Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Divided societies'
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Jacob, Jacob Udo-Udo. "Rethinking information intervention in violently divided societies." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555916.
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Abstract This thesis examines the nature and impacts of two intervention radio programmes broadcast on Radio Okapi - the radio service of the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) managed by Swiss-based Hirondelle Foundation. The programmes, Dialogue Entre Congolais and Gutahuka adopt different ideologies. Dialogue Entre Congolais uses multiple and competing participation frames, involving audiences and opposing discussants to debate a range of topics related to conflicts, governance, justice, human rights etc. Gutahuka on the other hand targets Rwandan Hutu armed combatants and refugees and seeks to convince them to disarm and voluntarily repatriate to Rwanda. A matched randomization technique was used to assign Rwandan Hutus and Congolese autochthons in South Kivu to listen to either of the two programmes within their naturalistic contexts for 13 months. Autochthon control groups listened to Gutahuka while Hutu control groups listened to Dialogue. At the end of the treatment, participants' perceptions of barriers to peace; descriptive and prescriptive interventions; victimhood and villianity; opportunities for personal development and civic engagement; and knowledge of repatriation processes were assessed in 16 focus groups across four contexts. ) Although Gutahuka was effective in reassuring Hutus already keen on repatriating to Rwanda that help was available, it was less effective in persuading former Hutu armed combatants and refugees to disarm and repatriate. Dialogue listeners on the other hand, across both ethnic networks showed greater knowledge of nascent democratic reforms in the DRC, more positive attitude toward civic engagement and the ethnic Other. The study concludes that media intervention programmes that provide information and a platform for objective analyses within a multiple narrative and participatory framework enhance greater engagement with nascent democratic reforms, positive perception of long term opportunities for personal development and empathy with the ethnic Other than programmes that adopt approaches of strategic or behaviour change communications.
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Alijla, A. M. "'TRUSTING THE OTHER: GENERALIZED TRUST IN DIVIDED SOCIETIES'." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/399857.
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In this thesis I aim to examine the influence of institutional conditions on the level of generalized trust in divided societies. I argue through this thesis that institutions in divided societies are an important source of social trust in the long term and can easily destroy the level of social trust in societies if designed ineffectively and prove to be unfair and unequal. In general, the findings suggest that equal and fair public institutions are crucial to the social mechanism of trust.
In this thesis I relied on a mixed methods approach based on qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) was used to answer the question of: to what the extent do institutional conditions have an effect on trust, using eight case studies. Regression analysis, backed with the case-study analysis was used to offer in-depth analysis of the case of Lebanon. This thesis provides empirical evidence that institutions have a substantial impact on the level of trust between strangers within a divided society.
In this research I have developed a conceptual framework from several relevant bodies of literature, mainly theories of social capital and generalized trust, that have been used as basis for the analysis. The QCA analysis shows that fair institutions with an effective and independent judicial and legal system, and an efficient non-sectarian civil society can maintain the level of generalized trust in divided societies and may contribute to more trust in the society. The QCA also shows that the absence of equality and fairness in formal institutions and the absence of public deliberation and consultation, including civil society, have a greater negative impact on generalized trust in divided societies.
I conclude that institutions in divided societies play an important role in maintaining and even building social trust in the long run, but they can also be detrimental to the level of social trust in societies if designed ineffectively and prove to be unfair and unequal. The findings suggest that equal and fair public institutions are crucial to the social mechanism of trust.
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Reilly, Benjamin. "Democracy in divided societies : electoral engineering for conflict management /." Cambridge, UK [u.a.] : Cambridge Univ. Press, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329000268.pdf.
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Tidrick, Charlee. "Deliberative Democracy, Divided Societies, and the Case of Appalachia." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11007/.
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Theories of deliberative democracy, which emphasize open-mindedness and cooperative dialogue, confront serious challenges in deeply divided political populations constituted by polarized citizens unwilling to work together on issues they collectively face. The case of mountaintop removal coal mining in Appalachia makes this clear. In my thesis, I argue that such empirical challenges are serious, yet do not compromise the normative desirability of deliberative democracy because communicative mechanisms can help transform adversarial perspectives into workable, deliberative ones. To realize this potential in divided societies, mechanisms must focus on healing and reconciliation, a point under-theorized by deliberativists who do not take seriously enough the feminist critique of public-private dualisms that illuminates political dimensions of such embodied processes. Ultimately, only a distinctly two-stage process of public deliberation in divided populations, beginning with mechanisms for healing and trust building, will give rise to the self-transformation necessary for second-stage deliberation aimed at collectively binding decisions.
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Tidrick, Charlee Figueroa Robert. "Deliberative democracy, divided societies, and the case of Appalachia." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-11007.
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Miller, Sara Ann. "Ethnic Conflict, Electoral Systems, and Power Sharing in Divided Societies." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/7.
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This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.
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Aparicio, Sofía Sebastián. "State building in deeply divided societies : beyond Dayton in Bosnia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2356/.
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This dissertation focuses on post-conflict Bosnia, one of Europe's most divided post-conflict societies, and where the external leadership of the state building process has been pronounced. The specific goal is to delineate a framework of analysis that accounts for the elite dynamics involved in the state building process in Bosnia in the context of the EU accession process. The main research question is: how and under what circumstances can external actors shape domestic change in deeply divided societies. How may external actors affect the interests, goals, and strategies of domestic actors in post-conflict, divided societies. Can local actors resist external pressure. In order to explore these issues empirically, this dissertation examines the process of constitutional reform in Bosnia in 2005-2006, and draws from 80 personal interviews with the key players and other actors involved. The thesis brings a large body of evidence into a process that was, heretofore, largely unknown and shrouded in secrecy. The dissertation is framed within the paradigms of state building and international conditionality; which I argue do not adequately capture the nuances and complexities of post-conflict Bosnia. Drawing from the literature on conflict regulation and other plural society theories, I propose a unique three-tiered framework, and argue that this approach represents a more comprehensive construct for analyzing post-conflict Bosnia. More specifically, this approach dissects the process of constitutional reform from an inter-ethnic, intra-ethnic, and what I term 'supra-national' level (the latter referring to the interactions between domestic and external actors). The study of these interactions is likely to help us define better policies in post-conflict state building processes. I conclude that the international push in Bosnia, and the transformative power of the EU were blunted by an ethnic power game. While external actors did play a substantive role, the neglect of intra-ethnic dynamics rendered external actors' efforts at shaping the process of constitutional reform in Bosnia ineffective.
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Vecchi, Valentina <1987>. "Conflict and Peace Building in Divided Societies. The Cyprus Case." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3572.
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Cipro, piccola isola del Mediterraneo recentemente balzata alle cronache per lo scampato pericolo di un suo collasso finanziario, da quasi quarant’anni rimane intrappolata tra le maglie di un conflitto regionale ed etnico tra i più refrattari ad una soluzione. Dal 1974, infatti, quest’isola continua ad essere divisa tra la Repubblica di Cipro, stato membro dell’Unione Europea, e la Repubblica turca di Cipro Nord, riconosciuto stato sovrano solo dalla Turchia. Sebbene non si registrino scontri armati dal 1974, al di là di qualche scaramuccia lungo il confine tra i due stati, la possibilità di una riunificazione sembra sempre più remota; tanto che alcuni studiosi non hanno esitato a paragonare il conflitto cipriota a quello Israelo-Palestinese e alla disputa Indo-Pakistana nella regione del Kashmir.
La mia tesi si pone lo scopo di 1) analizzare il conflitto cipriota rintracciando gli agenti culturali e sociali che hanno dato vita al nazionalismo di stampo etnico, 2)fornire un resoconto storico e 3) prendere in esame tutte quelle finestre di opportunità per la risoluzione del problema, come l’accesso di Cipro all’Unione Europea, il Piano Annan e le negoziazioni tra i presidenti Christofias e Talat (tutti risoltisi in un nulla di fatto). A questo seguirà l’esposizione dei motivi che si ipotizza siano responsabili di un impasse che ha vanificato gli sforzi di quasi tutti i Segretari Generali delle Nazioni Unite.
Questa tesi si pone infine l’ambizioso obiettivo di inserirsi in un quadro più ampio di studi sull’etnicità e la politica, sperando di offrire un piccolo contributo alla ricerca storica, sociologica e politica nell’ambito degli studi sulle società profondamente divise e conflittuali.
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Fontana, Guiditta. "Separate to unite : the paradox of education in deeply divided societies." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.696169.
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Lamb, Michele. "Loyalty and solidarity : human rights and social change in divided societies." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504882.
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The potential of human rights to herald a new dawn of cosmopolitan solidarity has been a defining feature of the twenty-first century. However the limitations of this project are increasingly clear as the requirements of recognition and identity politics, embodied in ever more divided communities are a major and increasingly salient feature of the world picture. This thesis explores the relationship between normative cultural and social frameworks and changes in social action by examining the impact of human rights principles, practices and legislation in post-Good Friday Agreeme:nt Northern Ireland. This is approached through in-depth interviews and ethnographic observations with community activists and human rights advocates between 1998 and 2008. The thesis argues that loyalty to community is a prime motivator for social action in Northern Ireland and demonstrates both the challenge and opportunity that loyalty poses for human rights advocacy in post-conflict societies. It also demonstrates the way in which human rights advocacy in Northern Ireland seeks to address both the promotion and protection of human rights as social justice, and as a means to foster reconciliation between the 'two communities' through the development of new forms of human rights-based solidarity that can transcend the competition and conflict that is a feature of their relationships. It argues that human rights practices are aimed at generoating new forms of social action in two ways; firstly through fostering interaction between the two communities, and secondly through fostering cooperation with the 'other community'. As community activists take part in human rights-based activities that are both participative and performative towards the realisation of social and economic rights, they generate new relationships of social solidarity that can transcend associations grounded in membership of the immediate cultural 'community of loyalty'. The thesis then demonstrates how different forms of participation promote qualitatively distinct types of solidarity. 'Thick solidarity' arises through emphasising forms of performative participation that promote ownership and empowerment through which the competitiveness that can arise from strong equality claims between communities can be diffused. 'Thin solidarity' arises from a focus on values such as toleration and respect for difference through inclusive participatory practices by which diverse actors, even those holding views antithetical to human rights as broadly conceived, are embraced. The thesis argues that these two features provide a foundation for new forms of social action in societies divided by violent conflict.
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Charles, Andrew David. "Advancing peace in deeply divided societies; the case of Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.706285.
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Ending some thirty years of political instability, civil unrest and murder on the streets of Northern Ireland (NI), the Belfast Agreement ushered in a new era after many years of the existence of a political vacuum and of direct rule in 1972. While wide-scale violence has ceased, NI remains a place apart with sectarian divisions ever more present, limiting the mobility of its citizens. This is reflected on the ground through the existence of a significant number of ©peace walls©, segregation in housing and in education and the continued existence of political parties defined as either ©Unionist© or ©Nationalist©. Despite the progress seen in the development of policies aimed at breaking down sectarian barriers, with millions of pounds spent per annum on community relations work, much of this is yet to bear fruit. Utilising Putnam©s theory of social capital (2000; 2003), this paper seeks to explain the relationships between both sides of the community on the ground. NI is argued to possess high levels of bonding capital and lack significant levels of bridging capital. At the centre of bridging capital is trust between either group, which has an effect on interpersonal relationships as well as trust in political leaders. Trust is also lacking within and between both Unionist and Nationalist blocks. This Thesis argues that there are serious failings with the policies being pursued, the very basis of which are centred on primordial assumptions, ingrained into the political system. The author argues that primordial assumptions do not offer a progressive way forward for NI
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Bibee, Andrea. "Litigating for Peace: The Impact of Public Interest Litigation in Divided Societies." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12995.
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Peacebuilding efforts are ongoing around the globe today. However, in societies that have transitioned out of conflict and have a strong judiciary, potential exists to use innovative techniques to assist in those efforts. Termed divided societies, these countries which have conflict simmering under the surface may benefit from public interest litigation as a tool for peacebuilding in the region. As peacebuilding and public interest litigation share many of the same goals, litigation may be able to assist the society to more sustainably transition from a culture of conflict to a culture of peace. This paper details current scholarship on public interest litigation, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction, provides research findings of best practices for litigating from Northern Ireland and South Africa, and discusses the efficacy and limitations of public interest litigation as a tool for peacebuilding.
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McNicholl, Kevin. "Cross-community identities in deeply divided societies : the case of the Northern Irish identity." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.727953.
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The Northern Irish identity has emerged as a possible cross-community identity, inclusive of members of both traditions within a divided society. This thesis aims to answer four overarching questions about this identity. Who are the Northern Irish identifiers? How is this identity understood? What differences exist between Catholic and Protestant interpretations of this identity? What is the relationship between this identity and politics? In chapter three the previous literature on the topic of the demographic profile of Northern Irish identifiers is given and compared to the most recent survey data in the region. Focus group data is analysed in chapter four to better understand the different ways in which this identity is understood and used. Four distinct interpretations of this identity are discovered: Northern Irishness is shown to be perceived as a social identity,-as a discursive claim, as a ‘hot’ political project, and finally as a banal indicator of place. Survey data is then analysed in chapter five to compare Catholic and Protestant interpretations of this identity to show that Protestants are more willing to claim Northern Irishness, and that this identity has a stronger relationship to intergroup friendship and’ preference for moderate political parties among Catholics. In chapter six the Hansard record of debates in the Northern Ireland Assembly is analysed to show how each party tends to articulate the term ‘Northern Irish’. Regionalism and centrism are shown to be the important factors involved in how each party frames understandings of Northern Irishness. Finally, in chapter 7 an experiment is carried out to test the claim that consociational government has influenced the preference for this identity. The hypotheses were not supported, but the data gathered did give some support for claims made earlier in the thesis about differences in Catholic and Protestant understandings the Northern Irish identity.
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Blomkvist, Jessica Elisabeth. "Transformimg conflict in divided societies : the role of faith-based actors in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.600122.
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Whereas a negative connection has often been made between religion, nationalism and conflict, it is clear that religion's positive dimensions have received less attention and recognition. The present study therefore aims to shed light on religion's potential to be a tool and vehicle for peace and reconciliation ion and, more specifically, the circumstances under which religious actors are able/unable to assist in peacebuilding processes in societies divided along religious lines. Using Northern Ireland as a case study to explore a number of hypotheses from the literature and through consultation of a wide range of primary and secondary sources including semi-structured interviews, the analysis confirms that a combination of motives, means and opportunities has contributed to making peacebuilding by faith-based initiatives more likely as well as increasing its success once occurring. In particular, the study emphasises motives in the form of a need to address the status quo and encourage bridge-building across divisions informed by faith t convictions, sufficient means in terms of both financial and non-monetary resources, as well as opportunities presented through the wider societal context. A mapping of the extent of faith-based peacebuilding initiatives (FBPls) in the Northern Ireland case during the period 1965-2012 further shows that significant faith-based peacebuilding is indeed possible, even in conflict contexts with religious divisions, given the right combination of circumstances.
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Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.
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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.
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Lundström, Hanna. "Post conflict development in ethnic divided societies : A comparative case study between Rwanda and Burundi." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100867.
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Abstract There has been lots of research written on Rwanda and Burundi, there are few texts written about comparing these two countries that are often described as “fake twins'' and their respective post conflict development models. Where Rwanda opted for security and development over democratic inclusion compared to Burundi´s models that focused more on power sharing and political inclusion over security and development. The overall literature on the subject is quite outdated and it touches more upon different ideas of post conflict development few texts are written on post conflict development and models in ethnic divided societies. This thesis compares Rwanda and Burundi’s post conflict development models. To understand the situation in these countries, the thesis provides an historical overview of these countries as well as the origins between the two main ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi. As well has how the colonial period have been a big factor into shaping the current situations in the countries with the relationship between Hutu and Tutsi and Rwanda and Burundi’s present constitution. With the use of a structured focus comparative case study 8 secondary sources and semi-structured interviews were conducted on 4 key informative to gather data. Two theories were used to analyze the data material, security development nexus and historical institutionalism. Through the data materials findings could be analyzed where the different post conflict government that Rwanda and Burundi had implemented was compared and the conclusion could be drawn that creating a stable society in countries that have such an immense division between people is extremely difficult. In this thesis Rwanda and Burundi’s post conflict models were compared to understand the different effects and consequences of their respective post conflict model. The literature and interviewees believed the situation in Rwanda as better than Burundi in terms of development, however Burundi’s vision of creating a democratic and power-sharing government might turn out better in the long run, however they still have plenty of issues to deal with before that could happen.
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O'Callaghan, Elizabeth A. "Social Transformation in Divided Societies: Willingness to Integrate Post-Power Sharing Agreement: The Northern Ireland Case." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/37.
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This thesis examines the factors which impact societal willingness to integrate in a post conflict, post power sharing agreement environment. Utilizing the Northern Ireland case, this study analyzes variance in willingness to integrate between Protestant and Catholic groups. Analysis of the Northern Ireland Life and Times survey data illustrates the shifting relationship between political trust and ingroup/outgroup frustrations on levels of willingness to integrate since the Good Friday Agreement. Statistical analyses indicate confirmation of ingroup attachment and elite political trust hypotheses, and reduced impact of outgroup benefit perceptions on willingness to integrate since the Good Friday Agreement.
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Hadjigeorgiou, Athanasia. "The relationship between human rights and peace in ethnically divided, post-conflict societies : theory and practice." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-relationship-between-human-rights-and-peace-in-ethnically-divided-postconflict-societies-theory-and-practice(341feb4d-ddd1-43d5-948b-4c6c01e4b31a).html.
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This thesis critically examines the relationship between the protection of human rights and peace in ethnically divided, post conflict societies. It seeks to achieve this in two ways: on the one hand, it undertakes a theoretical analysis of the two key terms and on the other, it compares how protecting the rights to property and vote has affected peacebuilding efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Africa and Cyprus. Peace, as defined in the thesis, consists of three elements – security, justice and reconciliation; these sometimes reinforce and others contradict with each other. Theoretical arguments and real-life examples from the three case studies that confirm the existence of a positive relationship between human rights and peace are abundant. At the same time however, it is possible that the protection of human rights can also undermine peacebuilding efforts, whether inadvertendly or through their explicit demand. Human rights can, for example, promote security to the detriment of justice or reconciliation, thus negatively affectively the peacebuilding operation as a whole. In addition to the existence of a positive and negative relationship, it is also often the case that human rights are not connected to peace at all. This is particularly because in order for peace to be built, it is necessary to induce in the ethnically divided, postconflict society, legal, political, socio-economic and psychological changes. While however, human rights can make important contributions to the legal changes that have to take place, they are less effective in inducing the rest. This more nuanced understanding of the relationship between human rights and peace, calls for the enrichment of the liberal peacebuilding recipe that has human rights at its centrepiece. Policy makers should adopt an alternative strategy, which while valuing human rights, also addresses their limitations by supplementing them with other peacebuilding tools and mechanisms as well.
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Kawera, Marie Sylvie. "Proportional representation electoral system and conflict management in divided societies: the case of Rwanda and Kenya." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/12431.
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Critically examines the role of electoral systems in the democratisation process and conflict management in divided societies such as Kenya and Rwanda. Analyses the power sharing arrangement institutionalized in Rwanda in the aftermath of the genocide in order to demonstrate the potential to mitigate issues of ethnic. Also explores the anomalous results caused by the current electoral system in Kenya (First Past The Post) in its process of democratization and then find out which is the most suitable electoral system which encourage co-operation and inclusiveness and
discourage conflict and exclusiveness.
minority representationA Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Atangcho N Akonumbo, Faculté de Sciences Sociales et de Gestion, Université Catholique D’Afrique, Centrale Yaounde Cameroun.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2009.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Murtagh, Cera Eleanor. "Fighting for the centre : civic political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland in comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25834.
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In deeply divided societies political parties that attempt to reach across that divide, by definition, form the exception. Indeed, in post-settlement contexts where institutions have been designed to accommodate communal identities, non-ethnic parties are broadly cast in the literature as marginal actors. Nevertheless, in a number of segmented societies, civic parties and movements have emerged and seized space in the political system. This thesis probes the puzzle of these actors’ existence and endurance in power-sharing frameworks by comparatively analysing the experiences of civic parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland. It explores the constraints and opportunities these parties encounter in such settings and how they navigate those structures. This thesis seeks to advance understanding of this critical topic, contributing comparative findings on which broader theoretical work can build. Standing at the juncture of the theories of consociational democracy and civic mobilisation in divided societies, this research examines this problem comparatively in the selected cases. Taking a qualitative, interpretive approach it draws primarily on evidence from elite interviews, as well as a limited number of focus groups with voters and analysis of party documents. This thesis has found that civic parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland, in varying ways, meet with severe barriers in the formal and informal structures of their consociational settings, but that they also find critical openings therein. These opportunities, however, can incentivise non-ethnic actors to assume roles and pursue strategies that conflict with their longer term goals and challenge their legitimacy as civic parties. In fighting for survival on the centre ground in divided polities, civic parties are faced with strategic dilemmas that they must carefully negotiate. These findings demonstrate the centrality of institutions for the type of politics and political actors that ensue following peace settlement and bear potential implications for institutional design and party strategy in such contexts.
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Bollaert, Catherine. "The impact of cultural pluralism on peace-building in divided societies : insights from post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.694231.
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Using the province of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) in South Africa as a case study, the thesis explores the impact of cultural pluralism on peace-building in divided societies. More specifically, it investigates the relationship between the process of meaning-making and interpretations of peace, and the impact this had on intergroup relations and building a sustainable peace. While the thesis is not focused on transitional justice as such, it recognises the significance that variables such as identity, culture and worldview have on building a sustainable peace. The study is located within the constructivist's research paradigm and was carried out using qualitative research methods. It employed grounded theory as its strategy of inquiry, and includes data from 38 leaders within the age bracket of 30-45 years, who are functioning within either the business, political or the religious sector, and who are representative of the race and ethnic groups within KZN. Adding to the novelty of the research, it incorporates perspectives of new communities into its scope of study. The research contributes to understanding the impact that transitions have on shaping identities and to how identity, culture and worldview is theorised within the field of peace-building and transitional justice. It also raises important considerations for hybrid approaches to peace-building which engage with western and non-western ontological assumptions and systems of meaning-making. When thinking about transitions it is important that consideration is given to the way in which the different groups interpret key concepts such as reconciliation, accountability, and nation-building, and the way values such as loyalty and respect, are prioritised. To build a peace that can be sustained, the thesis argues that societies in transition will have to find ways of accommodating different belief systems or, alternatively, belief systems will need to alter to assimilate the changes in a society.
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Hassan, Sammy. "Reconciliation and peace-building in post-genocide societies : A structured focused comparison in Rwanda and Cambodia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85226.
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This study aims to explore the effectiveness of reconciliation in post-genocide peace building. Peace activists believe that reconciliation is necessary after a post-war conflict to ensure regeneration and lasting peace. Past research has shown that there are successful and failed cases when implementing reconciliation mechanism, however there is a lack of understanding why some models of reconciliation have succeeded, while others have failed, an aspect that is not fully explored. Therefore this study aims to explore how reconciliation is approached and implemented across different contexts, Rwanda and Cambodia, so as to understand why it brings success or failure in these contexts. The results are analyzed with the help of John Paul Lederach’s four components for reconciliation, justice, truth, mercy and peace, and compared the generated results with the previous research. The main results show that reconciliation has failed in Cambodia and Rwanda. In accordance with John Paul Lederach’s theory, there is a hindrance towards reconciliation in Cambodia because of lack of Justice and Truth as the main concepts and is identified as a structural dimension. In the case of Rwanda, there is a lack of Mercy and Truth and is identified as a relational dimension.
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Spencer, Deborah Ann. "The restoration of the right to remain, actualizing the value of repatriation to the peace process in ethnically divided societies." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0020/MQ27590.pdf.
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Blomberg, Franziska [Verfasser], and Timm [Akademischer Betreuer] Beichelt. "The Bright & Dark Sides of Civil Society - Democratic Consolidation and Regime Hybridity in Divided Societies / Franziska Blomberg. Betreuer: Timm Beichelt." Frankfurt (Oder) : Universitätsbibliothek der Europa-Universität Viadrina Frankfurt, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1052778798/34.
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Carciumaru, Radu [Verfasser], and Subrata [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "Negotiating Conflict in Deeply Divided Societies: Complex power-sharing institutions in South Asia and Eastern Europe / Radu Carciumaru ; Betreuer: Subrata Mitra." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1177045761/34.
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Kocadal, Ozker. "Peacemaking for power-sharing : the role of kin-states." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/8046.
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The thesis considers an understudied form of third party peacemaking, namely peacemaking interventions with kin-state involvement. The main research question this thesis seeks to analyse is how local actors, their kin-states and third party peacemakers interact within the context of a peacemaking intervention for power-sharing in deeply divided societies. The literature on third party peacemaking largely neglects the role of kin-states in peacemaking, while in the literature on power-sharing the role of external actors, including kin-states, remains understudied. This thesis aims to address these gaps by investigating the recent peacemaking interventions for power-sharing with kin-state involvement in Cyprus, Bosnia and Northern Ireland. The findings of the case studies are combined and assessed through the use of a five-level analytical framework, which includes the local actors level; the local actors-third party peacemaker level; the local actors-kin-state(s) level; the third party peacemaker-kin-state(s) level; and the kin-states level. The analysis identifies a number of conditions pertinent to each of these levels which affect peacemaking interventions for power-sharing in deeply divided societies with kin-state involvement. There are two main original contributions of this thesis to the above mentioned literatures. First, it proposes a typology of kin-state involvement in peacemaking, which categorises kin-state involvement into four roles: promoter; quasi-mediator; power-broker; and enforcer. Second, through the use of game theoretical analysis, more specifically a nested games approach, it illustrates how the interaction between local actors, their kin-states and third party peacemakers can be modelled in the context of a peacemaking intervention for power-sharing. The empirical and theoretical conclusions of this study indicate that kin-state involvement in third peacemaking interventions is more complex and fluid than widely assumed.
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Galloway, Brooke Patricia. "Perceptions of Peacebuilding and Multi-Track Collaboration in Divided Societies for a Sustainable Peace Agreement at the Political Level: A Case Study of Cyprus." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/308.
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It is the purpose of this study to propose that perceptions of peacebuilding activities in all tracks of divided societies (political, civil society leaders, and grassroots), and the perceptions of the collaboration between the tracks are essential processes to a sustainable peace agreement at the political level. This study will examine multi-track peacebuilding and the collaboration (or lack of it) between tracks in Cyprus. Additionally, it will analyze the perceptions of the necessity of collaboration across tracks. The analysis of this study is conducted in two phases: (1) analyzing interviews with Track One diplomats and examining previous and existing peacebuilding processes within Cyprus through observation, interviews, and analysis of existing studies; and (2) through student observations and interviews of the Cypriot populace on the perceptions of the conflict and peacebuilding collaborations among and across tracks. The results of this research indicate that there is a need for stronger connections between the political and societal level peacebuilding strategies in Cyprus for a sustainable peace agreement. Furthermore, the findings of this research suggest that multi-track collaboration should be added to Conflict Transformation Theory.
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Kanra, Bora, and bora kanra@anu edu au. "Deliberating Across Difference: Bringing Social Learning into the Theory and Practice of Deliberative Democracy in the Case of Turkey." The Australian National University. Research School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20051202.161618.
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This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges for deliberative democracy is the lack of attention paid to the different modes of deliberative practices. The theories of deliberative democracy often treat deliberation as a decision-making process. Yet, I would argue that this approach fails to appreciate the full benefits of deliberation because it ignores the fundamental role that the social learning phase of deliberation plays in reconciling differences. Hence I argue for a deliberative framework in which social learning and decision-making moments of deliberation are analytically differentiated so that the resources of social learning are freed from the pressures of decision-making procedures and are therefore no longer subordinated to the terms of decision-making.¶
This is particularly important for countries such as Turkey where divisions cut deep across society. A case study examines the discourses of the Turkish public sphere regarding Islam, democracy and secularism to identify the kinds of discourses present in relation to the topic in question. By analysing the types of discourses through Q methodology the study reveals points of convergence and divergence between discourses, hence provides significant insight into how deliberation oriented to social learning can play a substantive role in reconciling differences between sharply divided groups.
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Robinson, Gareth. "A social network analysis of interschool collaboration : staff relationships in a shared education partnership." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2016. https://pure.qub.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/a-social-network-analysis-of-interschool-collaboration-staff-relationships-in-a-shared-education-partnership(7c3af48e-1759-468e-97aa-1e5ea15ffa1e).html.
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This thesis reports on the social structures underpinning interschool collaboration in the context of Shared Education and the networks of staff relations that have been developed for the purpose of overcoming systemic separation. Drawing upon social network theory, it is argued that in order to further the model of Shared Education the corresponding research and academic enterprise must move beyond the analogous use of the term ‘network’ and consider the concept in a more analytical manner. In this sequential mixed methods case study, an exploratory network analysis of the staff members (n=97) from five collaborating primary schools in a Shared Education partnership was performed using a socio-metric instrument to examine four collaborative interactions—exchanging resources, seeking professional knowledge, discussing personal matters, and meeting socially. This was then followed by semi-structured interviews with the staff members (n=16) observed as most central within the partnership's network. The findings of this study suggest that Shared Education can facilitate network structures that overcome systemic separation; that partner preference is based upon desirable structural characteristics; that partnership sustainability may be an extension of social network adaptability; that Shared Education offered an alternative model for collegial engagement; that the model can facilitate learning relationships and knowledge creation; and that relational embeddedness is also observed to be a critical aspect of the partnership's leadership. Therefore, it is advocated that those researching Shared Education must develop a more nuanced approach to thinking about the structure of partnerships and the relationships that constitute them.
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Baxter, Norman Samuel James. "The development of a theoretical model for the policing of conflict through an examination of the role of the police in the management of conflict between divided societies within the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365398.
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Jacobs, Alden. "Community Center Peacebuiliding Organizations : Achieving Reconciliatory Attitudes via Intergroup Contact." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325608.
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Reconciliation is important for reducing the likelihood of future conflict between groups but can be particularly difficult to achieve. This remains true within divided societies as the result of frozen conflict. This thesis asks why do some individuals, in the context of divided societies engaged in frozen conflict, have more positive reconciliatory attitudes than others? The approach of community center peacebuilding organizations (CCPB) was identified as one possible solution to this question. The hypothesis suggests that individuals who engage in such organizations will have more positive reconciliatory attitudes compared to the average community member. This is based on a theoretical framework that relies on contact theory, suggesting that the CCPB model establishes the necessary conditions for nurturing more reconciliatory attitudes in individuals. It is suggested to achieve this through positive intergroup contact that is generalizable to the outgroup as a whole. A quantitative study based on 101 cases from original survey data is used to test this hypothesis. Using a logistic regression, support is found that establishes a significant positive correlation between engagement in CCPB and reconciliatory attitudes. Key Words: reconciliation, contact theory, peacebuilding, community center, shared space, frozen conflict, divided societies, Cyprus
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Pervan, Melissa. "Power-sharing, only for majorities? : A discourse analysis about the inclusion of minorities in power-sharing arrangements." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412217.
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Power-sharing is introduced in ethnic-divided and ethnic-polarised countries with the aim to prevent and/or end conflicts. The purpose is to include different groups in power-sharing positions. This paper has focused on two of most used power-sharing theories, Centripetalism and Consociationalism, and conducted two case studies in Bosnia and Hercegovina and Nigeria who both have implemented one of these power-sharing arrangements. While previous research has focused on whether power-sharing institutions are effective when wanting to meddle peace, we found that there was absence of research and understanding in who is allowed in the power-sharing and which groups are excluded from power-sharing. From the previous research we found that there is an underlying idea that the people included in power-sharing are the majorities within the context, which we found problematic. We used data from the first and the latest election of each country, as well as political manifestos from the most popular political parties, and public documents to understand if there is a correlation between power-sharing arrangements and the inclusion or exclusion of minorities. The method used to analyse the empirics was the Critical Discourse Analysis which is used when wanting to analyse social power in terms of control. The result showed that there has been a positive change over the past years where the discourse of including minorities in power-sharing is more common today than during the first election. Although there were some positive results, we also found that this discussion is more theoretical than practical and if this was to become reality, there could be a backlash on the peace. Although these power-sharing arrangements have been used for over two decades in both of the countries, both of the studied countries have discriminatory constitutions, where some groups are favoured in the society.
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Rawas, Randalah M. "Online lead users and social change in Arab conservative societies : the case of Saudi Arabia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61656/.
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This research examines the social use of the Internet at the level of specified online users in conservative Arab societies, who are called in this thesis online lead users. These specified lead users are the ones who are influential in shaping the innovation processes due to their leading role of practice in finding solutions to their needs and problems they have experienced before the emergence of online social networks such as the lack of public sphere and independent civic organizations etc., which led them to utilize the Internet as their new public space to pursue their goals through their online initiatives and collective actions to apply the social change they seek for their societies under the existence of society social norms and censorship. The research has been carried out as mixed-method study, the gathered data done through means of quantitative and qualitative methods, and the chosen country to conduct the research were Saudi Arabia. A survey questionnaire link were distributed among the targeted online lead users in the country under study, and the author chose three cases form the country under study for the qualitative part. The research sought to examine to what extent society social norms and censorship influence online lead user's expression and behaviours, and their effect on the formulation of their online activities and collective actions, and analyzing the characteristics of online lead user's. The significance of this study lies in the fact that it contribute to the gap in the literature on the use of Internet in conservative Arab societies by providing insight into the roles that social norms play in influencing online behaviour, particularly in communities that are seeking to discuss social issues or mobilize collective action, and analysing online lead users characteristic to distinguish between conservative and cosmopolitan ones using the Right-Wing authoritarian measurement.
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Williams, Matthew. "Marginaliserade aktörers inverkan på reglering och styrning av Internet : World Summit on the Information Society:s bidrag till nätets diskurs." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för socialpedagogik och sociologi, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-5157.
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Sedan nätets begynnelse har regleringen och styrningen av Internet präglats av en västcentrisk och teknomeritokratisk diskurs som i mångt och mycket har exkluderat en stor del av världen från att aktivt delta i informationssamhällets utformning. I denna ordning har den amerikanska staten haft en priviligierad ställning genom dess indirekta kontroll över de s.k. strategiska resurserna, dvs. IP-adresser och ‖roten‖ i domännamnsystemet, via kontraktet mellan "Department of Commerce" och organisationen "Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers" (ICANN). Därtill fanns det en latent konflikt mellan USA och Internetsamfundet, å ena sidan, och Förenta nationerna och dess medlemsstater, å andra sidan, såtillvida att den institutionella utformningen vilade på amerikansk civilrättslig grund och inte mellanstatliga traktat, en av grundvalarna för det geopolitiska systemet. FN anordnade således konferenserna om det globala informationssamhället, "World Summit on the Information Society" (WSIS), i Genève 2003 respektive Tunis 2005 för att lyfta frågorna om en internationellt legitim regim för Internets styrning och den ojämna fördelningen av information- och kommunikationsteknologi (IKT) mellan rika industriländer och fattiga utvecklingsländer. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om toppmötena om det globala informationssamhället lyckades i uppsåtet att ge marginaliserade aktörer, i första hand FN-systemet och utvecklingsländerna, strukturellt inflytande gällande styrningen av Internet samt tillfört dimensioner av digital solidaritet och internationalisering till den diskurs som historiskt har dominerats av västerlandet, i synnerhet USA. Med utgångspunkt från Michel Foucaults maktbegrepp söks slutdokumenten från WSIS-processen på diskursiva brott som skulle kunna tyda på skiften i maktstrukturerna till de marginaliserade aktörernas fördel. De diskursiva brott som kan tydas i WSIS-dokumenten gäller i första hand begreppet "den digitala klyftan" och medvetandegörandet av bistånds- och utvecklingspolitikens relevans inom "nätets diskurs" (digitalt bistånd). Däremot verkar utestängningsprocedurerna i diskursproduktionen ha lett till att viktiga aspekter om regleringen och styrningen av Internet utlämnats. Följaktligen kan det uttydas att de starka aktörerna har verkat för att den institutionella ordningen gällande Internets styrning inte ska rubbas. I de fall ämnet nämns explicit framgår det tydligt att status quo ska upprätthållas. WSIS-processen lyckades därför inte med ambitionen att öka marginaliserade aktörers inflytande i detta avseende.Since the Net's humble beginning, Internet regulation and governance has been characterized by a West-centric and techno-meritocratic discourse which, in many ways, has led to the exclusion of major parts of the world from active participation in building the Information Society. In the prevailing order the United States has a privileged position through its indirect control over the Internet‘s strategic resources, i.e. IP-addresses and "root" in the Domain Name System, via a contractual arrangement between the "Department of Commerce" and the organization "Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers" (ICANN). There was furthermore a latent conflict between the United States and Internet community, on the one hand, and the United Nations and its member states, on the other hand, in so far as that the institutional order rested on principles of U.S. civil law instead of international treaties, one of the foundations of the geopolitical system. Hence two conferences in Geneva 2003 and Tunis 2005, as two phases of the "World Summit on the Information Society" (WSIS), were organised by the U.N. to raise topics concerning an internationally legitimate regime for Internet governance and the unequal distribution of information- and communications technology (ICT) between rich industrialized nations and poor developing ones. The aim of this study is to investigate whether WSIS managed in its objective of providing marginalized players, primarily the U.N. system and developing nations, structural influence in Internet governance and adding dimensions of digital solidarity and internationalization to a discourse that historically has been dominated by the West, in particular the U.S. Through the prism of Michel Foucault's concepts of power, the final documents from the WSIS process are scrutinized for discursive shifts that could be indicative of actual changes in power structures to the advantage of marginalized players. Discursive shifts, as those detected in the documents, are primarily related to the notion of the "digital divide" and raising awareness for the need of development and foreign aid policies within the context of the "Discourse of the Net" (ICT for development). On the other hand, it would seem that the procedures of exclusion in the formation of discourse have eliminated important aspects of Internet regulation and governance. Subsequently, it can be inferred that powerful players have worked behind the scenes to maintain the current structures of Internet governance. In those passages, where the subject is explicitly mentioned, there are clear references to maintaining the existing status quo. The WSIS process failed consequently in its ambition to increase the influence of marginalized players in this regard.
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Tsatsou, Panayiota. "Digital divides in Greece : the role of society's culture and decision-making from a top-down and bottom-up perspective : implications for the European information society." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2552/.
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The thesis investigates digital divides in Greece, looking specifically at parameters of Internet adoption. It aims to reach beyond access and usage issues, placing Internet adoption within a socio-cultural and decision-making framework. Theoretically, the thesis is structured around three perspectives. First, it draws upon Alfred Schutz's 'everyday life-world' and argues that digital divides should be explored by scrutinising the interactions of individual and systemic agent(s) in an everyday life framework and as part of a continuum of evolution in time. To understand, in particular, Greece's delay in adopting the Internet, the thesis draws on Martin Bauer's work on resistance to technology and argues in support of research to examine the driving forces behind techno-phobia and other forms of resistance. To complement these perspectives on socio-cultural forces, the importance of structural factors is recognised by drawing on the sociology of policy and regulation and pointing out the need to look at the role of society's culture in policy and regulation practices. It thus draws on historical accounts of Greece, introducing cultural indicators that are critical for disentangling policy and regulation in the Greek information society. Empirically, the thesis reveals that in Greece decision-makers appropriate society's culture to serve their own professional interests, without responding to society's needs for accountability and visibility, and that patronage networks, bureaucracy and traditionalism have provided the space for public authorities to direct a weak civil society. Meanwhile, ordinary people dismiss technologies and are critical of policy and regulation which put established everyday life cultures at risk, but also appropriate decision-making mechanisms which serve their individual interests. With profound interdependencies between decision-making and civil society in Greece, policy and regulation have not only failed to drive societal change but have themselves been influenced by the societal traits of traditionalism and techno-phobia that deter Internet adoption. These findings also raise implications for the European information society. Methodologically, mixed and multiple data sources are employed, enabling a comparison and cross-validation from a complementarity and triangulation perspective of data collected on the complex issue of digital divides. The advantages of multiple source data over single methodological approaches are thus demonstrated, offering a potential contribution to other research in the field.
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Cribeiro, Marisol. "The Efficacy of San Lazaro and His Manifestations: Divine Mediators of Health Within Miami's Cuban-American Santeria Community." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1641.
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This study explored the origins, evolution and influence of the tradition of San Lázaro as it currently pertains to the Cuban-American Santeria community in Miami. The main argument of the study is that in the context of the contemporary religious culture of Santeria in Miami, San Lázaro is a hybrid spirit. Many manifestations of healing entities have come to merge in the person of this spirit. Though practitioners identify with specific manifestations of this spirit, the processes of transmigration have blurred the lines of deep-rooted faiths and created a fusion of meanings from disparate traditions, making San Lázaro an ambivalent personality. San Lázaro’s ambivalence is the very quality that makes him such an important Orisha. As a deity whose personalities demonstrates the combination of a diversity of qualities, including those that contradict each other, San Lázaro is deployed in a very broad range of healing context, making him a versatile Orisha. This study clarified the contrasting qualities this deity embodies and traces the socio-historical context in which the deity acquires the layers of meanings it is currently associated with. Drawing on interviews with Lázaranian worshipers [Lázarenos] in Miami and engaging in Bourdieu’s concept of Habitus, the study provided a window into the nature of the tradition of San Lázaro and how its usage is linked with the African heritage of the worshipers.
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Reilly, Ben. "Constitutional engineering in divided societies : Papua New Guinea in comparative perspective." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144461.
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Blake, Jonathan Samuel. "Ritual Contention in Divided Societies: Participation in Loyalist Parades in Northern Ireland." Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8125RKN.
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Each year, Protestant organizations in Northern Ireland perform over 2,500 ritual parades to celebrate and commemorate their culture. Many Catholics, however, see parades as triumphalist and hateful. As a result, parades undermine the political peace process and grassroots peace-building by raising interethnic tension and precipitating riots, including significant violence in recent years. This dissertation asks: Why do people participate in these parades?
To answer this question, I consider loyalist parading as an example of contentious ritual--symbolic action that makes contested political claims. To understand these parades as ritual actions, I build on two central insights from religious studies, sociology, and anthropology. First, as meaningful and shared practices, rituals provide participants with benefits that are intrinsic to participating in the act itself and do not depend on the achievement of some external outcome. Second, rituals are multi-vocal, meaning that interpretations of the action can vary across actors. Participants need not share the interpretation of their actions held by organizers, rivals, or outside observers. Participants, therefore, may not see the ritual as provocative, aggressive, or even contentious. These arguments stand in contrast to traditional explanations for collective action and ethnic conflict that theorize participation in ethnically polarizing events in terms of the achievement of concrete outcomes, such as selective material benefits, provoking the out-group into overreacting, or intimidating them into quiescence.
To test my argument, I conducted fieldwork in Belfast, Northern Ireland. I developed and implemented a household survey to measure mass-level opinion, designed and ran an online survey of all Protestant clergy and elected officials in Northern Ireland to measure elite-level opinion, conducted over 80 semi-structured interviews with parade participants and nonparticipants, and observed dozens of hours of parades and related events. I demonstrate that, as expected by my argument, people approach participation in ritual parades as an end in and of itself. The evidence demonstrates that participants do not view parades instrumentally. This means that people make decisions to participate in contentious behavior without consideration of their actions' profoundly political consequences. The ritual nature of parades severs the expected connection between means (participation) and ends (political consequences), thus creating the environment for sustained conflict. Furthermore, the predictions of influential theories of ethnic conflict--extreme in-group identification or out-group antipathy--and collective action--selective material benefits or sanctions--are not supported by the data.
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White, Jennifer Joelle. "Building bridges toward political stability consociationalism and social inclusion in institutions of deeply divided societies /." 2007. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/white%5Fjennifer%5Fj%5F200705%5Fma.
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Moriarty-Lempke, Maureen Elizabeth. "Planning in divided societies: A case study of the introduction of regional planning in Northern Ireland, 1964-1970." 1999. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9932333.
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As it is often the failure of governments to meet the perceived needs of identity groups in a divided society, the challenge is incumbent upon them to provide a fair and equitable distribution of a variety resources, from land, to infrastructure, to financial assistance to industry. Thus, urban planning can create the physical basis for either ameliorating or exacerbating ethnic conflict, as these conflicts are often manifest in claims on the physical environment. A strong interest in studying the dynamics of planning in polarized societies is reflective of the need to fully understand the implications of urban change in this context. This research is an exploration of national planning mandates and their effects upon ethnic conflict. Specifically, it analyzes how communal relations can deteriorate even when government leaders make genuine efforts to meet the need and demands of competing groups. This paper is a study of Northern Ireland in the early 1960s during the introduction of regional planning by way of the Matthew and Wilson Plans. These national policies, intended to promote both physical and economic development and better community relations, actually contributed to a deepening of tensions between the Catholic and Protestant communities. Through archival research, a series of three case studies undertaken at the regional, city and neighborhood levels uncovers how the plans were perceived by both groups to potentially destroy their ability to secure economic opportunity, determine the use of their land, and maintain their identity and way of life. Therefore, the plans created a context which instigated the worst collective fears of both communities, ultimately resulting in protest and violence and what had initially promised to be a relatively peaceful decade ended in some of the worst violence the region has ever witnessed.
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Kanra, Bora. "Deliberating Across Difference: Bringing Social Learning into the Theory and Practice of Deliberative Democracy in the Case of Turkey." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/47330.
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This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges for deliberative democracy is the lack of attention paid to the different modes of deliberative practices. The theories of deliberative democracy often treat deliberation as a decision-making process. Yet, I would argue that this approach fails to appreciate the full benefits of deliberation because it ignores the fundamental role that the social learning phase of deliberation plays in reconciling differences. Hence I argue for a deliberative framework in which social learning and decision-making moments of deliberation are analytically differentiated so that the resources of social learning are freed from the pressures of decision-making procedures and are therefore no longer subordinated to the terms of decision-making.¶ This is particularly important for countries such as Turkey where divisions cut deep across society. A case study examines the discourses of the Turkish public sphere regarding Islam, democracy and secularism to identify the kinds of discourses present in relation to the topic in question. By analysing the types of discourses through Q methodology the study reveals points of convergence and divergence between discourses, hence provides significant insight into how deliberation oriented to social learning can play a substantive role in reconciling differences between sharply divided groups.