Academic literature on the topic 'Divine Royal Presence'

AbstractDivine hiddenness in the Hebrew Bible is widely construed as the conceptual equivalent to divine absence. This article challenges this influential account in light of Psalm 88—where the hidden God is hostilely present, not absent—and reevaluates divine hiddenness. Divine hiddenness is not conterminous with divine absence. Rather, with its roots in the ancient Near Eastern idea of the royal and cultic audience, the meaning of “hide the face” (סתר + פנים) may be construed as a refusal of an audience with the divine king YHWH. Building on this insight, I argue that divine hiddenness possesses a petitionary logic and develop a distinction between the experiential and petitionary inaccessibility of salvific divine presence. Divine absence and hostile divine presence denote the former, while divine hiddenness the latter. I probe the relationships between divine hiddenness, divine absence, and hostile divine presence, concluding that the absent or hostilely present God is not ipso facto hidden.

In Second Temple Judaism, especially in apocalyptic literature, the encounter between God and believers acquires a distinct visionary accent. Regardless of whether heavenly realities are revealed on earth or the visionary ascends to heaven, the essence is the manifestation of important revelations. Corresponding Old Testament heroes, such as Enoch or Moses, according to apocryphal, Samaritan or rabbinic texts, ascended to the place of God’s presence (a throne room or even a cloud). In addition to receiving relevant soteriological and cosmological knowledge, they underwent transfiguration there. The transfiguration of these characters is very illustrative: they take angelic, royal, and priestly qualities. Divine radiance, shining faces, and magnificent robes are just some examples of the divine characteristics that are acquired. This article, together with the study of these elements, underlines the fact that these divine qualities were described in the literature around the change of era and dedicated to Adam prior to his expulsion from Eden. The closeness between the first man and God in the Garden of Eden was expressed in a number of divine attributes inherent in Adam, the same ones that would later be assumed by Enoch or Moses, among others, in heaven. In this way, the transfiguration of Enoch or Moses is nothing more than a manifestation of the rich Jewish anthropology of an Adamic character.

Abstract In contrast to the common idea that Joshua is modeled on and prefigures Josiah, this article shows that the connection of Joshua is fundamentally back in time to Moses, not forward in time to the latter kings. Joshua is depicted as Moses' successor and a second Moses. None of the key features of Joshua 1 (Joshua meditating on the law, the tribal pledge of total obedience, the military leadership of Joshua, the encouragements given to him, the promises of divine presence) are essentially royal in nature. Unlike subsequent kings, Joshua is a leader without a successor. The usually posited intertextual connections between Joshua and later kings are unconvincing. The book's emphasis on (Canaanite) kings as enemies makes it unlikely that Joshua himself is pictured as a king figure. In line with his nonroyal status, the closing chapter of the book depicts Joshua as head of an Israelite household exhorting other Israelite households and their heads to serve God as King faithfully.

The shiny, black stone statue of Shri Nathji that today resides in the busy pilgrimage town of Nathdvara (Rajasthan, India) is the preeminent image of the Vaisnava sect of the Vallabha Sampradaya. Like all statues in the sect, the image is an anthropomorphic manifestation of Krishna, the sect's paramount deity (see Plate 1). More than simply representing Krishna, Vallabhite statues are believed to contain this deity's ‘immanent presence’ and to possess (and emanate) his mystical powers. In order to partake of these powers, the worship of images is a regular feature of Vallabhite religious practice, and pilgrimage to important temples, such as the Shri Nathji Temple, is a cherished goal of all members of the sect. This article examines how the Hindu rajas of western India attempted to bind these mystical powers to the service of their rule and what consequences this had both for royal action and for the maintenance and perpetuation of the divine powers of the statues themselves.

The sequential reading of the macrostructure of the Psalter pioneered by Gerald Wilson produced a seachange in Psalms scholarship, however, his non-messianic reading of the Psalter continues to evoke controversy and attract criticism. In this article I attempt to answer Wilson’s critics who find fault with his reading of the Psalter on the basis of the presence of Psalms 110 and 132 in Book v, psalms that are usually classified as ‘royal’ and seen as promoting a strongly messianic hope. After a review of Wilson’s arguments, I analyse the immediate context, the key words and the theocratic focus of Psalms 110 and 132. These features provide support for Wilson’s thesis that ‘David’ in Book v is no messianic cipher, but an exemplary model of loyal devotion to God’s kingship. This viewpoint in no way undermines a Christian reading of the Psalter, with the Book of Psalms read as pointing forward to the God-man, Jesus Christ, who is the ultimate model of human devotion to God, the apocalyptic Son of Man, and the Divine King come to save his people.

On Wednesday 24 March 1847 a national day of fast and humiliation was observed throughout the United Kingdom, imploring, in the words of the royal proclamation, ‘the removal of those heavy judgments which our manifold sins and provocations have most justly deserved’. The fast-day was marked by a general stoppage of work and the opening of places of worship for special services. Substantial collections for the relief of famine distress in Ireland and the Scottish Highlands were made at church and chapel doors as the congregations retired. The effect was, as one Hampshire clergyman observed, dramatic: ‘The whole nation has this day lamented their sins and prayed for pardon; imagination can scarcely picture a more affecting scene than that of millions of people, assembled at the same moment in the presence of the Almighty, imploring his forgiveness, praying for grace to amend their lives, and deprecating the continuance of his displeasure.’What was the meaning of this seemingly archaic reaction to the Irish Famine? Considered through the filter of late twentieth-century religious scepticism, it might appear at best a marginal distraction from the catastrophic drama of the Famine, at worst a cynical attempt by the political establishment to lay a moral smokescreen around the question of responsibility for famine relief by reviving pre-modern conceptions of divine agency. To understand the significance of the fast-day and its repercussions, however, it is necessary to recognise the extent to which a Christian — and more particularly a Protestant evangelical — world-view permeated early Victorian British society.

The crimson and forest-green chevrons and piping on the long black academic gowns of surgeons and physicians, respectively, are symbols of blood and foliage, of healing with the knife or with medicaments.1 Most of us are strangers to neither calling, having trained intensively in both these arts and sciences, and many proudly don the red-piped garb of the College of Surgeons as well as the green-striped garments of our Society of Otolaryngology - Head and Neck Surgery. The latter has seen 60 years come and go, and with these years, many highlights, lowlights, and colleagues who have gone before us. Red and green are also colors that mark a 35th anniversary with coral and jade, both regarded as precious gems from antiquity. Corallium rubrum (red coral) “combined myth and magic,” as “its bright red color fascinated people in the East and West alike.”2 It has been regarded as the “blood of Medusa, soft and diaphanous under water, as hard as stone in the air,” or a procreative “tree of blood” that “link(ed) with the divine and the supernatural.”2 Green jade, “the Emperor’s Stone,” has been mined and worked in China since prehistoric times, eventually becoming the “royal gem.”3 Red coral, green jade – precious stones on the 35th year of the Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery. Coral red, jade green – precious colors that reflect our noble profession. Red and green are also the colors of Christmas, and their use may be traced back to the “spatial and spiritual border marked by rood screens” in 14th to 16th century medieval churches, “whose symbolism may have carried over to the temporal boundary between the end of one year and the beginning of the next.”4 These elaborately designed dividers featured edifying illustrations of saints and holy scenes in multicolored splendor, but were predominantly green and red. “Iron was one source of red pigment, and copper a source of green pigment, that colored the screens” and because “metallurgy was determined by astronomy,” also closely associated were “Iron with Mars, the masculine, war, and fire” and “Copper with Venus, the feminine, love and water.”4 Hence, the colors people encountered held multiple planes of meaning for them, as they celebrated another year over, a new one begun. Today, there is much to be thankful for, and much more to remain open to. Our journal has maintained a respected position among its peers, and is ready to move forward. With this issue, we begin granting a Creative Commons Attribution NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) license5 to articles published in the Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery, in addition to the copyright already transferred to the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery. This license means that readers are free to share - copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format under the following terms: Attribution – they must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. They may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in a way that suggests the licensor endorses them or their use. NonCommercial – they may not use the material for commercial purposes. NoDerivatives – if they remix, transform or build upon the material, they may not distribute the modified material. We hope that this further concretizes our response to the Manila Declaration on the Availability and Use of health Research Information6 and eventually qualifies us for inclusion in the Directory of Open Access Journals.7 In support of this, we conducted a Basic Medical Writing Workshop for authors last March 19, 2016 and a two-day Research Technical Review Workshop for reviewers last April 29-30 hosted by the PSOHNS, and plan to continue doing so. We are seriously negotiating for migration from our current online platform to one that will better serve our needs, and those of our readers. We will soon activate our social media presence as well. Indeed, we all are yin and yang, you and I, red coral and green jade. We draw blood, and apply herbal poultices. We swim with the flow, yet solidly stand our ground. We don gay apparel of coral red and jade green, and merrily yet solemnly celebrate. Mabuhay!

IN May 1622 a series of private discussions on religion was held in London between representatives of the Anglican Church and the Jesuit, John Percy, alias Fisher. The occasion was the announcement by the Countess of Buckingham, mother of King James I’s favourite, George Villiers, Marquess (later Duke) of Buckingham, of her intention to become a Catholic. The King and the Marquess arranged the discussions which occupied three successive days, the 24th, 25th and 26th of May. Two eminent Anglican divines were enlisted to debate with Percy. On the first day the Anglican case was argued by Francis White, at this time a royal chaplain and later a bishop. He was opposed by Percy, in the presence of the Countess, the Marquess and Marchioness (Lady Catherine, who had also influenced her husband's decision to hold these discussions by declaring her intention to return to the Catholic faith in which she had been brought up), Bishop John Williams, (the Lord Keeper), and—possibly—the King. On the second day the King himself took the leading part in putting the Anglican case. On the third day the chief Anglican protagonist was William Laud, at this period Bishop of St. David's, who took the place of Francis White.

Resumen: En los últimos años, se han incrementado considerablemente los estudios dedicados a las reinas medievales; sin embargo, se ha prestado una menor atención a lo que sucedía con aquellas que enviudaban. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar en profundidad el prolongado periodo de viudedad de Margarita de Prades (1410-1430), el cual contrasta con su efímero reinado de poco más de ocho meses y medio. Todo un elenco de fuentes, en gran parte inéditas, custodiadas en los archivos reales, papales, nobiliarios, notariales y municipales nos servirá para reconstruir una realidad marcada por las graves y recurrentes dificultades económicas a las que tuvo que hacer frente esta reina fugaz. Teniendo en cuenta la amplitud del corpus documental manejado y primando la exhaustividad por encima de una mera perspectiva de síntesis, el artículo se divide en dos partes, abordándose en esta segunda los años de reinado de Alfonso el Magnánimo hasta el fallecimiento de la reina viuda. Palabras clave: Margarita de Prades, reginalidad, reina viuda, dificultades económicas, monja, Corona de Aragón, dinastía Trastámara, Alfonso el Magnánimo, Monasterio de Santa Maria de Valldonzella, Monasterio de Bonrepòs, siglo xv. Abstract: Whereas we have come to find a substantial increase in the number of studies focusing on medieval queens in recent years, less attention has been paid to those who became widowed. This article’s aim is to conduct a detailed analysis of the prolonged period of time that Margarita de Prades remained a widow (1410-1430), a considerably long period when compared to her short reign which lasted for just over eight and a half months. A wide range of largely unpublished sources kept in royal, papal, nobility, notarial and municipal archives will provide us with the information needed to recreate a reality marked by the severe and recurring financial difficulties faced by this short-reigning queen. Considering the breadth of documents and prioritising thoroughness over a simple summary of viewpoints, a decision to split the article in two was made. This second instalment will deal specifically with the years of the reign of Alfonso the Magnanimous until the death of the queen dowager. Keywords: Margarita de Prades, queenship, queen dowager, financial difficulties, nun, Crown of Aragon, Trastamara dynasty, Alfonso the Magnanimous, Monastery of Santa Maria de Valldonzella, Monastery of Bonrepòs, 15th century.

Almost four decades after its discovery was initially announced, the Celtic necropolis in Karaburma, a suburb of Belgrade, is still one of the most important archaeological sites for the interpretation of the historical, economic, and cultural processes taking place in the central Balkans from the 4th to the end of the 1st centuries B.C. Most of all, it represents a wide-ranging source for explaining the chronology of the oldest Celtic presence in this area, also illustrating cultural exchanges in the network in which they were included. In this necropolis, belonging to the regional military elite, there are several graves in which, in addition to standard offerings relating to the regional material culture, items originating from a wider cultural area were found. Amongst these, grave number 22, the subject of our research, is especially important. In this grave were found objects mainly made of bronze and iron, with a smaller fragment of pottery. The iron items represent the attire of the deceased and his offensive weapons, while bronze items are characteristically imported vessels and a smaller bronze ring (figs. 1, 2). The imported vessels are represented by the well-known situla and cup. According to the basic typological scheme, we can classify the situla within the large group of ovoid situlae with the leaf-shaped or the so-called heart-shaped ornament under the attachment (figs. 1, 9; 2; 3, 7). According to the typological scheme here suggested, the situla found in Karaburma belongs to the first group, namely to its variant b (Ib), which is characterized by situlae with a leaf-shaped ornament on the attachment, separately cast and then pinned down or soldered to the body of the vessel (fig. 3, 7). Also belonging to this group are situlae from Skillountia, Goce Delcev (fig. 3, 8), V?rbica (fig. 3, 9) and from Chirnogi (fig. 3, 10). Situlae from Budva (fig. 3, 11) and Belgrade (fig. 3, 12) should also be included here, probably the one from Bitola as well. According to the analysis here presented, we have attributed the situla to the work of Macedonian workshops of the 4th century, to which other situlae, initially recorded in the contexts of Celtic provenance, have finally been included, and which ended up in the graves of Celtic dignitaries as exclusive imports of particular social conditions and ideological features. The other bronze vessel, considering its size, metric relations, technical and stylistic execution, we interpret as a cup, or at least as some kind of transitional form, since it is somewhat more shallow when compared to actual cups, and significantly taller compared to phiale (figs. 1, 10; 2). The context in which it was found indicates that it must have been used as a drinking cup in a set, together with the ovoid situla. Similar phiale were a very popular form in Thrace in the 4th century (fig. 7, 2-3), but the greatest resemblance can be seen in the phiale from Peretu, from the Thraco-Getian area to the north (fig. 7, 1). Characteristics of the form and style of the cup from Karaburma enabled its classification among the later variants or transitional forms of cups, seen in the context of the bronze production of Northern Greece, i.e. Macedonia. It is important for the period of the midto late 4th century, in other words, it completely matches with the chronological background and location of the ovoid situla with the leaf-shaped ornament under the attachment. In the analysis of weapons belonging to a Celtic warrior buried in grave 22, an iron sword with preserved fragments of a scabbard made of iron sheet (fig. 1, 1-2) stands out. Comparative analysis has characterized the sword as an exceptionally late form of the group Kosd D, attributed to the phase Lt B2. However, the slightly accentuated biconical shape of the scabbard?s end also points to certain elements of the group Kosd C. In the Carpathian basin the group Kosd C represents a rather rare form, which as a cultural innovation spread westwards, thus the Karaburma necropolis in Belgrade represents their southeastern, furthest point of expansion. To this same time frame also belongs the sword belt chain set (fig. 1, 5-6). Typological and spatial analysis has shown that chain belts with single figure-ofeight links, exactly the same as the ones found in grave 22, are relatively rare in that region. Asimilar sword belt set was found in the Benacci necropolis in Bologna, also containing a sword inside a scabbard decorated with a pair of dragons of the II type according to Jose-Maria De Navarro. Alongside it was also found a spear-butt with a spike which by its workmanship, closely resembles precisely the spear-butt with a long spike and the massive conical lower part from grave 22 (fig. 1, 4). Unlike the complete sword belt chain set and the sword, the spear-butt was isolated, but perhaps we can connect the bronze ring with it (fig. 1, 3). Given its size, it was probably the grip which was strengthening the spot at which the spear-butt was inserted into it. Aspecial feature of grave 22 are two highly fragmented remains of fibulae (fig. 1, 7-8). The spring of the larger fibula stands out, with two winders on each side, and with an external arch (fig. 1, 7), which dates from the late Lt B2 phase and the transitional horizon B2/C1. It has long been accepted as fact that the Celts inhabited the area between the rivers Sava and Danube from as early as the second half and towards the end of the 4th century, while the Scordisci, as such, formed only after the defeat at Delphi. However, the process of the Celtic expansion was already happening at the beginning of the 4th century, and it spread along the main communication routes, the rivers, with strategic points first to be settled. Only after several decades of consolidation, or only upon the return from the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, was the whole area inhabited by the Celts by the end of the 4th century. This historically suggested claim always necessarily led to the question of chronological positioning and the distance between phases Lt B2 and Lt C2. Most authors dealing with this matter have held that phase Lt B2 was supposed to have finished after the Celtic invasion of the southern Balkans, i.e. some time in the 3rd century. However, this assessment does not seem entirely correct, since most objects of La T?ne cultural provenance found in the Aegean region and Asia Minor stem from the initial Lt C horizon, which means that the expedition to Delphi cannot represent an absolute chronological border between the Lt B2 and C1. The absence of indicative elements of the material culture of the Lt B horizon in the Aegean area and Anatolia indicates that they already had to be completely out of fashion by the time of the expedition. In brief - after the dissolution of Lisimachus? kingdom and the murder of Seleucus I in 281 B.C., there was a military and political power vacuum in the region of Macedonia and Thrace. The opportunity was seized by Celts from the region of the lower Danube, who set out towards ?the South?. In 279 B.C. one of the three groups, led by Bolgios (i.e. Belgius), defeated the Macedonian royal army, and Ptolemy Ceraunus himself got killed. In the summer of the same year, Brennus reached central Greece, i.e. Delphi; having suffered a defeat, the larger portion of the army was stationed in the region of Thrace, after a logical retreat. There they received an offer from Nicomedus I of Bythinia who hired 20,000 of them as mercenaries, hence their penetration into Asia Minor in 278 and 277 B.C. On the other hand, the archaeological findings from the mentioned area, connected with these events, indicate that it can and must be classified within the Lt C1 phase. An additional argument in favour of an earlier dating is also offered by a pair of two-part anklets, with eight hollow semispherical bosses with no ornaments, found in the Spanos well in the vicinity of Poseidon?s sanctuary in Isthmia. Previously, Rupert Gebhard had held that these findings should be brought into connection with the incursion of 279 B.C., dating from his horizon 5, i.e. between c. 290 and 260 B.C. However, Isabelle Raubitschek demonstrated the opposite, pointing to several details: firstly, since the remnants of the Celtic army after their defeat withdrew through the Thermopylae, it is unlikely that on the way back anyone would pass through Isthmia; secondly, similar anklets were also found in the Heraion of Perachora, and finally and most importantly, that they were found in an enclosed context, together with the kylix-krater, meaning that they must date from the third quarter of the 4th century. To her conclusions we can now add two other possible perspectives: 1. - regarding the chronology, the most important fact is that the pair of two-part anklets is evidently much older than previously thought. From the historical perspective, the information on the enclosed context, i.e. that similar findings were also found in the complexes of Greek sanctuaries, is of great importance. 2. - dating clearly shows that these anklets cannot be connected with war or looting, i.e. cannot be seen as spoil from the expedition to Delphi to be sacrificed by the victors. In fact, that context points to a small, but recognizable segment from the range of diplomatic gifts which circulated between the Greek world and the Celtic aristocrats from the region of the middle course of Danube. On the other hand, among the graves of the La T?ne cultural provenance containing findings which originated from Greek, i.e. Macedonian workshops, and which predate the time of the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, apart from the finding of a bronze cup from the end of the 4th century found in Szabolc in Hungary, only Karaburma grave 22 stands out. Both findings were included by Miklos Szab? among those which preceded the expedition to Delphi, although it is possible that they reached the Celtic world after that event. He also mentioned that it was becoming increasingly evident that this was more than just a case of military spoil or loot, which he concluded on the basis of the presence of less valuable items. This claim led M. Szab? into a trap: if the items, mostly from the 4th century, presupposed contacts of the Celtic inhabitants with the Aegean world, it would be necessary to date their settlement, i.e. the phase Lt B2, in the 4th century, and thus in the period significantly earlier than the expedition to Delphi. Furthermore, a bronze lekythos was found in a slightly younger grave 18/64 on the Hurbanovo site, in the same cultural and historical context. This is a lekythos of the Talcot type, frequently found in Greece, Thrace and Macedonia, dating back to the end of the 4th and the first half of the 3rd century. On the mentioned site it was chronologically classified in the transitional horizon Lt B2/C1, which according to Jozef Bujna was the period after the military expedition to the Balkans. The same researcher held that the grave 22 from Karaburma should also be included in that time frame. However, what if J. Bujna was wrong on this matter, given that he opted for a conservative dating of the set of vessels? Based on the above, we might actually consider placing the absolute dating of the Lt C1 phase in the 4th century - the century during which the production of such lekythoi flourished, as did their laying in Macedonian graves. Implicitly, such dating is also confirmed by the items of the La T?ne provenance, found in the region of the southern Balkans, i.e. the Aegean area. They all exhibit formal characteristics typical of the Lt C. Consequently, it can be concluded that the beginning of the Lt C horizon must be sought in the period immediately preceding the expedition to ?the South?. In connection with that, it was precisely J. Bujna who demonstrated that certain graves in the necropolises of the Lt C were found on the periphery, which he interpreted as a possible clue for recognizing the newcomers, i.e. those who returned from the Balkan expedition. Aurel Rustoiu also came to a similar conclusion, having systematically analyzed the equipment of the warrior elites, the socalled mercenaries from the Aegean world. The declining number of male graves in the period between Lt B1 and Lt C1, among other things, also led Peter Ramsl to hypothesize that numerous warriors hired as mercenaries never returned to their homes. Related to this, significant data in the analysis of the share of warrior graves in the necropolises of the Carpathian basin was provided by A. Rustoiu. He showed that the share of warrior graves, i.e. graves with weapons in Lt B2 phase, is higher than of those in the Lt C1. However, the Karaburma necropolis is an exception also in this respect, since the share of the warrior graves is significantly higher than in the other necropolises belonging to both phases. Thus in the Lt C1 it is 48%, while in the Lt B2 it is as high as 70%. On the basis of the collected data, he hypothesized that there were two types of societies in the Carpathian basin: agricultural communities with reduced military elites, and military communities which represented social aristocracy and which formed the core for military and war expeditions, and also constituted the basis for the recruitment of mercenaries. The latter transcended ethnic bounds, given that they were selected on an individual basis, which is clearly reflected in the changeability and different origin of the equipment of warriors. Findings of bronze vessels tie in with this neatly, if we interpret them as a result of contacts and a substitute for the traditional late La T?ne pottery set, consisting of a ceramic bowl (phiale), and a vessel for liquids (situla-like pot or lenticular bottle). Both situla and phiale are standard items, frequent, widespread, and the most indicative parts of solemn ritual banquets and feasts, as shown by numerous and explicit findings from the rich graves of Thracia and Anatolia. However, they were still an essential part of the Greek culture, commonly used in religious, mystical ceremonies. Although we frequently encounter them in hoards and, of course, temples, with rare exceptions mostly due to insufficient knowledge on the item?s context of finding, those situlae and phiale were, almost as a rule, part of luxury sets, indicating rich graves of those belonging to the highest social and political strata of the society. This is the reason why they were often interpreted as burial insignia, used to sanctify the burial space and to encourage eternal deification, divine vitality and the rebirth of a deceased dignitary; in other words, it is thought that they exhibited power and authority in both Thracian and Getian graves. However, the Celts could also have used these vessels at funeral feasts and banquets, just as they were used in their country of origin, since we know that in the graves of the Celtic dignitaries everything was laid that they possessed in their lifetime, especially sets of dishes, for the purpose of ensuring an unbroken cycle of rebirth. It has been further suggested that the bronze vessels were used for the ceremonies of libation, but also for trade and exchange, while the silver drinking cups and luxury sets made of precious metals were used for burial feasts and diplomatic banquets during negotiations and/or when concluding agreements, simply as keimelia or as a ritual device for expressing deeply held and widely accepted eschatological practices and new trends. However, both could have been quite practically used for bribing - both people and gods! Finally, the imported vessels from Karaburma, classified as Macedonian products from the 4th century, should now be viewed as the northernmost findings of a complete symposiastic set, but also in the context of other vessels imported from Macedonia found in the graves with the features of the La T?ne culture. It is unlikely that they represent war spoils from Greece or other parts. The idea that the situla and phiale from the grave 22 of the Karaburma necropolis inaugurated direct contact between the Celts and Macedonians seems more likely. The items could have reached the 4th century Celtic dignitaries of the Danube region as keimelia - diplomatic gifts, or could have simply arrived by a trade route from the northern parts of Macedonia. In that sense, we should also remember those modest, but for this case invaluable records found in the historical sources connected with this period. It has been thought that the Celtic presence dates back to as early as the time of the defeat and expulsion of the Ardiaei in 359/358 B.C., as recorded by Theopompus. However, there are reliable records of their embassy to Alexander the Great while he was engaged with the Tribali in 335 B.C., as reported by Arrian. Precisely those could have been the points of direct contact between the highest ranking military and political dignitaries of the Celts and the aristocrats and diplomats of the Macedonian state. From all this it can be concluded that the Karaburma necropolis is truly an exception, representing the southernmost point of Celtic militarized expansion, where the military social aristocracy was stationed. The region where the Sava and Danube meet thus became an area where technological innovations concentrated and developed, and also the space where the political, military and economic contacts filtered. All this is vividly illustrated by grave 22 in the necropolis, chosen precisely because of those features. Weapons, i.e. the sword of the Celtic dignitary who was buried there, indicate the technological tradition of the early La T?ne. In the same tradition were fashioned the fibulae which, in an unchanged form, remain in the repertoire of accessories at the beginning of the middle La T?ne period, just as, on the other hand, the sword and the shape of its scabbard indicate the beginning of re-fashioning of that same conservative tradition. The sword belt chain set and the spear-butt with its spike indicate the innovations which were yet to become the characteristic features of the middle La T?ne soldiers? equipment. Furthermore, the intertwining of traditions and innovations is also evident from the symbolic and semantic processes which were connected with the ritual of this burial. At the time when the cremation became the predominant type of burial in the Celtic world, the ritual of laying gifts in graves also changed. Instead of the complete equipment which the deceased used during life, only select items are found to represent the totality, which in our example can be seen in the deposited spear-butt. Thus the suum cuique principle was replaced by the pars pro toto principle. Based on the above, the famous warrior from the Karaburma grave 22 both in an abstract and also direct sense, confirms the intertwining of traditions and the circulation of cultural elements, and thus shows that he himself was one of the carriers of the avant-garde of the time, the forerunner of a new period in political and economic relations in the central Balkans of the third quarter of the 4th century.

The quest for the historical Jesus can be advanced by a consideration of disagreement scenarios recorded in the gospels. Such “conflicts” afford the opportunity not only to analyse the positions of the protagonists, but by comparing them, to better appreciate their relative stances. ¶ One area of disagreement that has remained largely unexplored is that between Jesus and the Pharisees over the “kingdom of God”. Indeed, “kingdom of God” formed the very foundation of Jesus’ preaching and thus ought to be the place where fundamental disagreements are to be found. As Luke 17:20-21 represents the only passage in the Gospels where the Pharisees show any interest in the kingdom of God, it forms the central hub of the thesis around which an account of the disparate beliefs of Jesus and the Pharisees on the kingdom of God is constructed. ¶ The main thesis is this. Luke 17:20-21 can best be explained, at the level of the Pharisees and Jesus, as betraying a fundamental disagreement, not in the identity of the kingdom of God, which they both regarded as primarily the Divine Royal Presence, i.e. God himself as king, but in the location of that kingdom. The Pharisees located the kingdom in the here-and-now, Jesus located it in heaven. Conversely, at later stages in the formation of the pericope, the pre-Lukan community identified the kingdom as the Holy Spirit located in individuals with faith in Jesus and the redactor identified the kingdom as Jesus, located both in the Historical Jesus and the Jesus now in heaven. ¶ Chapter 1, after the usual preliminary remarks, presents an analysis of Luke 17:20-21 as a chreia, a literary form ideally suited as the basis on which to compare the beliefs of the Pharisees and Jesus. The work of three scholars vital to the development of the main thesis is then reviewed and evaluated. By way of background, a portrait of the Pharisees is then presented, highlighting in particular, issues that will be of importance in later chapters. Finally, a section on the Aramaic Targums suggests that some targum traditions may be traced back prior to AD 70 and that these reflect the influence and beliefs of first century Palestinian Pharisees. ¶ Chapters 2 and 3 are a consideration of every instance of the explicit mention of God as king (or his kingship) and the Divine Kingdom respectively, in contemporary and earlier Jewish Palestinian literature and in Luke-Acts. A model of the kingdom of God is developed in these chapters that will be applied to Luke 17:20-21 in the next chapter. ¶ Chapter 4 presents a detailed exegesis of Luke 17:20-21, taking into account scholarship on the pericope since the last monograph (an unpublished dissertation of 1962) on the chreia. It offers a composition history of the pericope and measures previous exegesis against the view of the kingdom of God as developed in chapters 2 and 3. ¶ Chapter 5 presents a summary of the work that relates directly to Luke 17:20-21, some implications arising from the findings and, several possible avenues for future research.

The quest for the historical Jesus can be advanced by a consideration of disagreement scenarios recorded in the gospels. Such “conflicts” afford the opportunity not only to analyse the positions of the protagonists, but by comparing them, to better appreciate their relative stances. One area of disagreement that has remained largely unexplored is that between Jesus and the Pharisees over the “kingdom of God”. Indeed, “kingdom of God” formed the very foundation of Jesus’ preaching and thus ought to be the place where fundamental disagreements are to be found. As Luke 17:20-21 represents the only passage in the Gospels where the Pharisees show any interest in the kingdom of God, it forms the central hub of the thesis around which an account of the disparate beliefs of Jesus and the Pharisees on the kingdom of God is constructed. The main thesis is this. Luke 17:20-21 can best be explained, at the level of the Pharisees and Jesus, as betraying a fundamental disagreement, not in the identity of the kingdom of God, which they both regarded as primarily the Divine Royal Presence, i.e. God himself as king, but in the location of that kingdom. The Pharisees located the kingdom in the here-and-now, Jesus located it in heaven. Conversely, at later stages in the formation of the pericope, the pre-Lukan community identified the kingdom as the Holy Spirit located in individuals with faith in Jesus and the redactor identified the kingdom as Jesus, located both in the Historical Jesus and the Jesus now in heaven. Chapter 1, after the usual preliminary remarks, presents an analysis of Luke 17:20-21 as a chreia, a literary form ideally suited as the basis on which to compare the beliefs of the Pharisees and Jesus. The work of three scholars vital to the development of the main thesis is then reviewed and evaluated. By way of background, a portrait of the Pharisees is then presented, highlighting in particular, issues that will be of importance in later chapters. Finally, a section on the Aramaic Targums suggests that some targum traditions may be traced back prior to AD 70 and that these reflect the influence and beliefs of first century Palestinian Pharisees. Chapters 2 and 3 are a consideration of every instance of the explicit mention of God as king (or his kingship) and the Divine Kingdom respectively, in contemporary and earlier Jewish Palestinian literature and in Luke-Acts. A model of the kingdom of God is developed in these chapters that will be applied to Luke 17:20-21 in the next chapter. Chapter 4 presents a detailed exegesis of Luke 17:20-21, taking into account scholarship on the pericope since the last monograph (an unpublished dissertation of 1962) on the chreia. It offers a composition history of the pericope and measures previous exegesis against the view of the kingdom of God as developed in chapters 2 and 3. Chapter 5 presents a summary of the work that relates directly to Luke 17:20-21, some implications arising from the findings and, several possible avenues for future research.

This new scholarly study examines the history of the relations between the British and Japanese monarchies over the past 150 years. Complemented by a significant plate section which includes a number of rarely seen images, as well as a chronology of royal/imperial visits and extensive bibliography, British Royal and Japanese Imperial Relations, 1868-2018, will become a benchmark reference on the subject. The volume is divided into three sections. Part I, by Peter Kornicki, examines the ‘royals and imperials’ history during the Meiji era; Part II, by Antony Best, examines the first half of the twentieth century; Part III, by Sir Hugh Cortazzi, focuses on the post-war history up to the present day. Published in association with the Japan Society, its appearance marks the abdication of Emperor Akihito and the enthronement of Crown Prince Naruhito in May 2019. It is also a memorial volume to the late Sir Hugh Cortazzi who died in August 2018, shortly after completing his own contribution to the volume.

This chapter describes how in Thailand—which never really experienced a process of colonization and decolonization—the writing of history went back to the tradition of royal annals and was, for large parts of the twentieth century, under the direct influence, if not control, of the royal family. Indeed, modern history-writing in Thailand remained dominated by the presence of the monarchy. In addition to the quasi-divine status of the kings in traditional historiography, the kings acquired a newer significance in the tumultuous modern era. While European colonization was the great historical rupture that thrust other Southeast Asian kingdoms into modernity, Siam was not directly colonized. Credit for the modernization of the Thai kingdom and the preservation of formal political independence—two central ideas in the formulation of Thai nationalism—was written into official history as being due to the genius of the kings.

Deuteronomy reflects the attempt of northern Levites living in Judah to stabilize Israelite society in the face of accumulated social disruptions and growing tensions between the rural and royal spheres. In Deuteronomy’s vision, Israel is “made” through its fidelity to Moses’ teachings as preserved in text and entrusted to the people—but mediated through the Levites well beyond the esoteric depths of a temple. Flipping the common ancient Near Eastern script that saw such texts as the province of elite and exclusive priesthoods, Deuteronomy makes the textualized voice of YHWH accessible throughout the land, its presence marginalizing and expiating corrosive elements from within the community beholden to its contents. The Levite scribal construction of Deuteronomy becomes an expression of the divine warrior’s power, maintaining the crucible for Israel’s survival.

Although the vocation of Christian virtuoso was invented and named by Robert Boyle, Francis Bacon provided the archtype. A Christian virtuoso is an experimental natural philosopher who professes Christianity, who endeavors to unite empiricism and supernatural belief in an intellectual life. In his program for the renewal of the learning Bacon prescribed that the empirical study of nature be the basis of all the sciences, including not only the study of physical things, but of human society, and literature. He insisted that natural causes only be used to explain natural events and proposed not to mix theology with natural philosophy. This became a rule of the Royal Society of London, of which Boyle was a principal founder. Bacon’s rule also had a theological use, to preserve the purity and the divine authority of revelation. In the mind of the Christian virtuoso, nature and divine revelation were separate but complementary sources of truth.

This section presents the canons of the Church of England. It begins with a background on the Church of England, focusing on the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion, The Book of Common Prayer, and the form and manner of making, ordaining, and consecrating of bishops, priests, and deacons, along with the doctrine and government of the Church, the royal supremacy, and schisms within the Church of Christ. The chapter proceeds by discussing the Church's divine service and administration of the sacraments; church ministers, their irdination, functions, and charge; the order of deaconesses; the lay officers of the Church; things appertaining to churches; the ecclesiastical courts; and the synods of the Church. Finally, it explains how any canon to the repealed enactment may be interpreted.

The Dharmaśāstras devote considerable space to discussions of law, courts of law, and the legal procedures that must be followed in court. Legal procedure is known as vyavahāra, a term used also for a lawsuit. The early Dharmasūtras present a very sketchy description limited for the most part to evidence consisting principally of live witnesses. It is Manu who introduced a full discussion of the topic divided into eighteen titles of law (vyavahārapada; see Chapter 23). In Manu, and especially in Yājñavalkya, we see a fully developed technical legal vocabulary and a theoretical consideration of the legal proceedings in a court leading up to a verdict. The sources also point to different venues where lawsuits are adjudicated, the highest being the royal court. Appeals of verdicts from lower courts to higher ones are permitted if the defeated party can demonstrate a miscarriage of justice in a lower court’s proceedings.

At first glance, the Aramaic letters embedded in the biblical book of Ezra look like authentic documents issued in favour of the Judaeans by the Achaemenid chanceries. This chapter shows that the letters display formulaic and stylistic features differing from authentic imperial Persian royal correspondence, that the contents of these letters are influenced by other biblical texts, chiefly Deutero-Isaiah and the books of Chronicles, and that the image of the king in these letters comprises aspects of the euergetism characteristic of Hellenistic monarchs. Grätz therefore suggests that the letters in Ezra 4–7 are fictitious and serve certain literary and ideological purposes: they present the Persian period as a time of divinely monitored reconstruction after the exile, and they emphasize God’s lasting election of Judah and the Jerusalem temple. The deployment of letters for such purposes can be compared with similar practices in Hellenistic historiography.

Deuteronomy pioneers a new theological concept: torah, verbal instruction, as a mode of divine presence. The rhetoric of this book highlights the dispositions of love and fear as inseparable aspects of the covenant community’s response to God, and its language echoes the political rhetoric of Assyrian vassal treaties and challenges the power they represent. Deuteronomy develops a picture of Israel in the land, uniquely instructed by God. Central to that picture are three revolutionary concepts: worship at one central shrine, limited royal power subject to prophetic critique, and warfare that is limited with respect to combatants, targets, and collateral damage. Paradoxically, the last book of Torah ends outside the land, a literary fact that has shaped religious identity for worshipers of Israel’s God.

Abstract Already set in the Babylonian exile, the book of Ezekiel functions above all as an unremitting justification for the present and a radical vision for the future of YHWH and the nation, Israel. Politics plays an integral role in this theological project. Reflecting at length on the nation’s political past, present, and future, Ezekiel conforms on one level to a traditional pattern of royal condemnation turn royal restoration common to many texts in our prophetic corpus. On another, the book displays a profound agnosticism regarding the theological function and future of human kingship, pitting YHWH’s claims of divine sovereignty against all iterations of human rule. The book’s ongoing use and subversion of political language, as well as its sustained interest in manifestation of royal rule, suggests that its theological revisionism takes in the very nature of political rule itself. As such, the book, especially its final Temple Vision (Ezek 40–48), may contribute to ongoing discussions of political theology and political theory in the Hebrew Bible.

Kings held responsibility for matters far larger than their lives; royal rule placed considerable demands on the shoulders of the incumbent. Kings needed to maintain order in their house and preserve the family domains bequeathed to them. They were expected to learn and respect the traditions of the lands they governed. Yet their toughest challenge undoubtedly originated in the divine mandate of kingship. ‘Paterfamilias: it’s hard to be the boss’ outlines the challenges of a lifetime on the throne and describes what was expected from kings around the world and through different millennia. It shows that the façade of awesome power often hid frailty and discomfort, and explains how the elevated status of kingship circumscribed the lives of incumbents.

This chapter takes seriously the Chorus’ avuncular description of Henry’s presence in the camp at Agincourt as ‘a little touch of Harry in the night’ (4.0. Chorus. 47). It draws on early modern and modern understandings of the royal touch to make the case that tactility in the play becomes the vehicle for reconfiguring sovereignty, exposing its fractured condition as well as efforts to reconstitute its integrity. For Henry, to touch is to redeem sovereign authority. His contemplation of the ritual effect of the royal touch to cure his own diseased condition, however, demonstrates the impossibility of sovereign redemption through touch. To the multitude in the play, however—Falstaff, Williams, Bates, even Katherine—tactility is an expression of individual sovereignty that agitates institutional power through body politics. In Henry’s quest for union between England and France, redemption and union are conjured, like magic, through his tactile encounter with Katherine. This magic does not serve a new politics of consensus; instead, it disavows what Henry knows too well—that his royal touch is powerless to make sensible the fugitive condition of a dissensual politics immanent at the core of his divided condition.

Patients suffering from mania are overactive, intrusive, excited, and belligerent. They may believe that they have special powers, are related to public figures, and can read the minds of others. They spend money lavishly. Voices on the radio or television are sometimes understood as personal communications. They speak rapidly, with illogical and confused thoughts, move constantly, and write page after page of nonsense. They typically sleep and eat poorly, have little interest in work, friends, or family, and often require restraint or seclusion. Suicide is a perpetual threat. Some manic patients are likable, while others are angry and frightening. Psychosis is a frequent feature. Manic patients believe that their parents are not their real parents, asserting that they have royal blood. They believe that they can predict the future. They know that others are watching or talking about them, and they hear voices when no one is present. Delusional mania requires more intensive treatment and almost always hospital care. In older classifications of psychiatric illnesses, these patients were considered to be suffering from a manic-depressive illness. In modern classification, this term has been discarded and the illness is now conceived as bipolar disorder for patients with manic and depressive features and major depression for those with depressive symptoms only. Bipolar disorders, ranging from mild to severe, are divided into numerous subtypes. The variety of symptoms that admit the diagnosis of bipolar disorder has led to a virtual epidemic of diagnoses of the condition. Many patients so labeled do not exhibit the sleep difficulty, loss of appetite, and loss of weight, or the severity of illness, that were the criteria for manic-depressive illness. In manic-depressive illness, the manic episode persists for hours, days, weeks, or months and interferes with normal living. Once the episode resolves, it may suddenly recur; or manic episodes may alternate with periods of depression, or occur as simultaneous mixed episodes of depression and mania. When the shift in mood from mania to depression takes place within one or a few days, the condition is labeled rapid cycling, a particularly malignant form of the illness. In manic-depressive illness, the manic episode persists for hours, days, weeks, or months and interferes with normal living.

This paper presents the results of towing tank tests carried out to predict the wave loads in regular wave conditions on a Deep-V hull form catamaran model. The experiments were carried out at the Newcastle University towing tank using a segmented model of the university’s new research vessel, “The Princess Royal”. The vessel is a twin hull with a Deep-V shape cross-section. The model, divided into two parts at the cross-deck level, was fitted with a 5-axis load cell at the position of the vessel’s centre of gravity in order to measure the motions response and wave loads due to the encountered waves. The longitudinal, side and vertical forces, along with the prying and yaw splitting moments were measured. The results obtained were further compared with those from numerical predictions carried out using a 3D panel method code based on potential flow theory that uses Green’s Function with the forward speed correction in the frequency domain. The results highlight reasonable correlations between the measurements and the predictions as well as the need for a proper understanding of the response of the multihull vessels to the wave-induced loads due to the non-linearity that have been observed in the experimental measurements of wave loads.