making. Plurilateral agreements involve particular risks for developing countries, whether through marginalization from single-issue agreements or asymmetric pressure within multi-issue PTAs. This article concludes that an effective, first-best, multilateral response to the challenge of the political economy of trade will require that trade liberalization be placed more firmly within the framework of sound domestic economic policy and that top-down liberalization, including through the G20 process, be accompanied by more effective bottom-up advocacy of the gains from market opening.
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Saurombe, Amos. "Reforming the Multilateral Decision-making Mechanism of the WTO: What is the Role of Emerging Economies?" Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 16, no. 5 (May 17, 2017): 428. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2013/v16i5a2440.
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The paper focuses on the future of global economic governance in the light of the current state of multilateral trade negotiations. The aim is to analyse identified key historical issues at the heart of the decision-making system of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The current and ongoing Doha Round of trade negotiations and the multilateral system reflect inequalities that still prevail in the global trade architecture. Is there a need for a paradigm shift? The paper will provide recommendations on how reform of the multilateral decision-making structures should focus on promoting the interests of developing countries that have historically been marginalised. Developing countries, like those making up BRICS, stand ready to contribute to the construction of a new international architecture, to bring the voices of the south together on global issues and to deepen their ties in various areas.
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Das, Dilip K. "Lean Hong Kong Harvest and the Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations." Global Economic Review 35, no. 3 (September 2006): 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080600888132.
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Hawthorne, Helen. "Acceding to the Norm: The Accession of LDCs to the WTO." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 4, no. 1 (2009): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119109x394304.
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AbstractLeast-developed countries (LDCs) have been included in the multilateral trade regime since the days of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), with the majority joining during the 1960s and 1970s following their independence. The Doha Round of negotiations of the World Trade Organization (WTO) has focused significant attention on the role and impact of LDCs that are currently WTO members as well as the process of accession for those remaining outside the organization. This article examines the accession experiences of LDCs joining both the GATT and the WTO with regard to international development norms, and demonstrates that the manner in which the majority of LDCs acceded to the multilateral trade regime has enabled them to have a greater impact on the multilateral trade organization than would otherwise have been possible.
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Ready, Robert. "Commentary: A Canadian Perspective on Services Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850060. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1147.
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A commentary on J. Robert Vastine's article "Services Negotiations in the Doha Round: Promise and Reality." Robert Ready is Director, Services Trade Policy Division in the Department of International Trade Canada. He manages the team responsible for the conduct of Canada’s international trade policy in the area of services (multilateral, regional and bilateral), including the coordination of consultations, analysis, and negotiations. Prior to his assignment with International Trade Canada, Ready held a number of other positions in the public sector, including with Industry Canada, Investment Canada, the Department of Western Economic Diversification Canada, the Government of Saskatchewan and the Canadian House of Commons. He received a B.A. (Hons) in History and a Masters in Public Administration (MPA) from Queen’s University in Kingston, Ontario.
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POLETTI, ARLO, DIRK DE BIÈVRE, and J. TYSON CHATAGNIER. "Cooperation in the Shadow of WTO Law: Why Litigate When You Can Negotiate." World Trade Review 14, S1 (July 2015): S33—S58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745615000166.
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AbstractIn the current multilateral trade regime, members often negotiate under the shadow of WTO law. This article develops a formal explanation of the way in which the credible threat to resort to and the actual use of WTO litigation can influence multilateral trade negotiations. We contend that the ability to impose costs on a defendant by way of litigation increases the complainant's bargaining power, opening a bargaining window and ultimately increasing the chances for cooperation in multilateral trade negotiations. On the other hand, the complainant's preference for loss-mitigation over gains from retaliation and its expectations about the likelihood that the defendant will not comply with an adverse ruling can augment the defendant's bargaining leverage. Thus, contrary to conventional wisdom, increased enforcement does not necessarily make actors shy away from further cooperation, although the credibility of the defendant's non-compliant threats crucially affects the location of any potential negotiated agreement. Empirically, we show that the argument can account for how Brazil, a potential complainant, and the EU and the US, two potential defendants, approached and bargained agricultural negotiations in the Doha Round.
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Novelli, Catherine A. "Commentary: Bilateral Free Trade Agreements and Support for the Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850067. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1154.
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Commentary on Alberto Trejos's article "Bilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements, and their Relationship with the WTO and the Doha Development Agenda." Catherine A. Novelli is a partner in the Washington office of Mayer, Brown, Rowe & Maw LLP. Formerly Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Europe & the Mediterranean, Novelli coordinated U.S. trade and investment policy for more than 65 countries of Western Europe, Central Europe, Russia, the NIS, the Middle East, and Northern Africa. Previously, Novelli was the Deputy Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia where she played a key role in the formation of U.S. trade policy for Russia and Central Europe. She joined USTR in 1991 after serving in the Office of General Counsel at the Department of Commerce.
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da Conceição-Heldt, Eugénia. "The Domestic Sources of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Explaining Brazil's Negotiating Position in the Doha Round." International Trade Journal 27, no. 2 (April 2013): 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08853908.2013.764251.
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Dowlah, Caf. "Cross-border labor mobility." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 13, no. 1 (March 11, 2014): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-12-2012-0020.
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Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to examine convergence of economic interests – both empirically and theoretically – among labor-abundant (labor-sending) and labor scarce (labor receiving) countries, in the context of Mode 4 of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) of the WTO. The paper also explores regional trade associations as an interim alternative forum for promoting temporary cross-border labor mobility in the backdrop of failure of multilateral trade negotiations under the Doha Round. Design/methodology/approach – The research methodology of the paper involves literature review, an analysis of databases and theoretical findings, and a critical examination of pertinent empirical and secondary information on the subject matter. Findings – The findings reveal that although a convergence of economic interests seem to exist between the labor-sending and receiving countries for promoting cross-border labor mobility, this sector faces formidable trade and non-trade barriers across the world, especially in the developed countries. As multilateral trade negotiations under the Doha Round have failed to make any progress toward liberalization of this sector, regional trade associations, especially those pursued by the USA, Canada and Australia, seem to provide a credible alternative vehicle, as an interim measure, for further liberalization of this sector. These RTAs can serve as examples for other RTAs to promote regional mobility of labor. Research limitations/implications – Cross-border temporary labor mobility, as envisaged by GATs of the WTO, is a burgeoning field. Although some serious works are available, especially sponsored by the World Bank and some leading universities, there is a considerable dearth in this field, especially in respect to contribution from individual scholars and researchers. This paper fills the void to some extent by ascertaining factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility, by pointing out limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and by exploring the regional trade associations as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility. Practical implications – This paper points out factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility, ascertains crucial limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and explores the RTAs as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility – all these would have practical policy implications. Originality/value – The originality of the paper lies with its critical and careful review of existing literature and available databases, with the determination of factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility in the contemporary world, in pointing out the limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and in exploring the RTAs as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility.
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Mohatarem, G. Mustafa. "Commentary: GM's Perspective on the WTO Doha Development Agenda Multilateral Trade Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850074. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1161.
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Commentary on Doha Round by a representative of General Motors. G. Mustafa Mohatarem was named chief economist of General Motors Corporation on March 1, 1995. He serves on the Coordination Committee of the corporation’s Public Policy Center and the Corporate Risk Management committee. Mohatarem is an expert on trade issues and heads the corporation’s Trade Team. He interacts regularly with officials from the United States and other countries on trade-related issues. He joined General Motors in 1982 as an economist on the Economics Staff in Detroit. In 1985, he became senior staff assistant on the Industry-Government Relations Staff and the following year he returned to the Economics Staff as senior staff economist. He was promoted to director of trade and competitive analysis in 1987, and general director of economic analysis in 1990. He received an undergraduate degree in economics and mathematics from Denison University and an MA and PhD from the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business in 1979 and 1982, respectively.
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Bergkamp, Lucas, and Lawrence Kogan. "Trade, the Precautionary Principle, and Post-Modern Regulatory Process." European Journal of Risk Regulation 4, no. 4 (December 2013): 493–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00003123.
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The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (“TTIP”) has been hailed as an opportunity for the world's two largest consumer markets to expand inter- regional trade, investment and jobs, and to secure greater regulatory convergence that could considerably reduce costly and market-distorting extra-territorial non-tariff regulatory trade barriers. As fears of potential adverse effects on the World Trade Organization’s multilateral trading system have abated after the Doha round stalled, the initiation of the TTIP has been welcomed by the business communities on both sides of the Atlantic.Notwithstanding the anticipated benefits, questions arise with respect to both the way the negotiations are conducted and the topics covered. The TTIP negotiating mandate covers three main elements: (i) market access, (ii) regulatory convergence, and (iii) trade rules addressing shared global challenges.
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Pitschas, Christian. "Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP): The Devil in Disguise or a Golden Opportunity to Build a Transatlantic Marketplace?" British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0011.
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Abstract The European Union (EU) and the United States are currently negotiating a free-trade agreement, the so-called Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). These negotiations have to be seen in perspective, since a number of other - bilateral and plurilateral - trade deals are being pursued at the same time. All these negotiations point to a worrisome aspect: the World Trade Organisation’s failure to come to a meaningful agreement in the Doha-round negotiations, in terms of market access, new rules and development. Like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), TTIP would stand out among the crowd of trade agreements because of the sheer volume of trade and investment flows across the Atlantic and the declared intention to boost regulatory cooperation and compatibility which is expected to bring the bulk of TTIP’s economic benefits. However, the prospect of concluding such a transatlantic agreement raises many concerns; the public in the European Union and the United States fears that TTIP could undermine existing levels of protection in areas such as health and the environment and impinge on either side’s “right to regulate”. Moreover, questions are being posed as to what TTIP would mean for the multilateral trading system and how it would affect third countries, especially developing countries. Against this backdrop, this article addresses the following issues in relation to TTIP: the vision underlying the negotiations; the European Commission’s negotiating mandate; the structure of the negotiations and their state of play; the Union’s competence for concluding TTIP and whether it is shared with EU Member States; and finally TTIP’s impact on the multilateral trading system and developing countries.
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DECREUX, YVAN, and LIONEL FONTAGNÉ. "What Next for Multilateral Trade Talks? Quantifying the Role of Negotiation Modalities." World Trade Review 14, no. 1 (January 2015): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745614000354.
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AbstractWhat are the lessons from the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) from a forward-looking point of view? A decade of negotiations is likely to go nowhere. This paper argues that absence of a landing-zone was in the data. Quantitative tools modelling the detail of the modalities predicted failure but were not taken seriously: the design of the negotiations implied that any achievements of the Round could only be limited. Such a weakness was induced by the way multilateral negotiations were organized – in separate groups, without much consideration for, or understanding of, how the different elements added up to more than the sum of the parts. We put sensible figures on that argument by using a dynamic computable general equilibrium model of the world economy, addressing exceptions, flexibilities, as well as the non-linear design of the liberalization formulas, a reduction in domestic support, the phasing out of export subsidies in agriculture, and trade facilitation. Our conclusion is that negotiators have to go back to simplicity and re-bundle the topics if they wish to revamp multilateral negotiations.
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Altemöller, Frank. "A Future for Multilateralism?: New Regionalism, Counter-Multilateralism and Perspectives for the World Trade System after the Bali Ministerial Conference." Global Trade and Customs Journal 10, Issue 1 (January 1, 2015): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2015002.
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Participation in the World Trading System is generally considered to bring substantial benefits. However, the developments of the Doha Round show, that the multilateral trade negotiations are progressing at an unprecedentedly slow pace accompanied by constant setbacks. This resistance towards stronger multilateral economic integration may at first appear not very plausible. This article sets out to look for the causes of these difficulties. From that base, it describes the ways that WTO Member States are seeking different strategies for economic integration on the bilateral, regional and inter-regional levels. The perspectives for the future of the World Trading System and multilateralism are discussed.
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Das, Kasturi. "The Protracted WTO Battle over a Multilateral GI Register: What Lies Beneath?" Journal of World Trade 49, Issue 6 (December 1, 2015): 1073–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2015041.
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The November 2014 breakthrough on the Trade Facilitation Agreement might have gone some way in infusing a new lease of life to the WTO as an institution, the same can hardly be said for most of the other Doha Round issues that still appear to be trapped in a blind alley. The issue of the creation of a multilateral register of Geographical Indications (GIs) for wines and spirits is one such area. Despite several years of wrangling, arriving at a landing zone on this issue still appears to be a far-fetched dream, if the mood expressed by the WTO Members in the December 2014 informal meeting on the multilateral register is anything to go by! Written against this backdrop, the present article has two objectives. First, it makes an attempt to trace the historical, legal as well as economic reasons underlying the protracted debates on GIs under the WTO and beyond – which have widely been referred to as one between the ‘Old World’ (e.g., the EU, Switzerland) and the ‘New World’ (e.g., the US, Australia, Canada, Argentina, Chile, etc.). Second, the article provides a snapshot of the long-drawn WTO negotiations on the multilateral register for wines and spirits under the Doha Round.
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Dufour, Genevieve, and David Pavot. "WTO Negotiations: The Unfinished Doha Development Agenda and the Emergence of New Topics." Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 5 (May 1, 2020): 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020033.
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This article focuses on the state of progress of negotiations at the World Trade Organization. Since 2001, WTO Members have been working towards the conclusion of the Doha Development Round. While negotiations have been stagnant for a long time, the arrival of Roberto Azevêdo has brought a new impetus to the discussions and led to the adoption of the Bali Package in 2013, making it possible to close the debates on about 10% of the subjects. Unfortunately, the post-Bali discussions were less positive since, although they produced interesting results in some areas, they did not produce satisfactory results on one of the most important multilateral trade issues, namely domestic support measures for agriculture. Even more problematically, the Nairobi ministerial noted a new difficulty, namely a lack of consensus on the very content of future negotiations. In this context, the ministers met in Buenos Aires in 2017 without a clear agenda. With an American administration not very inclined to multilateralism, and a group of countries ready to block any progress that is not favourable to developing countries, this Ministerial was a dead end. However, the Buenos Aires Ministerial was marked by the creation of three informal working groups. In parallel, many Members enthusiastically joined an initiative of the International Trade Centre on the empowerment of women in trade, suggesting that a new theme may have emerged at the WTO. The Nur-Soultan Ministerial Conference in June 2020 will determine whether Members are ready for a redefinition of the Negotiating Agenda. WTO Ministerial Conference, Doha Round, Plurilateral initiatives, WTO à la carte, Negociation Agenda, Buenos Aires Ministerial Conference, Gender
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Bouzas, Roberto, and Julieta Zelicovich. "La Organización Mundial de Comercio, los acuerdos mega-regionales y los usos estratégicos del regionalismo." Studies of Applied Economics 32, no. 3 (March 5, 2020): 963. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v32i3.3244.
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The paralysis of the Doha Round, the proliferation of preferential trade agreement and the launching of mega-regional trade negotiations have encouraged the debate about the governance of international trade. In contrast to a benign interpretation of the relationship between “XXI century regionalism” and the multilateral trade regime, we argue that there is a remarkable continuity between the incentives and characteristics of the “new regionalism” and those of “XXI century regionalism”. Even when the content of the regulatory agenda may have reduced the discriminatory nature of the new agreements, the basic conflict between the two modalities of governance of the international trade regime remains in place.
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Deardorff, Alan V., and Robert M. Stern. "Issues of Manufactures Liberalization and Administered Protection in the Doha Round." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850055. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1142.
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This article focuses especially on the positions that the developing countries should take in their own interests on the issues of manufactures liberalization and administered protection. A series of recommendations are set forth with supporting argument: (1-2) for market access, both developed and developing countries should commit to reducing their most restrictive trade barriers, using a formula approach with limited exceptions; (3) negotiated tariff reductions should be phased in over a period of ten years in equal incremental installments; (4) adjustment assistance should be provided by a system of wage insurance and subsidized by transfers from developed countries; (5) the rules for safeguards, countervailing duties, and anti-dumping should be redrafted to focus their use on cases of legitimate economic justification and to discourage their use as protectionist devices; (6) the U.S. and EU should devise and implement a program of comprehensive but declining import restrictions on imports from China consistent with China’s terms of WTO accession and eliminated by 2008; (7) WTO rules governing Preferential Trading Arrangements should be revised to insure that they contribute to the liberalization and simplification of the multilateral trading system; (8) preference granting countries should provide assistance to countries experiencing the erosion of preferences due to multilateral liberalization; (9) the WTO system of dispute resolution should remain in place; and (10) special and differential assistance, if granted, should not exempt countries from the provisions for their own market liberalization. Developing countries should participate actively and constructively in the negotiations to further their own interests. Developing countries may be at a disadvantage in the negotiating process, due to their resource limitations and inexperience in negotiations. Offsetting such disadvantages, however, are their large numbers and the compelling case for meeting their needs. What is needed is leadership and cooperation as for example with the Group of 20 and other coalitions together with a willingness to listen and be flexible on the part of their developed country counterparts. Alan V. Deardorff is John W. Sweetland Professor of International Economics and Professor of Economics and Public Policy at the University of Michigan. He received his Ph.D. in economics from Cornell University in 1971 and, since 1970, has been on the faculty at the University of Michigan where he served as Chair of the Economics Department from 1991 to 1995. He is co-author, with Robert M. Stern, of The Michigan Model of World Production and Trade and Computational Analysis of Global Trading Arrangements and has published numerous articles on aspects of international trade theory and policy. His work on international trade theory has dealt primarily with theories of the patterns and effects of trade. With Professor Stern and with Professor Drusilla K. Brown he has developed a series of computable general equilibrium models of world production, trade, and employment that have been used to analyze the effects of both multilateral and regional initiatives for trade liberalization. Deardorff's current research interests include: the causes and effects of international fragmentation, the economic effects of free trade areas, and the role of trade costs in determining patterns of international specialization and trade. Robert M. Stern is Professor of Economics and Public Policy (Emeritus) in the Department of Economics and Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
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Zelicovich, Julieta. "La política comercial externa norteamericana en la Era Obama y las transformaciones de la gobernanza del comercio internacional." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (August 6, 2016): 371–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n2.07.p371.
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El objetivo de este artículo es indagar en las vinculaciones entre la política comercial externa norteamericana durante la administración Obama y algunos de los principales cambios sucedidos durante la última década en las relaciones comerciales internacionales. Nuestra hipótesis sostiene que fenómenos como la parálisis de las negociaciones de la Ronda Doha y el avance de las negociaciones de acuerdos “Megarregionales” guardan una estrecha relación con las modificaciones de la política comercial externa norteamericana del período 2009-2015. Desde la perspectiva de los bienes públicos, sostendremos que durante la presidencia de Barack Obama, EEUU ha priorizado la construcción de bienes públicos “exclusivos” por sobre los regímenes multilaterales que representen bienes públicos “no-discriminatorios”. El trabajo se inscribe dentro de una interpretación realista de las transformaciones de la Economía Política Internacional. Se trata de un trabajo descriptivo-explicativo, cuya metodología se ha centrado en el análisis de contenido de fuentes documentales: “The President’s Trade Policy Agenda” del período 2009 a 2015 y la “Bipartisan Congressional Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015’’.Palabras-llave: Obama, Política comercial, Gobernanza Global, Rodada Doha, acuerdos megarregionales Abstract: The aim of this paper is to investigate the connections between the US foreign trade policy for the Obama administration and some of the major changes that have occurred over the past decade in the international trade relations. Our hypothesis is that phenomena such as the paralysis of the Doha Round negotiations and the progress of megarregional-agreements negotiations are closely connected with changes in the US foreign trade policy for the period 2009-2015. From the perspective of public goods, we will argue that during the presidency of Barack Obama, the US has prioritized the construction of "exclusive" public goods over the multilateral regimes that represent "non-discriminatory" public goods. The paper makes an interpretation of the changes in the international political economy from the realistic theory viewpoint. This is a descriptive-explanatory work, where the methodology has focused on content analysis of documentary sources: "The President's Trade Policy Agenda" for the period 2009-2015 and the "Congressional Bipartisan Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015''.Key words: Obama, Trade Policy, Global Governance, Doha Round, megarregional agreements
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CHAKRABORTY, Debashis, Julien CHAISSE, and Xu QIAN. "Is It Finally Time for India's Free Trade Agreements? The ASEAN “Present” and the RCEP “Future”." Asian Journal of International Law 9, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 359–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251319000043.
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AbstractSince the inception of the WTO in 1995, India enthusiastically explored export-promotion strategies through multilateral trade reforms. However, the country has moved towards the regional trade route since 2004, primarily owing to the slow progress of the Doha Round negotiations. As a result, the whole architecture of international trade law and governance is being redesigned in the Asia Pacific region. This paper focuses on the pivotal role played by India in this rebalancing. Given the stress on services exports and investment requirements, India focused on entering into comprehensive agreements encompassing merchandise and services trade as well as investment provisions. Presently, India is involved in the ongoing Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership [RCEP] negotiations, where ASEAN remains at the core. The current analysis evaluates the Indo-ASEAN trade patterns and evolving dynamics over the last decade through select trade indices, and comments on the future of the RCEP.
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Steger, Debra P. "Commentary on the Doha Round: Institutional Issues." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850065. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1152.
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Commentary on Robert Howse's article "WTO Governance and the Doha Round." Debra Steger is Executive in Residence at the University of Ottawa Faculty of Law where she is working to establish a new institute for international law, economy and security in Canada. Previously, she was Senior Counsel with Thomas & Partners, a law firm specializing in international trade and investment matters. From 1995-2001, she served as the founding Director of the Appellate Body Secretariat of the World Trade Organization in Geneva, Switzerland, during which time she helped to establish the Appellate Body as the first appellate tribunal in international trade. She is Chair of the Trade and Customs Law Committee of the International Bar Association, and has been on the executive of the Trade Committee of the International Law Association for the past 10 years. She is also a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of the Journal for International Economic Law. She participates on the Advisory Council of the UNCTAD Project on Building Capacity through Training in Dispute Settlement in International Trade Investment and Intellectual Property as well as the Governing Council of the World Trade Law Association. During the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, she was the Senior Negotiator for Canada on Dispute Settlement and the Establishment of the World Trade Organization as well as the Principal Legal Counsel to the Government of Canada for all of the Uruguay Round agreements. From 1991—1995, she was General Counsel of the Canadian International Trade Tribunal in Ottawa, the agency responsible for administering the antidumping, countervail, safeguards, and government procurement legislation in Canada. Her most recent book is entitled: “Peace Through Trade: Building the WTO” which was published by Cameron May International Legal Publishers in 2004. Steger holds an LL.M. from the University of Michigan Law School, an LL.B. from the University of Victoria Faculty of Law, and a B.A. (Honours) in History from the University of British Columbia.
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Das, Dilip K. "A Kiss of Life for the Withering Doha Round of the Multilateral Trade Negotiations?" Global Economic Review 37, no. 2 (June 2008): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080802021250.
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Mukherjee, Arpita. "Developing Countries and GATS Negotiations: The Case of India." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 2 (June 6, 2005): 1850041. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1077.
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The Doha Round of GATS negotiations is on-going. In this context, this paper argues that developing countries such as India have created niche for themselves in particular services exports and, therefore, should actively participate in the negotiations to remove barriers in sectors/modes of their trade interest. It identified various strategies for negotiations for developing countries, such as formation of coalition on particular issues/sectors/modes with like-minded trading partners and offering binding commitments in Mode 3 in return for greater market access in Modes 1 and 4. The commitments of developing countries should take into account the inter-sectoral and intermodal linkages. Lastly, the paper stresses on the need for complementary domestic reforms which would enable developing countries to gain from multilateral liberalization.
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Yano, Hiromi, Jesse Kreier, and Seref Coskun. "Anti-Circumvention in the Multilateral System: Plus ça Change." Global Trade and Customs Journal 11, Issue 11/12 (December 1, 2016): 461–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2016060.
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World Trade Organization (WTO) Members have long struggled to distinguish between acceptable responses to the imposition of anti-dumping duties and inappropriate efforts to ‘circumvent’ such duties. This article summarizes the efforts to formulate multilateral norms on anti-circumvention, from the early General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) dispute settlement challenges through the Uruguay Round, the WTO's Informal Group on Anti-Circumvention and the more recent Rules negotiations of the Doha Round. Despite these efforts, WTO Members have been unable to agree on what constitutes circumvention, much less adopt rules governing the use of anti-circumvention measures. Yet despite the legal uncertainties, thirty-six Members have notified include anti-circumvention provisions to the Committee on Anti-Dumping Practices, and six Members have reported the initiation of 103 anti-circumvention proceedings to the Committee since 2009. While Members would appear to share a common interest in having some predictability and certainty in defining what is and is not appropriate behaviour, both for exporters and importing Members, the gaps, both of principle and practical, have to date proved insurmountable.
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Narlikar, Amrita, and Diana Tussie. "Breakthrough at Bali? Explanations, Aftermath, Implications." International Negotiation 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2016): 209–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341331.
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The World Trade Organization’s (wto) Ministerial Conference at Bali in December 2013 seemed to have marked a landmark moment in the history of the negotiations of the Doha Development Agenda (dda). This article begins with a brief analysis of why theddahas been quagmired in deadlocks and become the longest running trade round in the history of the multilateral trading system. It then discusses the significance of what was achieved at the Bali Ministerial in light of repeated failures and particularly from the perspective of the world’s poorest countries. It explains why and how breakthroughs were achieved and highlights several important institutional innovations. Lastly, it discusses how sustainable these innovations might be.
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Martin, Antoine, and Bryan Mercurio. "Doha dead and buried in Nairobi: lessons for the WTO." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 16, no. 1 (March 20, 2017): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-01-2017-0001.
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Purpose This paper aims to reflect on the outcomes of the Nairobi Ministerial Conference of 2015, which, for all intents and purposes, put the Doha Round to rest and analyses the policy implications and lessons for policymaking at the World Trade Organization (WTO), most importantly the abandonment of the “single undertaking” and return to plurilateral agreements. Design/methodology/approach The paper approaches the issue of WTO policymaking by analysing the various outputs produced both before and because of the Ministerial Conference. Findings The paper suggests that the Nairobi Ministerial has finally put an end to the Doha Round and comes to the conclusion that policymaking at the multilateral level (i.e. through the single undertaking) will change significantly in the future because the WTO Members are incapable of reaching a comprehensive agreement at this time. Instead, the current trend towards trade policymaking via FTA is likely to continue while the WTO focuses on plurilateral negotiations on narrow and discreet issues. Originality/value The paper contributes to the literature on the analysis of global regulatory fragmentation and on trade policymaking. It draws attention, in particular, to the consequences of the last Ministerial Conference and highlights prospects for the future of global trade regulation.
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TARULLO, DANIEL K. "Paved with good intentions: the dynamic effects of WTO review of anti-dumping action." World Trade Review 2, no. 3 (November 2003): 373–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474560400151x.
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Virtually every national trade remedy measure challenged in WTO dispute settlement has resulted in at least partial victory for the exporting country. In the anti-dumping area, the special standard of review for national interpretations of Anti-Dumping agreement obligations has had little discernible effect on dispute settlement outcomes. This pattern, while applauded by some as promoting liberal trade values, may actually result in less trade liberalization. If important trading countries like the United States believe that the Appellate Body will undermine provisions intended to preserve their ability to use trade remedies, they may decline to negotiate further disciplines on the use of these remedies or, possibly, to enter multilateral negotiations entirely. Although insufficient information exists to reach definitive conclusions, recent developments suggest that such negative effects are occurring in the Doha Round.
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Xiaoyan, Yang, and Zhang Ping. "The EUs New FTA Adventures and Their Implications for China." Journal of World Trade 48, Issue 3 (June 1, 2014): 525–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2014018.
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With the EU having an adventure in FTA negotiations after the serious setback from the Doha Round trade negotiations, China becomes increasingly concerned about the potential trade diversion effects and the possible G2 domination by the EU and the US in terms of rule-making power in world trade. This article offers both a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the potential impact on China from the EU's two major FTA negotiations - one with the US and the other with Japan. Chinese intellectuals who are paying attention to these two FTAs, however, have very mixed opinions, which can be characterized as positive, negative or what can be termed as 'marginal impact'. On the basis of the analysis of the mixed opinions, the authors make further predictions about the possible responses of the Chinese government towards new FTA strategy of the EU, and suggest that the EU's FTAs need to exhibit sign of greater amicability and accepting of differing opinions and most importantly, they should form building blocks, instead of stumbling blocks, for the multilateral trading system.
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Carvalho, Patrícia Nasser de. "Da institucionalização aos impasses da OMC e a proliferação de acordos preferenciais de comércio no início do século XXI." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 300–333. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n2.06.p300.
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Desde a institucionalização da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), em 1995, ficaram evidentes as suas importantes conquistas na promoção do livre comércio e na gestão das regulações de bases multilaterais do Sistema de Comércio Internacional. No entanto, desde a última rodada (ainda em curso) de negociações da OMC, iniciada em 2001, em Doha, também foram revelados diversos impasses, que provocaram lentidão no avanço de entendimentos, parcos resultados no processo decisório e falta de interesse político dos seus membros. Esses obstáculos deixaram um vácuo no Sistema de Comércio Internacional multilateral, que vem sendo preenchido pelos Acordos preferenciais de comércio (APCs), ou seja, a opção dos países, em sua maioria membros da OMC, por barganhar APCs, neste início de século está intrinsicamente ligada às dificuldades encontradas por eles em concluir acordos satisfatórios nas rodadas de negociações comerciais multilaterais. No início do século XXI, a ampliação do número de APCs se dá a um ritmo de crescimento inigualável em todas as regiões do mundo. A partir de uma discussão pautada na perspectiva da Economia Política Internacional, os objetivos deste trabalho são: a) discutir os principais impasses no Sistema de Comércio Internacional multilateral, tendo em vista as dificuldades enfrentadas pela OMC ao longo das últimas duas décadas; b) a partir da análise dos dados disponíveis, identificar as principais configurações e tendências da proliferação de APCs no mundo, processos que se que intensificam na década de 1990, mas que ganharam mais fôlego no início do século XXI e formam estruturas normativas distintas da OMC.
Abstract: Since the institutionalization of the World Trade Organization (WTO), in 1995, its important achievements in the promotion of free trade and in the management of the regulations of multilateral bases of the International Trade System have been evident. However, since the last round (still in progress) of the WTO negotiations, which had begun in Doha in 2001, a number of deadlocks were also been revealed, which have resulted in slow progress in understandings, lack of results in the decision-making process and lack of political interest of its members. However, a number of deadlocks have also been revealed, which have led to slow progress in understanding, poor results in the decision-making process and lack of political interest of its members. These obstacles have left a vacuum in the multilateral International Trade System, which is being filled by the Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). This is the option of countries, mostly of them WTO members, to bargain PTAs, is intrinsically linked to the constraints they encountered in concluding satisfactory agreements in the rounds of multilateral trade negotiations. At the beginning of the 21st century, the expansion of the number of PTAs is at an unequaled growth rate in all regions of the world. From a discussion based on the perspective of International Political Economy, the objectives of this work are: a) to discuss the main deadlocks in the multilateral International Trade System in this century, given the difficulties faced by the WTO over the last two decades; b) from the analysis of the available data, to identify the main configurations and trends of the proliferation of PTAs in the world, processes that have been intensified since the 1990s, but have been a growing trend in the 21st century and taking different normative structures other than the WTO.
Keywords: World Trade Organization (WTO); International Trade; Preferential Trade Agreements; International Trade System.
Recebido em: maio/2018
Aprovado em: agosto/2018
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van Dijck, Pitou. "How to Save the Doha Round: A European Perspective." European Foreign Affairs Review 11, Issue 3 (August 1, 2006): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2006027.
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This article analyzes the rapidly changing context in which the negotiations on the Doha Development Agenda of the World Trade Organization take place, takes stock of the achievements so far, and attempts to delineate the main bottlenecks and conditions for a successful result, with special attention for the role of the EU. The challenges facing the negotiators have been daunting throughout the round, which started in November 2001: the agenda is broad and ambitious, the membership has expanded to 150, developing countries with clearly diverse interests have created coalitions, and at this stage time is clearly running out. So far, the intensified pace of meetings in all sorts of coalitions and subgroups has not resulted in a breakthrough in what is referred to as the ‘triangle of make-or-break issues’: domestic support and market access in agriculture, and industrial tariffs. A fiasco would not only be a missed opportunity to contribute to the prospects of worldwide economic growth and development but would moreover jeopardize the prospects of the WTO as a multilateral institution capable of serving the interests of developing and developed countries alike.
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Islam, M. Rafiqul, and Md Rizwanul Islam. "The Proposed Australia-China FTA: Protectionism over Complementarity?" Legal Issues of Economic Integration 37, Issue 3 (August 1, 2010): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2010016.
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This article deals with the proposed high-profile Australia-China Free Trade Agreement (FTA). It recognizes their economic complementarities for an FTA. However, their negotiations reveal many competing interests, militating against an FTA. If political enthusiasm succeeds in concluding this FTA, it is likely to fall short of delivering the projected economic benefits. This FTA will possibly be an inward looking discriminatory trading arrangement with exclusive preference to each other in selective sectors and protection against non-members, inconsistent with Article XXIV of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Such protectionist obsessions have become an obstructive alternative to multilateral nondiscriminatory trade rendering it more onerous and less viable. Concluding such an FTA, at a time when World Trade Organization (WTO) Panels and Appellate Body (AB) are increasingly dealing with FTA disputes, may result in a legal challenge. The booming Australian and Chinese export sectors need open global markets to maximize their full trade potentials, which can be achieved through the completion of the Doha Round.
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Glazatov, M. V. "New Vectors of WTO Law Development and Certain Issues of Application of the Subsidy Instrument." Actual Problems of Russian Law 17, no. 5 (April 19, 2022): 182–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2022.138.5.182-195.
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The multilateral system of trade regulation is the most complex institution of international law. Over the past three decades, the members of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade have managed to form not only the format of negotiations — the World Trade Organization, but also the rules and regulations for doing business in the world market, including the rules for granting subsidies. However, the further development of the organization is undergoing a crisis. The equilibrium application of international trade rules is now impossible due to the current situation: some developing countries, which at the time of joining the WTO recorded a large number of exemptions and transition periods, have grown economically and can now compete on an equal footing with developed countries. On the other hand, it is impossible to talk about any violations, since these exemptions were “agreed”. The problem is exacerbated by the fact that the WTO, although it uses the concepts of “developing, developed and least developed countries”, does not have its own classification of countries according to economic development and cannot respond to changes in their development. The questions posed by the last round of multilateral trade negotiations (the Doha round) have already begun to affect such areas of regulation in which the equalization of the norms and rules of trade between developing countries and developed countries affects not only the economic but also the social sphere. In addition, a deeper level of typification of trade regulation rules affects the mechanisms of interaction that go beyond the activities of such an international organization as the WTO and are inherent in integration associations. Nevertheless, active WTO members have put forward initiatives to change the rules for issuing subsidies, aimed at tightening them and even deeper unification of national jurisdictions with standard international approaches to regulating state support.
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Finston, Susan K. "Commentary: An American BioIndustry Alliance Perspective on CBD/TRIPS Issues in the Doha Round." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850072. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1159.
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Commentary on the relationship between the Convention on Biological Diversity and the WTO Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. Susan Finston is Executive Director of the American BioIndustry Alliance (ABIA), a new advocacy organization that seeks enabling conditions for biotechnology through sustainable, mutually beneficial Access and Benefit Sharing (ABS) policies. Previously, she worked for the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), where she was Associate Vice President for Intellectual Property, Middle East/Africa and South Asian Affairs. Prior to joining PhRMA in 1999, Finston served in the U.S. Foreign Service, specializing in intellectual property and international trade policy. She received two meritorious Honor Awards for work on bilateral and multilateral trade negotiations. From 1986 -1988, Finston served as a Motions Clerk working with active judges at the Federal Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit in Chicago, Illinois. She was admitted to practice before the Illinois Bar, and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. She graduated from the University of Michigan in 1986 with a joint J.D./M.P.P. degree and with a B.S. in Philosophy in 1982. Her recent article, “The Relevance of Genetic Resources to the Pharmaceutical Industry—The Industry Viewpoint,” appeared in the March 2005 Journal of World Intellectual Property.