Journal articles on the topic 'DIY anarchist'
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1
Morgan, Colleen. "Punk, DIY, and Anarchy in Archaeological Thought and Practice." AP: Online Journal in Public Archaeology 5 (January 7, 2017): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.23914/ap.v5i0.67.
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Recent developments in archaeological thought and practice involve a seemingly disparate selection of ideas that can be collected and organized as contributing to an anti-authoritarian, “punk” archaeology. This includes the contemporary archaeology of punk rock, the DIY and punk ethos of archaeological labor practices and community involvement, and a growing interest in anarchist theory as a productive way to understand communities in the past. In this article, I provide a greater context to contemporary punk, DIY, and anarchist thought in academia, unpack these elements in regard to punk archaeology, and propose a practice of punk archaeology as a provocative and productive counter to fast capitalism and structural violence.
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Bevir, Mark. "The Rise of Ethical Anarchism in Britain, 1885–1900." Historical Research 69, no. 169 (June 1, 1996): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01848.x.
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Abstract In the nineteenth century, anarchists were strict individualists favouring clandestine organization and violent revolution: in the twentieth century, they have been romantic communalists favouring moral experiments and sexual liberation. This article examines the growth of this ethical anarchism in Britain in the late nineteenth century, as exemplified by the Freedom Group and the Tolstoyans. These anarchists adopted the moral and even religious concerns of groups such as the Fellowship of the New Life. Their anarchist theory resembled the beliefs of counter-cultural groups such as the aesthetes more closely than it did earlier forms of anarchism. And this theory led them into the movements for sex reform and communal living.
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Gaudino, Emanuela. "Traditional Thought and Utopian Egalitarianism in the Tianyi bao: The Rise of an Anarchist Ideal among Chinese Communities in Tokyo." MING QING YANJIU 17, no. 01 (February 14, 2012): 121–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01701006.
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This essay discusses the experience of anarchism among young Chinese intellectuals based in Japan between 1907-1908. The rise of an anarchist ideal among Chinese intellectuals was firstly related to their acquaintance with Japanese radicals. In 1907 division among the Tongmenghui leadership and the conversion of Japanese intellectuals to anarchism made Chinese students and intellectuals based in Tokyo more susceptible to radical political doctrines. Anarchism emerged as a new trend out of this political turmoil. Liu Shipei, He Zhen and Zhang Ji were the central figures of the Tokyo Group and the main supporters of the anarchist propaganda in Japan. Through the acquaintance with the Kinyōkai 金矅会 (Friday Group), the radical socialist faction led by Kōtoku Shūsui, they were able to bring together the Chinese overseas communities in Japan, who were dissatisfied with the principle of Tongmenghui and its leadership. The close relations with Kōtoku and Japanese socialists, the affiliation with the Tongmenghui and the quarrels within the same Alliance concerning Sun’s leadership, the establishment of societies among Chinese students in Japan and the publication of a journal, all consent to define the contours of anarchist activities in Japan between the years 1907-1908. My goal in the following pages is to highlight the Japanese route of Chinese anarchism outlining anarchist thinking and propaganda as delineated in the pages of their official organ, the Tianyi bao (Journal of Natural Justice). Overall, I will try to answer these three questions. First, how did Chinese traditional thought become a means to sustain utopian egalitarianism? Second, how did Kōtoku Shūsui and Japanese anarchists influence the rise of an anarchist ideal among Chinese intellectuals based in Japan? And third, how did the Tianyi bao promote a racial, social and political revolution in order to create an ideal society?
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Brekhov, Gleb S. "Women and Anarchism: The Anarcha-Feminism Movement in Europe and the United States." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-90-106.
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As an ideology, anarchism has many currents formed through its symbiosis with various socio-political philosophies, including feminism. In the modern world, due to the growing support for feminism in Western countries, the study of anarcha-feminism as one of the most active anarchist movements seems to be useful for understanding the socio-political situation in Europe and the United States. The article examines the position of women in the anarchism ideology upon the development of the anarcha-feminist movement from the 19th century to the present day. Based on the works of the classics of anarcha-feminism (E. Goldman, W. De Claire) and modern research (D. Koval, M. Rachmaninova), the author conducted a comparative retrospective analysis of the relationship between anarchism and feminism within a single socio-political trend. The study revealed that despite the ideological similarity of anarchism and feminism in matters of equality and attitude to power, in classical anarchism women were assigned a rather insignificant, and even deprived, role. The fusion of feminism and anarchism, which came as a response to the unfair position of women in society, led to a change in the status of women in the understanding of anarchists, and also gave impetus to the development of modern anarcha-feminism (La Rivolta!, Eskalera Karakola, Wemoons Army, Radical cheerleading) including more and more men in the movement.
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Koefoed Hansen, Lone. "Ubekymrethedens taktik." Peripeti 9, S4 (January 1, 2012): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/peri.v9is4.110579.
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The purpose of the paper is to understand the creative forces in two particular and peculiar workshops at IT conferences, where participants come together to use DIY materials like yarn, fuse beads and defunct toys to experiment with alternative ways of conceptualising technology. Drawing on anarchist Hakim Bey’s notion of Temporary Autonomous Zone as well as on an understanding of knitting as a critical practice, the paper analyses the forces at play in those workshops and argues that the unlikely clash of technologies, materials, event and participants opens up for unique creative forces that allows participants to re-think the future of high-tech.
I “Ubekymrethedens taktik: Om garn, it og flygtigt anarki” undersøger Lone Koefoed Hansen to DIY-workshops (Do-ityourself, eller gør-det-selv), som hun har deltaget i på IT-konferencer. Hun kaster dermed lys på begivenheder, hvor hverken materialer eller metoder er gængse i forhold til, hvad man er vant til på sådanne begivenheder. Gennem sin case fremhæver Koefoed Hansen det særegne i måden at performe verden på. Dels fordi materialerne og tilgangen er helt anderledes end, hvad man ‘normalt’ ser, og dels fordi denne workshoptype fungerer som en ‘midlertidig autonom zone’, hvor alternative virkeligheder og fremtider kan formuleres gennem kreativ handling, der benytter ubekymretheden som kreativ taktik.
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Sueiro Seoane, Susana. "Anarquismo e independentismo cubano: las figuras olvidadas de Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci y Pedro Esteve = Anarchism and Cuban Independence: The Forgotten Figures of Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci and Pedro Esteve." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 30 (July 18, 2018): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.30.2018.21864.
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Este texto analiza las fuertes discrepancias que hubo en el anarquismo del siglo XIX a propósito del tema independentista cubano. En un principio, la tesis más extendida fue que la liberación de Cuba del dominio español no garantizaba a la isla su libertad, que los anarquistas entendían como una emancipación económica y social y no política. La lucha por la instauración de una república, pensaban, no era su lucha. Sin embargo, el mensaje de Martí caló entre muchos obreros cubanos, incluidos los anarquistas, y en las páginas de los periódicos libertarios, tanto de Cuba como de España o Estados Unidos, se discutió mucho sobre si los anarquistas debían o no apoyar la causa independentista. Personajes centrales en esta polémica fueron los impresores Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci y Pedro Esteve, que utilizaron los periódicos que editaron para reflexionar sobre el tema de la patria, el patriotismo y el independentismo. Finalmente, ganó en el seno del anarquismo cubano la causa de la independencia. Incluso Esteve, el más reticente, acabó aceptando que había que apoyar la guerra por la independencia cubana siempre que el objetivo último siguiera siendo la revolución anarquista. This text analyses the strong discrepancies that arose in XIXth Century anarchism regarding Cuban independence. At first, the anarchist theory was that the liberation of Cuba from Spanish rule did not guarantee the Island its freedom, which the anarchists understood as being an economic and social emancipation but not a political one. The fight for the establishment of a republic, they thought, was not their fight. However, Martí’s message made an impression amongst many Cuban workers, including the anarchists, and in the pages of the libertarian newspapers, both Cuban and Spanish or North American, there was much debate on whether or not the anarchists should support the cause of independence. Key figures in this controversy were the printers Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci and Pedro Esteve, who used the periodicals they published to deliberate on the themes of homeland, patriotism and independence. Finally, at the heart of Cuban anarchism it was the struggle for independence that prevailed. Even Esteve, the most reluctant, ended up accepting that it was necessary to support the Cuban war of independence as long as the final objective continued to be anarchist revolution.
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Beswick, Spencer. "From the Ashes of the Old: Anarchism Reborn in a Counterrevolutionary Age (1970s-1990s)." Anarchist Studies 30, no. 2 (September 16, 2022): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.30.2.02.
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After almost a century of Marxist predominance, how did anarchism develop from a marginal phenomenon into a force at the centre of the anti-globalisation movement? This article explores how anarchism was reborn in a counterrevolutionary age. Part one investigates how the New Right's post-1960s counterrevolution defeated the New Left and remade US society, including by recuperating potentially liberatory elements of social movements. Part two examines how a new generation of radicals critiqued the failures of MarxismLeninism and popularised the anarchist analysis and principles that provided the foundation for the anti-globalisation movement. The article discusses five examples of the development of anarchist theory and practice: Black/New Afrikan Anarchism, anarcha-feminism, eco-anarchism, punk anarchism, and revolutionary social anarchism. Ultimately, the article argues that anarchism was revitalised in the late twentieth century because it provided compelling answers to the new problems posed by the neoliberal counterrevolution and the crisis of state socialism.
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Ferretti, Federico. "Organisation and formal activism: insights from the anarchist tradition." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 11/12 (October 10, 2016): 726–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-11-2015-0127.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to contribute for the special number Protest and Activism With(out) Organisation. Design/methodology/approach Elisée Reclus (1830-1905) wrote in 1851 that “anarchy is the highest expression of order”. This statement, clashing with the bourgeois commonplaces on anarchy as chaos, anticipated the theories, elaborated collectively by the anarchist geographers Reclus, Pëtr Kropotkin (1842-1921), and Léon Metchnikoff (1838-1888), on mutual aid and cooperation as the bases of a society more rationally organised than the State and capitalist one. If a (minority) part of the anarchist movement, in the following decades, assumed this sort of “natural order” to argue that there was no necessity of a political organisation, many militants stated on the contrary the necessity of a formal anarchist (or anarcho-syndicalist) organisation to prepare the revolution and to put in practice the principle of an horizontal and federalist society starting from daily life. Findings The author’s main argument is that the idea of a public and formalized anarchist organisation has been consistent with the claims of the anarchist geographers for the possibility of an ordered anarchist society and that it was a very geographical conception, as the spatial and territorial activity patterns of anarchist individuals, groups, and federations was a central issue among anarchist organisers. Originality/value Drawing on present literature on geography and anarchism and on the multidisciplinary transnational turn of anarchist studies, the author addresses, through primary sources, the contentions and openings of the organisational question in anarchism from Reclus, Kropotkin, and Metchnikoff to the anarchist federations of present day, and its links with the issue of constructive anarchism and with the problem of violence.
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Williams, Dana M., and Matthew T. Lee. "Aiming to Overthrow the State (Without Using the State): Political Opportunities for Anarchist Movements." Comparative Sociology 11, no. 4 (2012): 558–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341236.
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Abstract The anarchist movement utilizes non-statist and anti-statist strategies for radical social transformation, thus indicating the limits of political opportunity theory and its emphasis upon the state. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature, we note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist movements throughout the world (Bolivia, Czech Republic, Great Britain, Greece, Japan, Venezuela). Labor movement allies, failing state socialism, and punk subculture have provided conditions conducive to anarchism, while state repression and Bolshevik success in the Soviet Union constrained success. This variation suggests that future work should attend more closely to the role of national context, and the interrelationship of political and non-political factors.
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Monteflores, Omar Lucas. "Anarchism and the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala: A Tenuous Relation." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.04.
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While the indigenous peoples of Guatemala and its history of anarchist thought are seldom studied together but there is merit to exploring the differences and convergences between the anarchist movement's perspectives on class and ethnicity and those of better understood liberal, socialist and communist traditions. Anarchists in Guatemala made tentative efforts to reach out to rural workers and peasants in the period between 1928 to 1932, but these efforts were circumscribed and largely unsuccessful. They did so under the influence of more structured movements in Mexico and Argentina, which incorporated visions of collective emancipation that would appeal to autonomous indigenous movements; however their brief embrace of these issues, interrupted by fierce repression by the state, was curtailed by the overwhelming urban base from which they intervened in labour and social struggles. The reasons for this failure lay in the history of Guatemalan race relations and the structural divisions between urban and rural society that endured during the transition from colonial to republican society, and which anarchists tied to overcome.
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Ferretti, Federico. "Evolution and revolution: Anarchist geographies, modernity and poststructuralism." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 5 (February 21, 2017): 893–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817694032.
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This paper addresses the recent rediscovery of anarchist geographies and its implications in current debates on the ‘foundations’ of science and knowledge. By interrogating both recent works and original texts by early anarchist geographers who have greater influence on present-day literature such as Elisée Reclus (1830–1905) and Pyotr Kropotkin (1842–1921), I discuss the possible uses of a poststructuralist critique for this line of research by first challenging ‘postanarchist’ claims that so-called ‘classical anarchism’, allegedly biased by essentialist naturalism, should be entirely dismissed by contemporary scholarship. My main argument is that early anarchist geographers used the intellectual tools available in their day to build a completely different ‘discourse’, criticising the ways in which science and knowledge were constructed. As they openly contested ideas of linear progress, racism and European supremacy, as well as anthropocentrism and dichotomised definitions of ‘man’ and ‘nature’, it is hard to make them fit simplistic definitions. The body of work I address stresses their possible contributions to critical, anarchist and radical scholarship through their idea of knowledge, not limited to what is now called ‘discourse analysis’, but engaging with social movements in order to transform society.
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Fadeev, Aleksandr O. "Cooperation and Mutual Assistance: The Search for Fundamentals of Building of New Social Relationships (Political and Legal Views of P.A. Kropotkin, Theorist of Russian Anarchism of the Last Quarter of the XIX to the Early XX Century)." History of state and law 2 (February 11, 2021): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2021-2-74-80.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the institution of cooperation in the teachings of P.A. Kropotkin, who transferred its basic political and legal principles of the device to the concept of anarchism he was developing. Based on the provisions of social reconstruction, put forward by R. Owen, Petr Alekseevich adapted his ideas for his own theory, with its inherent positive and negative features. Kropotkin did not have separate works devoted to cooperation, but he did his best to draw attention to the importance of this institution in rebuilding society on anarchist principles. The basis of cooperation, according to Petr Alekseevich, was customary law, developed by society itself, without state intervention. The result of the study was that the self-government of communes in Kropotkin’s theory of anarchism was based on the principles of the institution of cooperation.
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Andrews, Nathaniel. "Repression, solidarity, and a legacy of violence: Spanish anarcho-syndicalism and the years of 'pistolerismo', 1919‐231." International Journal of Iberian Studies 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00004_1.
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Abstract During the First World War, the Spanish Labour Movement gained steadily in strength, and by 1919 the CNT (National Confederation of Labour) had over 700,000 affiliates. However, the ascendance of the anarcho-syndicalist movement met with severe government repression, especially in Catalonia. In November 1920, the authorities unleashed an all-out offensive against the CNT, arresting members and ordering raids of union offices. Shootings between anarchists and the hired guns of the employer class occurred with increasing regularity, and anarchists were frequently arrested and tortured by the authorities. Whilst acknowledging the difficulties that militants faced during these years, and the damage that the violence did to the movement in the long term, this article assesses the ways in which militants resisted the repression, and the symbolic importance that the anarchist action groups assumed for militants in later struggles.
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Semiglazov, G. S. "The Concept of the State in Weber’s and Landauer’s Works: an Analysis of the Weberian Definition from the Perspective of Anarchist Theory." Sociology of Power 32, no. 4 (December 2020): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2074-0492-2020-4-123-145.
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The article focuses on the concept of the state in the works of the German sociologist M. Weber and his contemporary, the anarchist G. Landauer. Specifically, it is commonly thought that Weber has a unique interpretation of the state, its nature, and inalienable characteristics. This Weberian approach did not fit into any of the traditions that existed at that time in Germany (for example, represented by H. Kelsen, G. Jellinek, and O. von Gierke). However, the author of the article tries to demonstrate that three main Weberian aspects of the state — 1) the monopoly on legitimate physical violence, 2) the relationship of domination, which is accompanied by a minimum desire to obey, and 3) the chance for the regular reproducibility of these relationships — are consonant with Landauer’s concept of the state. This discovered conceptual affinity allows one to look at Weber’s sociology from new angles, without being impacted by the personal beliefs of the German scientist, who very critically treated anarchism as a socio-political movement. In the final section of the paper, the author discusses the modern project of “anarchist sociology”, which also uses Weberian methodology. The paper argues that “anarchist sociology” might be a promising social science with ts unique vision of several key sociological topics, such as domination, power, or social inequality.
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Yuhl, Stephanie E. "Sculpted Radicals: The Problem of Sacco and Vanzetti in Boston's Public Memory." Public Historian 32, no. 2 (2010): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2010.32.2.9.
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Abstract On August 23, 1927, Italian anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were executed for robbery and murder in Massachusetts. This essay examines the echoes of that event in Boston's commemorative landscape as a means to discuss the relationship between official and vernacular expressions of public memory as well as some of the limitations that interpreting ideological radicalism reveals in public historical practice. It examines the history and discourses surrounding the Sacco and Vanzetti Memorial at the Boston Public Library, the Sacco and Vanzetti Memorial Day Proclamation (1977), and a 2007 anarchist/radical parade and rally in Boston commemorating the eightieth anniversary of the executions.
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Hinely, Susan. "Charlotte Wilson, the “Woman Question”, and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism." International Review of Social History 57, no. 1 (January 5, 2012): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859011000757.
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SummaryRecent literature on radical movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has re-cast this period as a key stage of contemporary globalization, one in which ideological formulations and radical alliances were fluid and did not fall neatly into the categories traditionally assigned by political history. The following analysis of Charlotte Wilson's anarchist political ideas and activism in late Victorian Britain is an intervention in this new historiography that both supports the thesis of global ideological heterogeneity and supplements it by revealing the challenge to sexual hierarchy that coursed through many of these radical cross-currents. The unexpected alliances Wilson formed in pursuit of her understanding of anarchist socialism underscore the protean nature of radical politics but also show an over-arching consensus that united these disparate groups, a common vision of the socialist future in which the fundamental but oppositional values of self and society would merge. This consensus arguably allowed Wilson's gendered definition of anarchism to adapt to new terms as she and other socialist women pursued their radical vision as activists in the pre-war women's movement.
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Morozova, Olga M. "At the Head of the Black Banner Army: Marusya Nikiforova in 1917–18." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2022): 164–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-1-164-185.
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The article presents the author’s search for and systematization of miscellaneous materials on campaign record of the Marusya Nikiforova’ unit on the territories of the Kherson and Yekateroslav gubernias and the Province of the Don Cossack Host. The name of Maria Grigorievna Nikiforova is inextricably linked with the history of Russian anarchism; her activities still serve as an illustration of the events of the Civil War in Russia. The article uses information from memoirs of the participants in revolutionary events written in the 1920s. It establishes main points in detachment’s movement through the cities and towns of the South of Russia from autumn 1917 to summer 1918. The collected materials show that the detachment size ranged from 100 to 500 people, fluctuating under the influence of military circumstances. The popularity of M. Nikiforova was served by her own actions aiming to make her name known. The anarchist deliberately brought about a bloody phase of social conflict, establishing the practice of requisitions and “unmotivated” executions. In September–October 1917, she contributed to radicalization of another anarchist, N. I. Makhno. Her detachment was formed in November 1917 in Aleksandrovsk, Yekaterinoslav gubernia. In December 1917, it took part in battles with the Haidamaks. In February 1918, during the demobilization of the old army, Marusya’s detachment moved to strengthen the front. In Yelisavetgrad, Kherson gubernia, Nikiforova proceeded with requisitions, provoking street battles with the city's Red Guard and self-defense units. Her allies were reserve detachment of the army of the Ukrainian People's Republic of Soviets under the command of A. M. Belenkevich and the Red Guard detachment of Yekaterinoslav workers. She retreated under the Austro-German troops’ pressure together with the Bolshevik—Left SRs—anarchist detachments following the railway line of Yelisavetgrad—Krivoy Rog (Dolgintsevo)—Melitopol—Taganrog—Novocherkassk. Clashes with enemy units were unfortunate for Nikiforova. Her detachment was losing numbers and military equipment. Combat successes were insignificant. Marusya’s detachment arrived at Tsaritsyn, bleeding and exhausted. It did not participate in the robbery of the “golden” echelon of the Don Council of People's Commissars. Unlike commanders of other detachments, who retreated from the territory of Ukraine, Maria Nikiforova did not fight as part of the Red Army. Nikiforova’s name became an element of mass consciousness in the days of the revolution. The legendary veil encourages exaggeration of her role in the military events. She had a direct, albeit short-term, impact on expanding of the boundaries of the “permissible” in an internal armed conflict in Russia.
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Strauss, Howard. "Data Day: The Anarchist and Barrister." Campus-Wide Information Systems 10, no. 1 (January 1993): 36–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb027510.
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Pejić, Luka. "Revolutionary Migrants of the Early Labor Movement in Croatia-Slavonia, Dalmatia, and Istria in the Late Nineteenth and the Early Twentieth Century." History in flux 3, no. 3 (December 22, 2021): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2021.3.4.
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In the late nineteenth century, prompted by uneven industrial development, the predominantly agrarian regions of Croatia-Slavonia, Dalmatia, and Istria were slowly undergoing processes of urbanization and economic transformation. As part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, these regions were subject to dynamic migrations of the labor force from several regions and neighboring countries. Industrialization was the crucial impetus behind the formation of the first working-class organizations and syndicates, but their development, their socio-political goals, and the strategies they employed were heavily influenced by socialist theoreticians and agitators from Austria-Hungary, Serbia, and Italy. This ideologically heterogeneous labor movement depended on cross-border cooperation with different individuals and collectives, ranging from Hungarian Marxists and Austrian social democrats to Italian anarchists. Even though unions and subversive pamphlets were illegal and closely monitored, migratory activists continued to agitate and collaborate with local workers through various underground channels. This paper will analyze various ideological inputs of migratory workers within the area that is now present-day Croatia during the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century. It will also examine the perception of their presence and activism articulated by political authorities and mainstream newspapers. Due to a lack of similar research, emphasis will be placed, to some extent, on anarchist activities in this area.
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ZAITSEV, Sergiy. "The Anti-Governmental Movement in the Katerynoslav Region During the Hetmanat of Pavlo Skoropadskyi (May–December 1918)." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 23 (June 8, 2022): 404–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3634.
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The problems of history of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 and the first post-revolutionary years are actual today and occupy one of the leading places in modern domestic historiography. Despite this, there is a considerable number of insufficiently deeply studied episodes on this topic. The anti-government activities of members of the irregular combat formations of Katerynoslav region during the period of Hetmanate Pavel Skoropadskyi (spring–winter 1918) refers to such episodes. The article considers the course of the rebel-partisan movement in the Katerynoslav region in May–December 1918. The source base of the study consists of archival and published materials, in particular, memoirs, articles of periodicals, regulatory legal acts. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and social approach. Also, have been used the analytical, comparative-historical, periodization, problem-chronological and typological methods. Tthe main driving forces of the rebel-partisan movement in the territory of Katerynoslav region in the mentioned period are defined in this article. These were supporters of anarchism, Bolshevism and the pro-Ukrainian government represented by the Central Rada and later the Directory, as well as representatives of apolitical peasant, workers' and gangster movements. The activities of the Bolshevik, pro-Ukrainian, and anarchist combat formations were aimed at overthrowing the existing government and seizing power in the region into their hands. The main form of their combat activity was partisan struggle. Local Bolsheviks were among the first to start an armed struggle against the existing regime. The main areas of their influence were the left bank of the region as well as industrially developed Kryvyi Rih region and Nikopol. Representatives of the pro-Ukrainian movement were members of the Free Cossacks and the Zaporozhian Sich. Their zone of influence was Katerynoslav and the central part of the region. The anarchist partisan anti-government movement covered the southern part of the left bank of the Katerynoslav region. As a result of active military activity in mid-December 1918, the Katerynoslav region came under the control of these three politico-ideological forces. At the same time, most of the region was covered by apolitical peasant, workers and bandit movements. But, their participants did not oppose the overthrow of the existing government. Thus, the peasant rebellions were directed against the restoration of landlordism.
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Ferretti, Federico. "‘The murderous civilisation’: anarchist geographies, ethnography and cultural differences in the works of Élie Reclus." cultural geographies 24, no. 1 (August 20, 2016): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474016662293.
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This article, based on primary sources, addresses the early anarchist ethnography of Élie Reclus (brother of the more famous French geographer Élisée Reclus), placing it in the context of anarchist geographers’ elaboration of the theory of mutual aid, as well as in the construction of a scientific discourse opposed to racism, colonialism and Eurocentrism recently addressed by international literature on this group. Drawing on the double critical frame of present-day anarchist anthropologies and cultural geographies addressing the debates on otherness, postcolonialism and differences, this article analyses an early but radical attempt to build a scientific discourse on empathy and understanding of different cultural standpoints in the political context of an explicit denunciation of colonial crimes by all nations of European culture, as well as scientists’ complicity therein. I argue that European science at the time of imperialism and evolutionism was not a homogeneous field but a battlefield where heterodox and nonconformist thinkers tried to develop different discourses in order to build cultures of solidarity linked to a consistent political action.
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "The Question about the Motives of the Assassination of P. A. Stolypin." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 48 (December 15, 2018): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.48.111-121.
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The assassination attempt on the life of P. A. Stolypin, the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire, on September 1, 1911 in Kyiv, made by D. G. Bogrov, a former member of the Kyivan organization of anarchists-communist and secret agent of the Kyiv Security Section of the Police Department, can be considered one of the most mysterious events in the history of late imperial Russia. Despite a large number of published archival documents on the history of this case, in modern historical science there is no unambiguous answer to the questions about the true motives that pushed D. G. Bogrov to commit this violent murder. According to the author, in the motives of the assassination of P. A. Stolypin by D. G. Bogrov, the factor of nationality of the terrorist played some role. D. G. Bogrov, a typical representative of the assimilated Russian-Jewish intellectuals did not become a convinced revolutionary; instead he lacked public recognition of his personal ambitions to satisfy which having the status of a Jewish citizen appeared to be not so simple. Public suicide in the form of an assassination attempt on the life of the famous Russian reformer became for D. G. Bogrov a tragic finale in his painful processes of finding ways to overcome the crisis of identity.
Keywords: D. G. Bogrov, P. A. Stolypin, Kyiv, Jews, Russian empire, terrorism, anarchism
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Köhler, Jens. "Konservative Anarchisten." PROJEKTMANAGEMENT AKTUELL 33, no. 2 (May 11, 2022): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24053/pm-2022-0042.
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O'Connor, June. "Dorothy Day and Gender Identity: The Rhetoric and the Reality." Horizons 15, no. 1 (1988): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036096690003841x.
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AbstractDorothy Day's sense of herself as a woman and as a mother feature prominently in her writings. In light of recent inquiries into gender identity and gender ideology, and given Dorothy Day's prominence as editor, social activist, anarchist, pacifist, and religious author, questions about her views regarding woman's role and related feminist concerns invite investigation. The paper argues that although Dorothy Day did not become a vocal advocate nor public ally of the women's movements in twentieth-century American life because of some fundamental differences in viewpoint and loyalty, she did share a number of affinities with feminist perspectives. To investigate her thought on this topic enables us to understand Dorothy Day more fully and to bring a critical eye to selected features of feminism, discerning (from Day's standpoint) both strengths and weaknesses.
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Sun, Raymond C. "Misguided Martyrdom: German Social Democratic Response to the Haymarket Incident, 1886–87." International Labor and Working-Class History 29 (1986): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900000545.
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One day after the execution of the Haymarket anarchists, the German Social Democratic leader August Bebel penned a terse commentary to his friend Friedrich Engels: “So in Chicago the execution has been carried out. Abominable (scheusslich). This murder will have the best consequences for the movement. It will bring the anarchists to their senses while again revealing the class state in its nakedness to the workers and destroying any illusions. Such excesses must occur if things are to advance more quickly.”
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Morse, Valerie. "Peace, Action, and Anarchist Organising for Aotearoa." Counterfutures 7 (June 1, 2019): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v7i0.6373.
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Valerie Morse has been a central figure in organising anarchist spaces, organisations, and actions in Aotearoa New Zealand for the past two decades. A core part of that work was the establishment of nationwide peace-action groups, in particular, Peace Action Wellington and Auckland Peace Action. Morse was the author of Against Freedom: The War on Terrorism in Everyday New Zealand Life (2007) and was the principal writer of Profiting from War: New Zealand’s Weapons and Military-Related Industry (2015). She is perhaps best-known to a wider audience in Aotearoa New Zealand in connection to the Operation Eight case, for which she was never put on trial, and the trial for burning a flag on Anzac Day, for which she was eventually acquitted. Trained as a historian, employed as a librarian, and based in Tāmaki Makaurau, she sat down at Rebel Press in Te Whanganui-a-Tara/Wellington with Murdoch Stephens to discuss organising in Aotearoa New Zealand. From that discussion came these questions and answers.
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Cuffman, Timothy. "Idle musical community: Dischord Records and anarchic DIY practice." Contemporary Justice Review 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580.2015.1005502.
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Marschall, Birgitte. "Der Freiheitsweg in die Anarchie: Obrigkeitsfilm." Maske und Kothurn 57, no. 3-4 (December 2011): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/muk.2011.57.34.131.
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Vilanova, Francesc. "Did Catalonia endure a (cultural) genocide?" Journal of Catalan Intellectual History 1, no. 11 (October 1, 2017): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jocih-2016-0002.
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AbstractDuring the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), Spanish fascism developed its own repressive tools and resources against their enemies (Republicans, Socialists, Communists and Anarchists among others) in the same way other European fascisms did. The depth of the Spanish nationalism brought Franco’s repression against the Catalan society to the height of the processes of cultural and linguistic persecution in the same way that Nazism or Italian fascism had done in the territories they occupied during the years of World War II.
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Maier, Christian. "Psychoanalyse und Guerilla." Handeln im Kontext gesellschaftlicher Gewalt 28, no. 2 (December 2016): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30820/0941-5378-2016-2-51.
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Es ist die Absicht dieser Arbeit, einen Überblick zum ethnopsychoanalytischen Werk Paul Parins zu geben. Ethnopsychoanalyse war für Parin die um die gesellschaftlich-kulturelle Dimension erweiterte Psychoanalyse. Diese damit Vollständigkeit anstrebende Psychoanalyse führte Parin auch zu neuen psychoanalytischen Erkenntnissen und Konzepten, beispielsweise zur Anerkennung der Kulturabhängigkeit des ödipalen Konflikts und zu der Beschreibung der Anpassungsmechanismen des Ich. Ethnopsychoanalyse ist letztlich eine Methode, »die den ›Blick des Fremden› auf Phänomene des eigenen Gesellschaftsgefüges, der eigenen culture richtet«, mit dem eigentlichen Ziel, das hochkomplexe, wechselseitige Zusammenwirken des sozialen Gefüges und den darin lebenden Individuen der eigenen Gesellschaft besser zu verstehen. Für Christa Wolf war Paul Parin ein »fröhlicher Anarchist«, weil alles, was er sagte und schrieb durchtränkt und gesättigt sei von der Utopie, daß alles, »womöglich die ganze Welt«, gerechter werden sollte.
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Kotsyubinsky, D. A. "THE IDEOLOGICAL LEGACY OF PYOTR KROPOTKIN IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN-DAY REGIONALISM." Juvenis scientia, no. 1 (2019): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32415/jscientia.2019.01.08.
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The article aims to find the constructive conceptual elements in the ideas of the anarchist theorist Peter Kropotkin which are suitable for resolving one of the fundamental contradictions of the modern world - the impossibility of an effective state-legal solution to many of the conflicts between states and their regions. This seemingly dead end conflict lies primarily in the internal contradiction of the original international legal document: the UN Charter. The article analyzes the views of Kropotkin on the problem of confrontation of communal and imperial beginnings throughout human history. Kropotkin’s ideas are noted for their potential productivity in the theoretical analysis and practical resolution of modern territorial conflicts on the basis of reforming international law. The concept of “regional sovereignty” is introduced into the terminological context.
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Shaffer, Kirwin R. "Freedom Teaching: Anarchism and Education in Early Republican Cuba, 1898-1925." Americas 60, no. 2 (October 2003): 151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0113.
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Many individuals say to me: “those ideas that you profess are very good, but, who straightens men out? Who is capable of convincing an egoist that he ought to give up his egoism?” To this one can answer: in the same way that a religious person has convinced him to sacrifice himself for religious beliefs, and in the same way that the patriot has taught him to die defending his flag. For men to be able to live in a state of anarchy, they must be educated and this is precisely the work that has been done by those generous people who have been educators throughout the ages. To them is owed the existence of synthetization. Without these athletes of thought, progress would be in its infancy.–Julián Sánchez “¿Qué es la libertad?”Following independence from Spain in 1898, Cubans hoped to create a new independent, more egalitarian nation built on the dreams of numerous well-known revolutionaries like José Martí and Antonio Maceo as well as lesser known radicals like the anarchists Enrique Creci, Enrique Messonier, and Adrián del Valle. Like so many of their fellow residents on the island, though, the anarchists quickly grew disillusioned with independence. Their disillusionment rested on repeated U.S. military occupations, a business and commercial class that put individual profits over the well-being of all, a government that seemed to repress labor and the popular classes in order to curry favor with international and national investors, and educational systems that anarchists charged taught obedience and subservience instead of freedom.
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Polenberg, Richard. "Progressivism and Anarchism: Judge Henry D. Clayton and the Abrams Trial." Law and History Review 3, no. 2 (1985): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743635.
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A highly symbolic confrontation occurred in a New York City courtroom on October 21, 1918. On the witness stand was Jacob Abrams, a thirty-two year old Russian immigrant, an alien, a Jew, a dedicated anarchist. On the bench sat Henry DeLamar Clayton, Jr., a sixty-one year old federal judge, a man who had represented Alabama in Congress for eighteen years, and who was an ardent Wilsonian progressive. Abrams, who came from Uman, a village near Odessa, had landed at Ellis Island in 1908. He worked as a bookbinder, and lived, in 1918, in a teeming, largely Jewish ghetto in East Harlem. Clayton's ancestors had emigrated to the colonies before the American Revolution. A fifth-generation American, he had lived, for most of his life, on his plantation near Eufala, a small town on the west bank of the Chattahoochee River. Now, Clayton was questioning the witness and Abrams was defending his anarchist beliefs. ‘This Government was built on a revolution’, Abrams said, ‘…When our forefathers of the American Revolution—’ That was as far as he got. ‘Your what?’ Judge Clayton interrupted. ‘My forefathers’, Abrams replied. ‘Do you mean to refer to the fathers of this nation as your forefathers?’ Clayton asked. Abrams said that indeed he did, that ‘we are all a big human family’ and ‘those that stand for the people, I call them father'. But the judge had made his point, and the jury had no doubt gotten it.
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Maldonado Alvarado, Benjamín. "Vivir y pensar la construcción de la sociedad anarquista desde la realidad mesoamericana, ayer y hoy." RDP Revista Digital de Posgrado, no. 1 (2020): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fesa.rdp.2020.1.06.
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The communal life of the Mesoamerican communities has been the historical basis of indigenous resistance against Spanish colonialism and then against Mexican colonialism. This way of life and mentality was considered by the magonistas in the 1910s as the powerful historical experience that would be the basis for the free reconstruction of society after the triumph of the anarchist sector in the Mexican revolution that they organized in exile from the United States. But they did not value communality as a form of resistance to achieve the liberation of capitalist colonialism, because they supposed dead a way of life that is still alive today in communities of places like Oaxaca.
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Polyakov, Dmitry B. "“As if Power did not Exist”: Ontology and Politics of Postanarchism." History of Philosophy 27, no. 1 (July 12, 2022): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/10.21146/2074-5869-2022-27-1-130-125.
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The proposal review is devoted to the book by S. Newman “Postanarchism” presented in April 2021 by the “RIPOL Classic” publishing house. The translation into Russian of this text, the original of which was published in 2016, seems significant not only in the context of familiarization the little-known in Russia politico-philosophical concepts of the West, but also from the position of analyzing contemporary practices of political resistance to the state. The radicalism of these practices stimulates philosophical reflection on the ontological, epistemological and ethical contours of this resistance, an example of which is Newman's work reviewed here. At the same time, the book is neither a program document of the modern anarchist movement, nor a guide to political action. It represents a quite original optics, which the author builds with the help of an interpretive assembly of anti-authoritarian motives extracted from the works of thinkers of the past and present.
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Polyakov, Dmitry B. "“As if Power did not Exist”: Ontology and Politics of Postanarchism." History of Philosophy 27, no. 1 (July 12, 2022): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/10.21146/2074-5869-2022-27-1-120-125.
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The proposal review is devoted to the book by S. Newman “Postanarchism” presented in April 2021 by the “RIPOL Classic” publishing house. The translation into Russian of this text, the original of which was published in 2016, seems significant not only in the context of familiarization the little-known in Russia politico-philosophical concepts of the West, but also from the position of analyzing contemporary practices of political resistance to the state. The radicalism of these practices stimulates philosophical reflection on the ontological, epistemological and ethical contours of this resistance, an example of which is Newman's work reviewed here. At the same time, the book is neither a program document of the modern anarchist movement, nor a guide to political action. It represents a quite original optics, which the author builds with the help of an interpretive assembly of anti-authoritarian motives extracted from the works of thinkers of the past and present.
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Bratich, Jack. "A Review of: “Gramsci is Dead: Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movementsby R. Day”." Communication Review 10, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714420701350445.
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Fidler, Rory. "LBJ, LBJ, How Many Kids Did You Ignore Today?" Constellations 2, no. 2 (June 7, 2011): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons10501.
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The actual effectiveness of the American anti-war movement from 1964-68 and its attempts to sway the policy of President Johnson's administration on the topic of the Vietnam War is debatable. While popular myth has exaggerated the role of protestors in stopping the war, the movement failed to alter state policy on the war in any serious fashion. The anti-war movement could not develop a universal policy of their aims, differing from a gradual exit from Vietnam to a complete anarchist overthrow of the American system, and as such were unable to lobby the government effectively. Within the war itself, however, the Johnson administration and the United States Military encountered a stronger stimulus to reconsider their involvement: the inability to adapt to a guerilla war, the immense man power and resources required to ensure victory, and ultimately the communist Tet offensive of 1968 pushing American forces back. When President Johnson did seek to negotiate with North Vietnam at the end of his term, it was because America had simply failed to beat the Vietcong.
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Hans, Anjeana K. "Broch's1903: Esch oder die Anarchie: Desiring the Abject Outside." German Quarterly 81, no. 1 (January 2008): 86–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1756-1183.2008.00009.x.
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Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Liberal Democracy vs Conservative Populism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 66 (February 20, 2019): 344–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-1-344-380.
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The origins of democracy date back to the Ancient World, and parliamentarism appeared in the Middle Ages. Their fusion to create representative democracy took nearly two centuries with this evolution process resulting in the appearance of present-day liberal democracy, where the latest form of liberalism have little to do with the laissez faire liberalism of the 19-th century or the Keynesian neo-liberalism of the 20-th. It serves the interests of financial oligarchy and imposes its rules upon the whole world. The former right- and left-wing parties are now merged into the same ruling elite. Nor did the former conservatism stand the test of time, resorting to alliance with neo-conservatism. Various opponents of this elite in the West today are called «populists». The most colorful example of this «populism» of the last decade is the movement of «yellow jackets» in France. Its participants unite socialist and anarchist slogans with the conservative ones and demand the «direct democracy». In Russia we have our own tradition of such unity, beginning with the early Slavophils, and supported by A.I. Solzhenitsyn as «democracy from below».
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Postnikov, Nikolay. "Political terror of the Active Resistance Party of Finland and radical left organizations in the Grand Duchy of Finland in 1903-1907." Journal of Political Research 6, no. 4 (December 16, 2022): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2022-6-4-3-19.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the terrorist activities of the Active Resistance Party of Finland («activists») and left-wing radical organizations in the Grand Duchy of Finland in 1903–1907. The article used such methods of scientific research as descriptive, historical, retrospective and comparative method. The article examines in detail the terrorist activities of the militants of the Active Resistance Party of Finland against the highest officials of state bodies of the Grand Duchy of Finland, namely, the plot describes the assassination attempt on Governor-Generals N.I. Bobrikov and I.M. Obolensky, on the governor of the Tavastgus province A.A. Papkov, on other high-ranking officials of the principality, and also tells about the murder of the prosecutor of the Finnish Senate E. Soisalon-Soininen (Johnsson) and the reaction to this murder of the Finnish society. In addition to the terrorist activities of the militants of the radical bourgeois Active Resistance Party of Finland, terror, as a method of combating the existing government, in the period considered in the article, was also carried out by left-wing radical organizations, which at the stage of their formation had the closest connection with the Active Resistance Party of Finland. The article analyzes the terrorist acts committed by such radical left organizations as «workers' activists», the Force of the Karelian people, «Bloody Dogs», as well as anarchists, including an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Nicholas II by militants from the «Bloody Dogs» organization, during while the emperor was hunting in Björkö. The article provides information about the close military and revolutionary cooperation of the Active Resistance Party of Finland and radical left organizations with the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party, including in the preparation (making of bombs) and carrying out terrorist acts. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the analysis and definition of the place and role of terror as a political practice and method of struggle of various political forces of the Grand Duchy of Finland in 1903-1907, starting with the bourgeois-separatist Active Resistance Party of Finland and ending with small anarchist groups. The terror of the Finnish radicals, despite their declared politically "noble" goals of the struggle for the independence of Finland and the struggle for the liberation of labor from the yoke of capital, did not find mass support from the Finnish society, moreover, caused rejection in it, which became one of the reasons for the political collapse Active resistance parties in Finland and the collapse of left-wing organizations that relied on terror as a means to achieve their goals.
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Schneider, Ulrich Johannes, and Thorsten Valk. "Zum Thema." Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 10, no. 2 (2016): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1863-8937-2016-2-4.
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Von Enzyklopädien geht das Versprechen aus, die Anarchie des Wissens zu bändigen und die Erträge wild wuchernder Gelehrsamkeit zu domestizieren. Wo Wissensexplosionen und Wissenserosionen beständig einander ablösen, verheißen Enzyklopädien zuverlässige Orientierung. Seit der Frühen Neuzeit haben Enzyklopädien fast ständig Hochkonjunktur. Doch nie war ihr Erfolg so groß wie heute. In einer Epoche, da sich sämtliche Wissensbereiche in Sekundenschnelle ausdehnen, scheinen Enzyklopädien als Navigationshilfen gleichsam überlebenswichtig zu sein.
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Krause, Joachim. "Die neue Zeitenwende in den internationalen Beziehungen – Konsequenzen für deutsche und europäische Politik." SIRIUS - Zeitschrift für Strategische Analysen 1, no. 1 (February 21, 2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sirius-2017-0001.
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Kurzfassung: Die internationalen Beziehungen machen derzeit einen fundamentalen Wandel durch, der Ähnlichkeiten mit früheren wechselhaften Perioden der Geschichte aufweist. Oft gingen diese Perioden in Krieg und Instabilität über, wenn es nicht gelang, neue politische Ordnungsmuster zu verankern. Die derzeitige Phase ist gekennzeichnet durch den Zerfall einer unter Bedingungen westlicher Hegemonie gestalteten internationalen Ordnung, die droht in eine Phase der Anarchie überzugehen. Die Ursachen dafür dürften in Folgewirkungen der Globalisierung und anderer Elemente der liberalen Ordnung zu suchen sein, die bislang zu wenig Beachtung fanden.
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Janis, Michael. "“The Bet” against Nihilism: The Intellectual Journey in Chekhov’s Short Fiction." Interdisciplinary Literary Studies 23, no. 4 (September 1, 2021): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intelitestud.23.4.0477.
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Abstract Anton Chekhov’s “The Bet” (1889) may be considered a latter-day conte- philosophique, as a symbolic engagement with the philosophical challenges presented by nihilism and anarchism that reverberated through Russia since the 1860s. Occasionally assigned in literature classes and alluded to by political pundits, the story nonetheless has not been recognized by critics as a masterpiece of irony and existential inquiry, influenced by countervailing currents of nineteenth-century philosophy. Considered in this article in the broader context of the Chekhovian intellectual journey, the fascinating yet unsettling quest for wisdom described in “The Bet” reflects a pivotal era of the Russian elite, suspended between bourgeois indifference and philosophical recognition.
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Ito, Takeshi. "Political Economy: Capturing the Wholeness of Social Relations and Ecological Contexts." Journal of Asian Studies 80, no. 2 (May 2021): 399–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821000188.
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Undeniably, one of the rare characteristics of James C. Scott's scholarship is that his analytical insights are widely recognized in many fields beyond political science and Asian studies. Scott's contributions to the vast literatures of agrarian and environmental studies, the theory of hegemony and resistance, development studies, postcolonial studies, state formation, and anarchism, to name just a few, are recognized by scholars of diverse disciplines as new standards that challenge widely accepted assumptions and theories and reveal underappreciated aspects and untold narratives of social history—particularly for those who, under normal conditions, do not raise their voice and did not have letters to leave records.
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Legarreta Mentxaka, Aintzane. "Kate O'Brien and Virginia Woolf: Common Ground." Irish University Review 48, no. 1 (May 2018): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2018.0334.
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Convergences in the work of Kate O'Brien and Virginia Woolf range from literary influences and political alignments, to a shared approach to narrative point of view, structure, or conceptual use of words. Common ground includes existentialist preoccupations and tropes, a pacifism which did not hinder support for the left in the Spanish Civil War, the linking of feminism and decolonization, an affinity with anarchism, the identification of the normativity of fascism, and a determination to represent deviant sexualities and affects. Making evident the importance of the connection, O'Brien conceived and designed The Flower of May (1953), one of her most experimental and misunderstood novels, to paid homage to Woolf's oeuvre.
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Gillet, A. "AS17-148-22727 – Face à la Terre." Geographica Helvetica 70, no. 1 (January 27, 2015): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-70-27-2015.
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Abstract. Taken by the Apollo 17 crew on 7 December 1972, AS-17-148-22727 is one of the most famous photographs ever taken. Its iconic status has been commented on by many writers. In an article entitled "Contested Global Visions" (1994), Denis Cosgrove showed the huge impact it had on the way we think and depict the world and our presence in it. However, his analysis did not address the question of its prior reorientation and reframing, which are in essence cartographic operations. Our object therefore is to focus on the difference between zenithal and horizontal viewpoints, and eventually free ourselves from our mapping conventions when looking at the Earth. The work done by Genevan anarchist Charles Perron at the turn of the 20th century on the relief map of Switzerland with a scale of 100 000 is a major landmark in that direction.
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Iswandi, Dea, Fadillah Rizky Nur Ikhlas, Ilham Khoirudin Sanjaya, and M. Hanif Muflih. "REVIEW OF LEGAL PROFESSIONAL ETHICS TOWARDS INVESTIGATORS IN THE CRIMINAL CASE OF FOUR STUDENTS REFUSING OMNIBUS LAW." UNTAG Law Review 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/ulrev.v5i2.2632.
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<span class="fontstyle0">The way investigators handled students who were involved in the<br />demonstration to ratify the Job Creation Act did not reflect the slogan of "protecting, nurturing, and serving the community" carried by the institution. Instead of fostering and protecting the future of students, the police criminalize them. The police arrested students and students who opposed the job creation law in a number of areas last week. The police accused them of being anarchist. The police also threatened to include the status of law violators so that they would not issue a police record<br />certificate (SKCK). Student involvement in demonstrations is not a criminal act. Moreover, students' and students' criticism of the Job Creation Act is actually a reaction to the inherent defects of the omnibus law. Not only is its preparation not transparent, the substance of the universal sweeping law also harms workers and threatens the environment. The case of students who are victims of criminalization for<br />refusing the Omnibus Law is still continuing its legal process to this day. However, the trial which is supposed to be the place to seek justice is run very subjectively and full of flaws. This further confirms that no violation of Professional Ethics conducted by investigators to the students repellent Omnibus.</span> <br /><br />
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Kadie, Christian R., and Muller Koumaï. "Commercial DIY and Involvement of Arab Women in Okra Culture in Dabanga, Cameroon." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (May 14, 2022): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.3.253.
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The realization of a study on commercial DIY and the involvement of Arab women in the cultivation of okra in the city of Dabanga, in the department of Logone and Chari in Cameroon makes it possible to characterize this production in this precarious environment. The objective of this article is to study the mode of production and marketing of okra cultivation by the Arab women of Dabanga, the challenges and the prospects they face to get out of this commercial tinkering. Surveys and observations show that more than half of the households in the city of Dabanga practice agriculture for family self-consumption or the sale intervenes to fill certain deficits of other products. Okra cultivation occupies two women out of three during the rainy season and one woman out of two during the dry season in the commune of Dabanga. Cultivated in a traditional and anarchic way, okra can be found in the markets of surrounding towns such as Maltam, Goulfé, Doublé, Kousseri and in those of neighboring countries such as Ndjamena in Chad.
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Spitzer, Manfred. "E-Sport." Nervenheilkunde 38, no. 04 (April 2019): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/a-0817-7741.
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ZusammenfassungDas organisierte Spielen von Video- und Computerspielen wird als E-Sport bezeichnet. Es gibt Bemühungen, den E-Sport dem Sport gleichzustellen und damit dessen Gemeinnützigkeit anzuerkennen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird oft die Frage diskutiert, ob E-Sport als Sport gelten könne. Da Sport selbst jedoch nicht definiert ist, führt diese Diskussion in die Irre. E-Sport kann nicht gemeinnützig sein, weil er bei jungen Menschen zu Gesundheitsschäden und zu einer Beeinträchtigung der Bildungskarriere führt sowie die falschen gesellschaftlichen Werte (Gewalt, Anarchie, Sexismus) transportiert. Die Verlockungen eines Milliardenmarktes dürfen nicht dazu führen, dass wir die monetäre Ausbeutung vor allem junger Menschen zu deren Schaden mit Steuermitteln fördern.