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Academic literature on the topic 'Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations"

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da Conceição-Heldt, Eugénia. "The Clash of Negotiations: The Impact of Outside Options on Multilateral Trade Negotiations." International Negotiation 18, no. 1 (2013): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341247.

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Abstract While the number of preferential trade agreements (PTA) has increased rapidly in recent years, the Doha round of multilateral trade negotiations has been deadlocked since 2006. Most PTAs were even concluded after the start of the Doha round. Does the shift to PTAs “marginalize” the multilateral system? And is there a clash between preferential and multilateral trade liberalization? To answer these questions, we build upon negotiation analysis literature, arguing that the proliferation of PTAs draws negotiating capacity away from the multilateral level and thus reduces the incentives to agree on multilateral trade agreements. The willingness of actors to move from their initial bargaining positions and make concessions at the multilateral level depends on their outside options, that is, their best or worst alternatives to a negotiated agreement. The more credible an actor’s argument that he has a good alternative to multilateralism, the greater his bargaining power will be. In order to support the argument we will analyze the negotiation process at the multilateral level and link it to PTAs under negotiation by the EU, US, Brazil, Australia, and India.
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MARGULIS, MATIAS E. "The Forgotten History of Food Security in Multilateral Trade Negotiations." World Trade Review 16, no. 1 (November 2, 2016): 25–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745616000410.

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AbstractFood security emerged as a major source of political deadlock in the WTO Doha Round negotiations. Concerns about food security only intensified at the WTO following the 2008 Global Food Crisis, with the Bali and Nairobi Ministerials revealing polarized views between the US and India on the financing of public food stockholding. These ‘food fights’ at the WTO have attracted significant international media, civil society, and scholarly attention. In this article, I argue that inter-state disagreement on food security is not new or specific to the Doha Round but instead has been a recurrent phenomenon in the multilateral trade system for decades. Employing an historical approach, I show that food security has repeatedly been an item of negotiation in successive GATT negotiating rounds and has been steadily codified in international trade law over time. Today, food security is deeply integrated into the rules of the trade regime, making the WTO an important yet largely unacknowledged institution in global food security governance.
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Gil, Juan Manuel. "FROM MULTILATERAL NEGOTIATIONS TO BILATERAL AND REGIONAL NEGOTIATIONS: THE EFFECT OF DOHA STALLING." Revista Civilizar de Empresa y Economía 2, no. 3 (June 10, 2011): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/2462909x.68.

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This article argues that the stalling of the Doha Round negotiations is a forsaken opportunity for developing countries. Since the first deadline of Doha Round was missed in 2005, developed countries have changed their strategy of achieving free trade through multilateral negotiations, towards achieving it in regional or bilateral negotiations. Therefore, developing countries have had to stop bargaining in a considerable less hierarchical system and being compelled to bargain in a scenario characterized by power asymmetries. They have also swapped free trade based on non-discriminative multilateral principles, for preferential and discriminative trade treatment.
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Crump, Larry, and Daniel Druckman. "Turning Points in Multilateral Trade Negotiations on Intellectual Property." International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630910.

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Abstract Application of a turning points analysis to detailed chronologies of events that transpired prior to and during two matched cases of multilateral intellectual property rights (TRIPS) negotiations yields useful lessons for understanding negotiation process and effective negotiator behavior. The unfolding negotiation process is traced in the GATT Uruguay Round and prior to and during the WTO Doha Ministerial. Departures from earlier trends in the chronologies merit special attention. A departure is defined as a clear and self-evident change from earlier events or patterns in the form of an impactful decision taken by one or more parties. By coding the causes (precipitants) and effects (consequences) of the departures, we perform a turning points analysis. The turning points analysis, composed of three-part sequences, reveals the triggers and impacts of departures during the extended TRIPS negotiation process. The analyses will allow a comparison of the patterns that unfolded during the two phases of TRIPS negotiations, which will highlight the breakthroughs that occurred during the Uruguay Round and the crises that emerged later, prior to and during the Doha Ministerial. Improving the effectiveness of multilateral trade negotiations depends in part on understanding how critical turning points emerge.
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Singh, J. P. "Trade Negotiations at the (Possible) End of Multilateral Institutionalism." International Negotiation 25, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23031166.

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Abstract Multilateral negotiations are often facilitated through international organizations, but are not coterminous with them. This essay advances a few ‘mid-level’ propositions with respect to the negotiation structure that provides an overall context and the negotiation process where tactics guide the exchange of concessions. In terms of negotiation structure, a stable institutional structure is giving rise to a transitional one resulting in system spoilers in international negotiations leading to deadlocks and no-agreements. The bargaining phases are marked with games of chicken and grand-standing making it hard to effectively practice common negotiation tactics such as coalition-building, trade-offs and linkages. The article provides examples from the Uruguay Round and the breakdown of the Doha Round of trade negotiations through the World Trade Organization. The essay’s propositions address the breakdown of existing multilateralism through international organizations, but also document the continuation of underlying multilateral principles.
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Singh, J. P. "Introduction: Emerging Powers and the wto." International Negotiation 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2016): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341330.

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International trade has become increasingly important to emerging market economies. Concurrently, increasing trade liberalization through the multilateral Doha Round, launched in November 2001, from the World Trade Organization (wto) has been a failure. The essays in this issue evaluate the role of Brazil, China, and India at thewtoexamining in particular their domestic and coalitional constraints, the fairness and justice claims underlying their interests, and the types of identity politics that inform their negotiation positions. These three facets do not make multilateral negotiations easy but they do offer possibilities for future negotiations. Multilateral trade negotiations may not decline but the current era of ‘managed multilateralism’ has become complex balancing great and emerging powers interests.
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Prekajac, Zora. "Agriculture and developing countries in the new round of negotiations within WTO." Privredna izgradnja 48, no. 1-2 (2005): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/priz0502053p.

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The Ministerial Conference held in Doha (Qatar) launched a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in World Trade Organization. It is called the development round because the interests and needs of developing countries are in the focus of negotiations. One of the most important (and controversial) questions is the liberalization of international trade in agricultural products. The beginning of that process was the conclusion of the Agreement on agriculture during the Uruguay Round which was followed by the negotiations initiated in 2000. The negotiations are supposed to finish until the end of the year 2006. Analyzing the recent results of negotiations, we can conclude that a lot of questions are not harmonized and that in front of the negotiators is a very difficult and complex task to overcome the existing differences and find compromise solutions. The results of the Doha negotiations (including agriculture) are very important for the future of the multilateral trading system.
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Crump, Larry. "Negotiation Process and Negotiation Context." International Negotiation 16, no. 2 (2011): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234011x573011.

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AbstractThis article examines how external events grounded in a negotiation’s relevant environment (i.e., negotiation context) influence negotiation process and outcome. Multilateral, regional and bilateral environments are examined through linkage theory to gain understanding about the impact of external events or context on negotiation process and outcome. Linkages between a negotiation and its context are examined through five trade negotiations: the WTO Doha round (multilateral-global); the Free Trade Area of the Americas (multilateral-regional); EU‐Mercosur (bilateral-regional); EU‐Chile (bilateral); and US‐Chile (bilateral). In addition to developing greater understanding about the strategic relationship between a negotiation and its context this article establishes a theoretic framework that defines the known universe of linkage dynamics. The impact of multilateral environments on the regional negotiation process and outcome is of particular interest, as is the strategic use of bilateral environments in seeking to achieve multilateral geopolitical ends.
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Sjöstedt, Gunnar. "NGOs in WTO Talks: Patterns of Performance and What They Mean." International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630947.

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AbstractNon-governmental organizations (NGOs) have remained outside all the GATT rounds since the 1950s. In contrast, hundreds of NGOs have taken part in the current WTO round. This article maps the formal participation of NGOs in five ministerial conferences during the Doha round. It also analyzes various forms of NGO involvement in the WTO trade talks, such as lobbying and capacity-building of developing countries. An assessment of the current and potential capacities of NGOs in the Doha round requires that their performance be seen from an explicit negotiation perspective. Both NGO participation and involvement, as well the interaction between these two forms of NGO performance need to be considered. An assessment of how NGOs may have an impact on negotiation effectiveness and efficiency in WTO rounds should be approached from a long-term perspective and should consider other kinds of outcomes than formal final agreements. NGO performance in WTO may increase the complexity of negotiations or the significance of non-trade issues. NGO activities outside the WTO may disturb multilateral trade negotiations in the short term, such as during ongoing Ministerial Conferences. On the other hand, NGOs may also help to pave the way for constructive long-term changes in the WTO regime, which, in turn, may have a favorable impact on the effectiveness and efficiency of the overall WTO negotiation system.
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WOLFE, ROBERT. "First Diagnose, Then Treat: What Ails the Doha Round?" World Trade Review 14, no. 1 (January 2015): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745614000342.

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AbstractThe commonplace tendency is to blame the difficulties of the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations on the World Trade Organization (WTO) itself. In contrast, I suggest in the first section of this article that exogenous structural factors, especially changing commodity prices and trade flows, fatally undermined the Round. In the second section, I discount the significance of endogenous institutional factors such as the number of participants, the size of the agenda, or the Single Undertaking, although design failures, notably in the ‘modalities’ for negotiation, did hurt. But what hurt even more was the way the WTO, in common with most multilateral organizations, has not caught up with the shifting centre of gravity in global governance. The trading system is no longer a transatlantic bargain. The regulatory issues on the twenty-first century trade policy agenda will inevitably be negotiated in Geneva, but only after a new trans-Pacific accommodation recognizes China's central role.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations"

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Lamprecht, Jens. "Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.

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The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
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LEAL, ARCAS Rafael. "Theory and practice of EC external trade law and policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13171.

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Defence date: 11 March 2008
Examining board: Prof. Bruno De Witte, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Francesca Martines, Faculty of Economics, University of Pisa ; Prof. Petros C. Mavroidis, Columbia Law School, NY and University of Neuchâtel ; Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Both the European Community (EC) and its Member States agree that it is in their best interest to coordinate their action vis-à-vis the rest of the world in international trade agreements. Theory and Practice of EC External Trade Law and Policy looks at the intricacies of the institutional framework of EC trade law, and with special emphasis on services trade, examines the law and practice of EC external trade relations from a policy, economic, legal and an overarching European constitutional perspective. The objective of the author’s analysis is not only to find ways to nurture and preserve the unitary character of EC external trade relations in areas of shared competence between EU Member States and EU institutions, but also to understand the management of the EC’s external trade relations. The book begins with an analysis of the evolution of the EC common commercial policy, through which the author examines the checks and balances at the micro, meso and macro levels. The author then proceeds to analyse the problems faced by the EU in its external relations and the legal complexity of mixed agreements. This unique legal phenomenon is tackled from an intra-EC perspective as well as from an extra-EU perspective taking into account various implications for third parties. The major EU institutions are examined: the Commission as the negotiator of international trade agreements, the role of the EU Council and the European Parliament in concluding and ratifying of agreements and the European Court of Justice in relation to judicial enforcement. The EU’s decision-making process in the trade arena and its relation with national institutions are examined. The book concludes with an analysis of the EC’s contribution to the Doha Round in the area of services trade.
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Poletti, Arlo <1977&gt. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/1/Arlo_Poletti_tesi.pdf.

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This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
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Poletti, Arlo <1977&gt. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/.

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This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
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Nyhodo, Bonani. "The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.

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Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
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Vacchi, Alessandra <1995&gt. "The EU in International Trade Negotiations: Assessing the Role of the Single Voice through an Analysis of the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16050.

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The thesis focuses on the role of the single voice of the EU during two international trade negotiations: the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round. The assumption of EU policymakers and a first wave of EU scholars was that speaking with a single voice at the international level leads the EU to be effective. A second wave of scholars challenged this assumption. The aim of the thesis is to assess the actual role of the single voice using two different cases, through an analysis with institutional and external variables (the former referring to the internal EU rules and the latter to the external context of the negotiation). The combinations of these variables determine the role of the single voice in international trade negotiations. During the Uruguay Round the EU wanted to maintain the status quo. The analysis showed that the single voice was strong, and it led to a favorable outcome for the EU. The EU negotiator was constrained by rigid institutional rules, and the external variables strengthened the single voice. Instead, during the Doha Round the EU pushed for reform. The single voice was cohesive, but the external variables had a negative impact on the negotiation. This led to a weakening of the single voice. The research concluded that the degree of effectiveness of the single voice, and its role, depends on the combination of institutional and external variables, but it is not possible to claim that the single voice leads to effectiveness in absolute terms.
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Coskeran, Helen Mary. "Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.

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Djemilou, Mohamed. "The impact of the Bali agreement on the Doha round stalemate with particular reference to the interests of developing and least developed countries." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5122.

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Magister Philosophiae - MPhil
The problem that this Research Paper is aiming to examine is whether the Bali Agreement has successfully impacted on the consensus pitfalls and the Doha Round stalemate as shown in the background to the study.
National Bursary and Grants Agency (ANBG)
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Runick, Alah Fru. "Agricultural trade under the multilateral trade system in sub-Saharan Africa: a South African perspective with lessons from Brazil." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9444_1367481569.

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Meepiarn, Worakamol. "Bargaining strategies for Developing Countries at the WTO : the case of Thailand and the Agreement on Agriculture in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2232/.

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The central research question of the thesis concerns the bargaining and negotiating strategy, as well as the negotiating process, at the GATT and the WTO in relation to developing countries. The key questions this study set out to answer were: considering the vast power disparity developing countries face in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO institution and among a number of available strategies, what is, then, the most effective bargaining strategy, under what conditions? The thesis has sought to make a principal argument corresponding to the research question of this study, based on the findings of the case of Thailand’s participation at the Uruguay Round negotiations. Firstly, the thesis shows that Thailand, along with other developing countries with the same level of economic development and a similar level of experience in multilateral trade negotiations, has not been able to rely on merely one negotiating strategy in order to attain the sought after outcomes. The thesis then illustrates that bargaining strategies have to be exercised in all channels. To further systemise, bargaining strategies could possibly be grouped into three levels: (1) international, where coalition building and mixed strategy of distributive and integrative tactics can be utilised; (2) regional, where regional agreements/regional-based coalitions can be utilised as a springboard for bargaining; and (3) domestic, where the role of individual officials and ministers can feed into the effectiveness of the bargaining strategies being conducted. Therefore, the thesis argues that the limited bargaining power of developing countries makes coalition-building an especially crucial and most appealing tool for their effective diplomacy. The thesis also argues that the most effective bargaining tactics are those of a mixture of distributive and integrative tactics, as stipulated by Odell. The thesis contends that Thailand’s experience seems to throw light on the inadequacies of the conventional accounts of domestic-driven negotiation analysis that assume the great role of domestic institutional inputs in the trade policy formulation process. They assume that trade negotiators and officials arrive at the negotiating position after having calculated and balanced inputs from diverse interests within the state. It is believed that negotiation alternatives for any country are direct outcomes of the particular alignment of domestic actors and interests. However, the finding suggests that a very different dynamic is at work in Thailand. Finally, the thesis has maintained that the driving force in trade policy and negotiating strategy in Thailand remains in the hands of the state, mainly via bureaucratic officials. Therefore, new development in negotiation analysis is needed that is of relevance to developing countries’ experiences, since many developing countries with very different political structures and societies have reacted in very similar ways at the international level.
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Books on the topic "Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations"

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Das, Dilip K. The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017.

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General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization), ed. Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. Washington, D.C: Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, Executive Office of the President, 1994.

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General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organisation). Multilateral trade negotiations: The Uruguay round. Geneva: GATT, 1989.

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American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research., ed. The Doha round and financial services negotiations. Washington, D.C: AEI Press, 2003.

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Mark, Janette. The Uruguay Round: Issues for multilateral trade negotiations. Ottawa: North-South Institute, 1987.

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Organization, World Trade, and Institute for Global Dialogue, eds. WTO new round of negotiations: The Doha Ministerial Conference and Post Doha Agenda. Harare: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2002.

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Lenore, Sek, and Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, eds. The Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations: Major issues. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1990.

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General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade Centre. Information and Media Relations Division., ed. News of the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations. Geneva: General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade Centre, 1993.

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Institute for International Legal Information., ed. GATT, multilateral trade negotiations--the Uruguay Round : final act embodying the results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 15 December 1993. Buffalo, N.Y: W.S. Hein, 1994.

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Krueger, Anne O. Developing countries and the next round of multilateral trade negotiations. Washington, DC (1818 H St., NW, Washington 20433): World Bank, Development Research Group, Trade, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations"

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Das, Dilip K. "Trade in Services and the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 115–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_5.

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Das, Dilip K. "Trade in Agriculture and the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 143–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_6.

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Das, Dilip K. "Setback in Cancún: Salvaging the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 54–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_3.

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Das, Dilip K. "The Doha Round and the Developing Economies." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 87–114. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_4.

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Das, Dilip K. "Intellectual Property Rights and the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 174–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_7.

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Das, Dilip K. "Equilibrating the Global Trading System and the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 31–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_2.

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Das, Dilip K. "The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Setting and Overture." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 1–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_1.

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Viravan, Amnuay, José Concepcion, Victor Fung Kwok-King, Jean-Pierre Lehmann, Brian W. Scott, Augustine Tan, Bunroku Yoshino, et al. "New Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations." In Trade Routes to Sustained Economic Growth, 111–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18860-4_7.

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K. Das, Dilip. "The Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations." In International Trade Policy, 115–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379251_6.

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Iqbal, Badar, and Munir Hasan. "Doha Development Round." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 74–83. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-4639-1.ch006.

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Abstract:
More than 11 years have passed and Doha Development Round (DDR) has been in the doldrums, having full uncertainties that may result in closure. Trade negotiations are at a standstill, resulting in revivalism of trade protectionism in the name of “new regionalism” or preferential agreements (India-Japan, India-EU). This would lead to dismantling multilateral trading system for which World Trade Organization was created in January 1995. It is vital to protect and preserve the gains of the WTO in a variety of related areas. Therefore, the success of a multilateral trading system is imperative, and this could only be possible when DDR is successful and revivalism takes place. If impasse is continued, the concept and practices of free trade would be transformed into trade protectionism in the name of new regionalism. If it happens, then the future of global trade is uncertain and there would be enormous loss of potential and opportunities of creation of trade, and no country could afford it. Doha is stuck. Where do we go from here? The present chapter analyses the issues relating to the closure vs. success of the DDR. Every effort must be made to keep it alive both in the interest of mankind and the globe. If in 12th round, nothing concrete comes up, then the member countries are thinking and planning to replace it by Global Recovery Round (GRR), which is becoming more significant to deal with. Hence, this chapter attempts to examine the three options, namely closure, revival, and replace.
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Conference papers on the topic "Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations"

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Piekutowska, Agnieszka. "THE GROUNDS OF PROTECTIONISM IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN THE 21st CENTURY IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTILATERAL TRADE NEGOTIATIONS." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2021.0020.

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As the importance of tariffs diminishes, to avoid underestimation, analysis of the dynamics of protectionism implies the use of more complex data. Hence, this research explores the Global Trade Alert database, which covers a wide range of measures used by countries within trade policy. Once the dynamics of protectionism in trade is presented, the analysis of its grounds might be undertaken to answer the question: what are the reasons for high levels of protectionist tendencies in the 21 st century? Is this a post-crisis repercussion only? Or is the failure of multilateral negotiations under the auspices of the WTO which, in turn, makes space for increased levels of protectionism? While many analyses highlight the indisputable impact of the crisis on the growing protectionist tendencies in the 21 st century, it has been over ten years since the crisis, which requires a search for alternate or additional premises. The hypothesis was therefore adopted that the failure of multilateral negotiations within the Doha Round may make space for increased protectionism in the 21 st century. Taking into consideration all of the negative consequences of protectionism, the analysis of its causes has a justification. Successful treatment requires a diagnosis of the sources of the problem; only once these are identified can an appropriate action be undertaken. The main conclusion from the research is that because of the diversification within the WTO, the multilateral liberalization agenda has been limited. Hence, “next generation” issues are addressed elsewhere, like within regional trade agreements, which, as a result, became very popular after 2001. However, RTAs should not be perceived as an alternative to liberalization under the auspices of the WTO, as they are not free from protectionist tendencies.
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