Journal articles on the topic 'Divided government – United States'
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1
Lobão, Julio, and Pedro Guimarães. "Divided Government and Political Risk in the United States." Revista de Estudios Políticos, no. 184 (June 19, 2019): 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18042/cepc/rep.184.04.
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McKay, David. "Divided and Governed? Recent Research on Divided Government in the United States." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 517–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006980.
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Saeki, Manabu. "Gridlock in the Government of the United States: Influence of Divided Government and Veto Players." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (July 2009): 587–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000550.
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David Mayhew’s Divided We Govern significantly challenged the conventional wisdom of the adversarial effect of divided government on government effectiveness in the United States. While the post-Mayhewian literature has been centred on legislative productivity as a measure of gridlock, gridlock is here defined as an ‘inability to change policy’. In this study, the preferences of the legislators, such as the filibuster, override and House median veto players are plotted in Euclidean space. The analysis focuses on the influence of the area of the winset, which is an intersection overlapped by the veto players’ indifference curves. There is a substantial impact of the area of the winset on the change in policy output point, which is measured by the ADA scores and by Poole’s Mean Winning Coordinate. Yet divided government has marginal or no effect on policy swing. The conclusion is that the preferences of veto players, but not party control of the government, have a substantial impact on gridlock in the United States.
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CONLAN, TIMOTHY J. "Competitive Government in the United States: Policy Promotion and Divided Party Control." Governance 4, no. 4 (October 1991): 403–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1991.tb00021.x.
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BEAN, CLIVE S., and MARTIN P. WATTENBERG. "Attitudes Towards Divided Government and Ticket-splitting in Australia and the United States." Australian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149850705.
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Shugart, Matthew Soberg. "The Electoral Cycle and Institutional Sources of Divided Presidential Government." American Political Science Review 89, no. 2 (June 1995): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082428.
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Presidents often lack legislative majorities, but situations of opposition-party majorities (“divided government”) are much less common outside the United States. The president's party's share of seats tends to increase in early-term elections but decline in later elections. Thus opposition majorities often result after midterm elections. Opposition majorities rarely occur in elections held concurrently with the presidential election but are more likely to do so if legislators enjoy electoral independence from their parties due to features of electoral laws.
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Lohmann, Susanne, and Sharyn O'Halloran. "Divided government and U.S. trade policy: theory and evidence." International Organization 48, no. 4 (1994): 595–632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028320.
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If different parties control the U.S. Congress and White House, the United States may maintain higher import protection than otherwise. This proposition follows from a distributive politics model in which Congress can choose to delegate trade policymaking to the President. When the congressional majority party faces a President of the other party, the former has an incentive to delegate to but to constrain the President by requiring congressional approval of trade proposals by up-or-down vote. This constraint forces the President to provide higher protection in order to assemble a congressional majority. Evidence confirms that (1) the institutional constraints placed on the President's trade policymaking authority are strengthened in times of divided government and loosened under unified government and (2) U.S. trade policy was significantly more protectionist under divided than under unified government during the period 1949–90.
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Lee, Jongkon. "Strange Bedfellows: Cooperative Policy Making in a Divided Government." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 35, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps35202.
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It is widely believed that the lack of bipartisanship between the executive and legislative branches in the United States is deleterious to policy making. However, a divided government is perhaps more productive than a unified government because it can facilitate electoral gains for the minority party. Policy created by a divided government can be seen as the collaborative outcome of the majority and minority parties, but that of a unified government is perceived as the exclusive work of the majority party. Further, successful policy making on the part of the unified government could have the effect of compromising the minority party’s brand. Thus, the minority party has more incentive to negotiate with the majority party and participate in policy making in a divided government. To the extent that party brand name assumes greater importance in elections in a polarized political system, a divided government could be more conducive to policy making than a unified government.
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Christensen, Adam, and Peter Friedman. "Divided Opinion." Mechanical Engineering 134, no. 07 (July 1, 2012): 40–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2012-jul-4.
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This article explores the need of a government regulation that will play a vital role in US long-term economic/environmental/energy stability strategy. It is also important to remember that at every stage of the rulemaking process, there are opportunities for the general public to voice opinions about the rule, and the agency is often required by law to consider each of these comments. The regulatory uncertainty is nearly as detrimental as the regulations themselves, and it is often counterproductive to the goal of improving the environment. Expert points out that the regulatory uncertainty is nearly as detrimental as the regulations themselves, and it is often counterproductive to the goal of improving the environment. The United States has abundant natural resources and the technical expertise to harness them. Now there is only a need to put in place policies that positively impact our energy picture and carefully consider policies that interfere with that goal.
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VanDervort, Thomas R. "WOULD ELIMINATION OF MIDTERM ELECTIONS REDUCE THE PROBLEMS OF DIVIDED GOVERNMENT IN THE UNITED STATES." Southeastern Political Review 15, no. 2 (November 12, 2008): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1987.tb00235.x.
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CONLEY, RICHARD S. "Presidential Republics and Divided Government: Lawmaking and Executive Politics in the United States and France." Political Science Quarterly 122, no. 2 (June 2007): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2007.tb00599.x.
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GARAND, JAMES C., and MARCI GLASCOCK LICHTL. "Notes and Comments." British Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (January 2000): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000089.
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In recent years the study of divided government has been a growth industry. Numerous scholars have sought to explain patterns of divided government in the United States, while others have attempted to explore the consequences of the phenomenon. No doubt this scholarly interest in the subject is due in large part to the attention paid by the political media to divided control of the presidency and Congress during the 1980s, as well as the resulting ’gridlock‘ that dominated policy making in Washington during that time period.
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Fisch, Justin. "The Case for Effective Environmental Politics: Federalist or Unitary State? Comparing the Cases of Canada, the United States of America, and the People’s Republic of China." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 51.4 (2018): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.51.4.case.
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Federalism, by its nature, is a segmented system of governance. The Canadian and American constitutional orders are divided along very clear lines of jurisdictional authority between levels of government. Environmental issues, by their nature, are holistic in scope—they transcend borders, governments, jurisdictions, and authorities. For this reason, one might assume that a unitary state would be better positioned to tackle them. Is this justified? This Article examines the Chinese unitary state, in comparison to the federalist systems in Canada and the United States of America, to discern whether a unitary government can better manage issues plaguing the environment.
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Hameed, Shafqat, Ashraf Iqbal, and Kashaf Abdul Razaq. "A Study of Trump’s Narrative about Islam in US Press." Global Digital & Print Media Review IV, no. III (September 30, 2021): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2021(iv-iii).04.
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The study's goal is to investigate the coverage of Donald Trump's anti-Islam narrative in the United States press. The events of September 11, 2001, in New York City, and in San Bernardino,California, among others, impacted the socio-cultural, socio-economic, socio-political, and foreign policies of many countries throughout the world. The current research is essentially a content analysis of two editorials from two different newspapers in the United States (The NewYork Times and The Washington Post). The editorial contents were divided into four categories: A (US government relations with Muslim countries), B (coverage of Islam/Muslims in the war on terrorism), C(Donald Trump's stance on US-Muslim Countries bilateral relations),and D (US government's stance on US-Muslim Countries bilateral relations). To assess the association between different variables, the Chi-square statistical test was performed. The findings show that following the 2016 presidential elections in the United States, editorial overage of Trump's anti-Islam narrative was less favorable than previously.
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Walter, Aaron T. "Institutional partisanship." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0008.
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Abstract The balance of power between the legislative and executive branches of government in the United States has held firm despite the evolution of each branch. Moreover, as the primacy of one branch succumbed to the dominance of the other there remained a constant variable. Partisanship existed since the American founding, however, the importance of Congressional partisanship in the later half of the nineteenth century and rise of the imperial presidency in the twentieth century highlight the formidable challenges of divided government in the United States. The following paper utilizes rational choice theory in political science to explain decision making of American political leaders though inclusion of casual and descriptive examples highlight certain choices within
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NICHOLSON, STEPHEN P. "The Jeffords Switch and Public Support for Divided Government." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 2 (February 21, 2005): 343–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000189.
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On 24 May 2001, US Senator James M. Jeffords of Vermont formally announced that he intended to leave the Republican party to become an Independent. Although congressional party switches in the United States are noteworthy because of their infrequency, the Jeffords switch was especially significant because he would caucus with the Democratic party, handing the Democratic party control of the Senate by a one-vote margin. When Jeffords formally left the Republican party on 5 June 2001, it was the first time that partisan control of the US Senate changed hands mid-session. Perhaps most importantly, with the House and presidency under Republican control, the Jeffords move ushered in the return of divided government – split party control of the executive and legislative branches. Indeed, Jeffords' switch received vast amounts of media attention precisely for this reason. The scant attention given to other recent party defectors in the US Senate such as Ben Nighthorse Campbell of Colorado or Robert (Bob) Smith of New Hampshire suggests that the Jeffords switch was much larger than a senator simply changing his party affiliation.Over the last twenty years, split partisan control of the executive and legislative branches occurred in American government roughly two-thirds of the time. Given the frequency of divided government, especially in the post-war era, scholars have written much about its causes. The focus of much of this research concerns voting behaviour, especially ticket-splitting and voting against the president's party at the midterm (midterm voting). Some scholars advocate ‘cognitive madisonianism’ or ‘policy-balancing’ explanations, which posit that a subset of voters with moderate policy preferences intentionally, but not necessarily consciously, engage in ticket-splitting or midterm voting to bring about policy moderation or ‘balance’ among the parties. Others contend that ticket splitting and midterm voting is unintentional, a by-product of factors that shape voting behaviour such as candidates, partisanship and campaigns.
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Schacher, Yael. "Family Separation and Lives in Limbo: U.S. Immigration Policy in the 1920s and during the Trump Administration." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 690, no. 1 (July 2020): 192–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220941571.
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Drawing on the author’s work with refugees and asylum seekers in the United States, this article examines policies and practices related to family separation among immigrants in the 1920s and now. I use data collected from historical archives and firsthand interviews with refugees and asylum seekers and describe how restrictions on the admission of relatives leaves immigrants and refugees in the United States feeling unsettled and divided. I compare the situation in the 1920s to more recent years, when the federal government has pursued policies to restrict admission and impede integration.
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Waller, Harold M. "Ofira Seliktar. Divided We Stand: American Jews, Israel, and the Peace Process. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. xvi, 272 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405470178.
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Israel, and before that the idea of a Jewish state in the traditional homeland, has long captured the imagination of many, if not always most, American Jews. The close connection between Jews in Israel and the United States intensified as the events of the last century unfolded, especially the Holocaust, the struggle for Israel's independence, and then the unending effort to safeguard that independence and ensure security. The 1967 Six-Day War, the run-up to which conjured up images of another calamity, had a profound effect in the Diaspora, driving home the reality of Israel's precarious security and the state's central importance in modern Jewish life. That watershed produced a relatively short-lived period when it seemed that American Jews were united in their support for Israel. But, since 1977, that “sacred unity” has been called into question as sharp divisions have appeared—exacerbated by controversial Israeli government decisions and the pressures of the peace process since 1991.
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Graham, Hugh Davis. "Legacies of the 1960s: The American “Rights Revolution” in an Era of Divided Governance." Journal of Policy History 10, no. 3 (July 1998): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005686.
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Scholarship on the political development of the United States since the 1960s is dominated, not surprisingly, by social scientists. Such recent events fall within the penumbra of “contemporary history,” the standard research domain of social scientists but treacherous terrain for historians. Social scientists studying American government and society generally enjoy prompt access to evidence of the policy-making process–documents from the elected and judicial branches of government, interviews with policy elites, voting returns, survey research. Historians of the recent past, on the other hand, generally lack two crucial ingredients–temporal perspective and archival evidence–that distinguish historical analysis from social science research. For these reasons, social scientists (and journalists) customarily define the initial terms of policy debate and shape the conventional wisdom. Historians weigh in later, when memories fade, archives open, and the clock adds a relentless and inherently revisionist accumulation of hindsight.
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Lee, Yong-Shik. "An Analysis of Racial Economic Disparity and the Law in the United States." Korea Public Choice Association 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.55795/jpc.2022.1.1.019.
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Over six decades have passed since the civil rights movement began in the mid-50s, but American society has not yet fully realized the promise of the civil rights movement, which at its core embodies the protection and promotion of equity and dignity of all people. Despite the historic improvements that accord the legal protection of equal rights among different races, genders, and ethnic groups, significant economic disparity among races persists. The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. declared, “Now our struggle is for genuine equality, which means economic equality.” However, the pursuit of economic equality has not been successful. Growing racial economic disparity creates serious social, economic, and political problems in American society and pulls America away from the ideals of the civil rights movement. Structural economic problems in the United States, such as persistent income and wealth disparities along racial lines have exacerbated inequality that divides the country. This challenge requires a fundamental paradigm change. Racial economic disparity can no longer be overcome solely by individual efforts and self-reliance. The federal government must address racial economic disparity by facilitating economic development for minorities in close cooperation and coordination with state and local governments, as well as the private sector. Before America can fully meet the objectives of the civil rights movement, this country must achieve successful economic development that bridges racial economic disparity.
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Thi Nhuong, Le. "Military cooperation between the United States of America and the Republic of Vietnam (1969-1973)." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, no. 4 (February 14, 2021): first. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i4.633.
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President M. Richard Nixon took office in the context that the United States was being crisis and deeply divided by the Vietnam war. Ending the war became the new administration's top priority. The top priority of the new government was to get the American out of the war. But if the American got out of the war and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) fell, the honor and and prestige of the U.S will be effected. Nixon government wanted to conclude American involvement honorably. It means that the U.S forces could be returned to the U.S, but still maintaining the RVN government in South Vietnam. To accomplish this goal, Nixon government implemented linkage diplomacy, negotiated with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) in Paris and implemented "Vietnamization" strategy. The aim of the Vietnamization was to train and provide equipments for the RVN's military forces that gradually replace the U.S. troops, take responsibility in self-guarantee for their own security. By analyzing the military cooperation between the United States and the RVN in the implementation of "Vietnamization", the paper aims to clarify the nature of the "allied relationship" between the U.S and the RVN. It also proves that the goal of Nixon's Vietnamization was not to help the RVN "reach to a strong government with a wealthy economy, a powerful internal security and military forces", served the policy of withdrawing American troops from the war that the U.S could not win militarily, solving internal problems but still preserving the honor of the United States.
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Lerman, Amy E., and Daniel Acland. "United in States of Dissatisfaction: Confirmation Bias Across the Partisan Divide." American Politics Research 48, no. 2 (September 19, 2018): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18799274.
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Partisan polarization is a central feature of American political life, and a robust literature has shown that citizens engage in partisan motivated reasoning when processing political information. At the same time, however, recent events have highlighted a rising tide of antigovernment sentiment among Democrats and Republicans alike. Using an original set of survey experiments, we find that citizens engage in confirmation bias when they encounter new information, and this is driven not only by party and ideology but also by beliefs about the quality and efficiency of government. Taken together, our findings suggest important limitations to citizens’ capacity to learn about public administration, and expand our understanding of what drives confirmation bias with respect to public and private service provision.
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Zorrilla Noriega, Ana María. "Mexican Structural Reforms and the United States Congress." Mexican Law Review 1, no. 18 (December 14, 2016): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iij.24485306e.2017.18.10776.
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Diverse structural reforms were enacted in Mexico during 2013 and 2014. Since these reforms were made on the constitutional level, they must be translated into specific laws and regulations; and more importantly, they must be implemented in an efficient manner. As Mexico is experiencing this transformation, its relations with United States are also evolving. This transition will probably imply new challenges with regard to different aspects of the bilateral relationship. Considering that the U.S. Congress plays a significant role in shaping those relations, the purpose of this article is to analyze some significant issues that have received or are likely to receive special attention in the U.S. Congress. This article is divided into seven sections. The first one presents an analysis of the complexity of U.S.-Mexico relations. The second part includes an explanation regarding Mexican reforms of 2013 and 2014, as well as the resulted transition in the bilateral relationship. The next four sections address significant pillars of this relationship: security, economy, migration, and energy. Each of these parts comprises a general overview of the U.S.-Mexico relations in that specific matter; a description of the views of the Mexican government and reforms of its constitutional and legal framework; and an analysis of the most relevant legislative actions that have recently taken place or are likely to receive attention in the U.S. Congress. The seventh section addresses other relevant aspects that should be taken into account in the policyand law-making processes.
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Khan, M. A. Muqtedar. "US Government and American Muslims Engage to Define Islamophobia." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i2.1560.
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On 4 December 2006, the American Muslims’ national leadership met withkey senior American government officials to discuss Islamophobia in thecountry and American-Muslim relations. The conference, organized by theBridging the Divide Initiative of the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution,was co-sponsored by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding(ISPU) and the Association of Muslim Social Scientists (AMSS).As conference chair, I had to bring together two parties that did not seeeye-to-eye on this issue. While American Muslim leaders and participantsargued that Islamophobia was not only a reality but also a rapidly growingphenomenon in the United States, the government’s position was that whilethere have been increased incidences of anti-Muslim episodes in the country,the word Islamophobia deepens the divide between the two sides. Other government representatives also suggested that the fear to which Muslimswere referring was not that of Islam, but rather that of Muslim terrorism, asmanifested on 11 September 2001.Stephen Grand (director, United States-Islamic World program) welcomedall participants and launched the conference. The government wasrepresented by the Department of State, the Department of HomelandSecurity, and associated agencies. The morning keynote address was deliveredby Alina Romanowski (Deputy Assistant Secretary of State forProfessional and Cultural Affairs). She was introduced by AmbassadorMartin Indyk (director, the Saban Center), who proclaimed the importanceof such dialogues at a time when the gap between the United States and theMuslim world appears to be widening ...
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Akinola, Omolola Victoria, Jimmy Adegoke, and Temi Emmanuel Ologunorisa. "Assessment of Social Vulnerability to Wildfire in Missouri, United States of America." Journal of Sustainable Development 12, no. 4 (July 30, 2019): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v12n4p76.
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Wildfire is a major environmental hazard causing property damage and destruction including biodiversity loss in the United States. In order to reduce property loss and destruction arising from wildfire, this study assessed and identified social vulnerability to wildfire in Missouri using the American Community Survey data on social and demographic variables for the state of Missouri and social vulnerability index (S0VI). The study divided Missouri into five geopolitical zones from which ten counties were randomly selected for this study. The selected counties formed the basis on which fourteen social and demographic indicators were identified and assessed using Bogardi, Birkmann and Cadona conceptual framework. The result of the analysis shows that S0VI estimated for the five geopolitical zones of Missouri is moderate with a rating scale of 1.42 – 1.71. Education, income and marital status have a rating scale of 2.0 - 3.0 attributed for the high value of Social Vulnerability to wildfire. Race / ethnicity, language spoken, employment and percentage of house units that are mobile homes had a low S0VI value of 1.0 thereby contributing positively to resilience to wildfire risk. The study observes that government involvement in wildfire risk reduction is quite impressive and should still be intensified. The policy implication of this study is that education and income are key variables that contribute to high wildfire risk in Missouri. The need for government to formulate a policy on environmental education of the populace especially for people of low income and education become imperative. This will go a long way in reducing damage and property loss arising from wildfire.
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Martínez Landa, Abner. "Denigrating films and their prohibition in the State of Veracruz, Mexico between 1922 and 1923." Latin-American Historical Almanac 35, no. 1 (September 24, 2022): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-35-1-39-54.
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One of the great problems that General Álvaro Obregón (1920-1924) had as head of the presidency of Mexico, was obtaining recognition from the United States of America government. The entry into force of the articles of the Political Constitution of 1917, especially those relat-ed to the oil industry, led to a tense environment between Mexico City and Washington, which resulted in some discrepancies. One of them was with the American film industry, where the federal government prohibited the projection of American films in the national territory, which were considered degrading to the Mexican people. This essay is an approach to the conflict between the emerging film industry of the United States of America and the Mexican federal government and the impact it had on the theaters and variety halls in the State of Veracruz between the years of 1922 and 1923. It is divided into three sections: the creation of the stereotype of the Mexican from the American per-spective and its adaptation in the cinema of that country, the censorship measures applied that gave rise to the confrontation, ending with the application of the government of the state of Veracruz and its municipalities of provisions to combat denigrating content.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. ""Agricultural Statecraft" in the Cold War: A Case Study of Poland and the West from 1945 to 1957." Agricultural History 83, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-83.1.5.
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Abstract This paper examines how the rise and fall of Polish agriculture affected the larger political and economic relationships among Poland and three key members of the western alliance--the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany--in the first decade of the Cold War. This period is revealing precisely because the reversal of fortunes in the Polish agricultural economy required the Polish government and some western counterparts to maneuver through periods of both agricultural advantage and disadvantage. Agricultural strategies as means and ends motivated the Polish, British, West German, and American governments to actions that bent, stretched, and limited some well-established practices in Cold War relations across divided Europe. By explicating the political consequences of changing flows of agricultural exports and imports in one specific context, this essay serves as case study of the role of agriculture in the global context of the Cold War.
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Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim. "United States, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Middle East Politics After Khashoggi’s Murder." American International Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijhass.v1i1.42.
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There is no doubt that the murder of Jamal Khashoggi has brought about dramatic changes in the politics of the Middle East, and the key players; U.S., Saudi Arabia and Turkey are all playing different roles in shaping opinion in the region in the aftermath of the murder. While Turkey continues to push for justice for the murder of the journalist, the U.S. is seen to be divided between support for Saudi Arabia and call for justice, and Saudi Arabia on its part is pushing hard to see that it overcomes all attempts to undermine its government and leadership. This article argues that the murder of the journalist has pushed Saudi Arabia into taking steps that would ensure its survival and dominance in the region. The Saudi regime appears to be stepping up its power in the region and has reached out to neighbors and renewed its ties with its Gulf partners and wider Middle East, including Syria to neutralize all attempts by Turkey to undermine its regime.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3376365
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Zadorozhny, Оleksandr. "Private space flights: legal regulation in the United States." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 382–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.3.2020.71.
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The emergence of demand for space travel, the emergence of commercial enterprises and travel agencies in the space industry,the development of vehicles designed exclusively for transporting tourists into space – all this suggests that space may soon turn froma scientific object into a common destination. Therefore, today the legal regulation of private space flights is a promising issue, giventhat there is no such legislation in Ukraine. We turn to the analysis of the legislation of the United States of America to assess whatarray of regulations we will have to master if we want to develop private space flights at home.A private space flight is a space flight or development of space flight technology that is conducted and paid for by an entity otherthan a government agency. Depending on the purpose, private space flights are divided into flights for the purpose of transportation ofcargoes, and flights within the framework of space tourism.The article presents an overview and analysis of the legislation of the USA regulating private space flights, in particular, flightsfor the purpose of transportation of cargoes, and flights in the framework of space tourism. The author highlights a chronological formationof the commercialization of space, which clearly shows the gradual transition of the United States from a complete reluctanceto allow private space flights to the recognition of the indisputable economic feasibility of such activities. A significant shift in this areahas taken place since 2015, when five directives on space policy, the National Space Strategy and orders on the exploration, extractionand use of space resources were adopted.The author analyzes the main sources of space law in the United States. It was found that mostly, the legislation does not keepup with innovations in the commercialization of space, thus, there is a situation when first comes a relationship (flight of a tourist orcargo into space), and then – the legislative regulation of such relations.
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Zadorozhny, Оleksandr. "Private space flights: legal regulation in the United States." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 382–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.3.2020.24.
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The emergence of demand for space travel, the emergence of commercial enterprises and travel agencies in the space industry,the development of vehicles designed exclusively for transporting tourists into space – all this suggests that space may soon turn froma scientific object into a common destination. Therefore, today the legal regulation of private space flights is a promising issue, giventhat there is no such legislation in Ukraine. We turn to the analysis of the legislation of the United States of America to assess whatarray of regulations we will have to master if we want to develop private space flights at home.A private space flight is a space flight or development of space flight technology that is conducted and paid for by an entity otherthan a government agency. Depending on the purpose, private space flights are divided into flights for the purpose of transportation ofcargoes, and flights within the framework of space tourism.The article presents an overview and analysis of the legislation of the USA regulating private space flights, in particular, flightsfor the purpose of transportation of cargoes, and flights in the framework of space tourism. The author highlights a chronological formationof the commercialization of space, which clearly shows the gradual transition of the United States from a complete reluctanceto allow private space flights to the recognition of the indisputable economic feasibility of such activities. A significant shift in this areahas taken place since 2015, when five directives on space policy, the National Space Strategy and orders on the exploration, extractionand use of space resources were adopted.The author analyzes the main sources of space law in the United States. It was found that mostly, the legislation does not keepup with innovations in the commercialization of space, thus, there is a situation when first comes a relationship (flight of a tourist orcargo into space), and then – the legislative regulation of such relations.
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Plíhal, Tomáš, and Tomáš Urbanovský. "Increasing Impact Of Stock Market Performance On Government Tax Revenues." KnE Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (March 19, 2017): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kss.v1i2.667.
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<p class="AbstractText">The aim of this paper is to investigate the relationship between fiscal policy, economic growth and stock market in the United States. This issue has gained importance in the last decade because the market has changed. A significance break has been detected which impacts the nature of the nexus between certain variables. The correlation between the tax revenues and the stock market has increased noticeably, encouraging the revision of the current approach to fiscal policy. This study examines relationship between three variables, namely real GDP, federal government current tax receipts and the stock market represented by the Wilshire 5000 Total Market Index. Quarterly data from 1971 to 2015 are used, divided into two subsets in the year 2000, because there is an obvious change in trend and volatility of the variables. The analysis uses ADF and KPSS unit root tests to find the order of the integration of the data. Subsequent analysis applies Johansen cointegration test, vector error correction model, Granger causality tests and variance decomposition analysis. The results demonstrate that the selected variables are cointegrated, and performance of the stock market significantly increases its influence on government tax revenues in the second period. The findings of this paper are significant for policy makers. Understanding how stock market development and economic growth influence tax revenues and vice versa is crucial for the efficient implementation of successful fiscal policy. Investors in the economy of the United States will be also able to benefit from these results which will help them to understand economic conditions and improve their investment decisions. </p>
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Peterson, John M. "Totes-Isotoner v. United States: Tariffs and Civil Rights Intersect, Uncomfortably." Global Trade and Customs Journal 5, Issue 5 (May 1, 2010): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2010020.
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Taxes that discriminate based on gender and age have come under Constitutional attack in recent decades and today are relatively rare. Defying this trend, however, the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (HTS) still contains dozens of provisions that discriminate in the taxation of imported merchandise based on the gender or age of the intended user. In Totes-Isotoner Corp. v. United States and more than 150 pending lawsuits, importers have challenged these discriminatory rates, contending that no sufficient justification exists for Congress? disparate treatment of similar goods. To date, the Federal courts have struggled with the question of what type of allegations importers must plead in order to state a prima facie challenge to these discriminatory rates. Is the discrimination evident on the face of the statute, which ordinarily shifts to the government the burden of justification? Or, because modern tariff schedules are based on internationally agreed nomenclatures and duty rates reflect concessions made in multilateral agreements, are tariff laws a “breed apart” to which a special standard should be applied? The Totes-Isotoner case shows that the Federal courts are confused and somewhat divided on this basic issue and that the United States Supreme Court may need to identify the standards of pleading applicable to Totes and similar lawsuits.
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Schirm, Stefan A. "Globalisation, Divided Societies and Nation-Centred Economic Policies in America and Britain." European Review of International Studies 9, no. 2 (August 24, 2022): 240–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-09020008.
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Abstract A stronger emphasis on domestic politics and national sovereignty has recently shaped international economic relations, for instance, in the United Kingdom and the United States. This trend weakened the liberal international economic order (lio) with its promotion of globalisation and multilateralism. Why have the UK and the US, which formerly spearheaded the liberal order, embraced nation-centred foreign economic policies (ncp) under the Trump and Johnson governments? I argue that domestic forces predominantly drove this shift, since a political de facto alignment of value-based societal ideas and material interests increasingly favoured national self-determination and the privileging of domestic groups. The negative consequences of the lio such as rising income inequality, job losses and a perceived heteronomy had strengthened societal ideas and interests that converged in support of ncp. I examine these arguments by applying the societal approach to governmental preference formation in case studies on Johnson’s Brexit policy and Trump’s trade policy towards China.
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Farber, Daniel A. "Climate Policy and the United States System of Divided Powers: Dealing with Carbon Leakage and Regulatory Linkage." Transnational Environmental Law 3, no. 1 (September 23, 2013): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2047102513000186.
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AbstractClimate change has pushed governmental authorities within the United States (US) into new routes of national and transnational policy-making. The normal route for national policy-making runs from Congress in setting policy, to the President in agency implementation, to judicial oversight and enforcement. When that route is blocked, however, federalism and the separation of powers provide some byways and detours that may still be used to make progress. State governments and the executive branch have moved into the breach left by congressional deadlock. In the absence of federal climate legislation or a formal treaty, however, constitutional challenges will predictably meet efforts to limit carbon leakage or to establish linkages between regulatory systems.These constitutional issues often involve corners of constitutional law such as foreign affairs, where doctrines are particularly murky. Solid arguments can be made in favour of state efforts to avoid leakage and create linkage, despite claims of discrimination against interstate commerce, extraterritoriality, and foreign affairs pre-emption. The Environmental Protection Agency has some statutory authority to deal with leakage, and the President seems to have authority to pursue linkage through executive agreement. Thus, both states and the executive branch should have room to deal with transboundary implications of climate policies. Although the deadlock in Congress regarding climate change may be unusually severe, these modes of response may also be important for other kinds of transnational activity by US state governments and the national executive.
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White, Gregory W. "Free Trade as a Strategic Instrument in the War on Terror?: The 2004 US-Moroccan Free Trade Agreement." Middle East Journal 59, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 597–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/59.4.14.
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In June 2004, the United States signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Morocco. FTAs are typically thought of as economic agreements, but the agreement with Morocco has an explicit security component. Indeed, US officials have cast the agreement as an opportunity to support a close ally in the region, and its signing coincides with Morocco's denomination as a non-NATO ally of the US. Yet even if the FTA achieves its stated economic goals — a very tall and ambitious order — it remains to be seen whether or not the benefits will extend to a society divided by enormous social cleavages. As a result, the US-Moroccan FTA and Morocco's new found stature in US security policy paradoxically run the risk of deepening societal resentment within Morocco toward the government and, by extension, the US.
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Brumfield, Robin G. "Strategies Producers in the Northeastern United States Are Using to Reduce Costs and Increase Profits in Tough Economic Times." HortTechnology 20, no. 5 (October 2010): 836–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.20.5.836.
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The environmental horticulture industry (sometimes referred to as the “green industry”) is usually divided into nursery and floriculture crops. The green industry in the northeastern United States is an important component of agricultural production, with over $2 billion in farm cash receipts, equating to 22.4% of all farm cash receipts in the northeastern United States. It is the number one agricultural commodity in five northeastern U.S. states. Competition in the green industry has become fierce. Many factors have put downward pressure on price. These include the recent volatility of fossil fuels and general energy prices, domestic competition, off-shore production, a weakened and stressed economy, and the growth of the mass market. Nationally, the number of producers continues to decline as a direct result of the newly defined economic risks. The industry's profit margins are typically low, leaving little room for growers to absorb significant increases in costs or decreases in revenues. Unlike farmers who produce field crops, nursery and greenhouse firms bear the entire price, market, and production risks because these crops have had no government support programs. This article will discuss what strategies producers in the northeastern United States are using to reduce costs and increase profits in tough economic times. It will analyze how producers have they honed their marketing and management skills to continue to survive and respond to current trends.
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Revinova, Svetlana, and Konstantin Gomonov. "A Comparative Analysis of Government Policies to Promote Energy Efficiency in the US, China, and India." International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy 13, no. 1 (January 22, 2023): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.13790.
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This article provides a comparative analysis of Energy efficiency policies in the US, China, and India. During the analysis, all policies were divided into 4 main groups: administrative, economic, production/industrial, and information policies. The study found that energy efficiency policies in the US, China, and India are positively associated with reduced energy intensity. The primary role of the state is to form common goals, adopt legislative and regulatory frameworks, implement state programs, and develop financial support mechanisms for the fulfilment of tasks. This confirms our analysis. The share of administrative policies in the US and China was 76%, and India 60%. In our view, strengthening energy efficiency information policies can play an important role in achieving the goals. The results of the study showed that China is now pursuing a more centralized policy, although the examples of the United States and India show that measures taken in individual states have great potential. In our opinion, the complementarity of the policies pursued will provide a synergistic effect and allow countries to achieve their energy efficiency goals.
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Price, Anna L. "Food Loss Waste in the United States Food Supply Chain: An Analysis of Its Functions, Oversight, and Recent Impacts from the Coronavirus Pandemic." DttP: Documents to the People 48, no. 4 (December 4, 2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/dttp.v48i4.7479.
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Government oversight of the food supply chain consists of a complicated regulatory framework involving multiple executive branch agencies, congressional committees, and state governments. The agencies primarily involved with food safety issues are the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), the Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS), the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS). Although the above entities divide responsibility for different aspects of food safety and quality, according to a 2019 Government Accountability Office (GAO) report, the patchwork of statutes and regulations has led to “inconsistent oversight, ineffective coordination, and inefficient use of resources.”
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Smart, Cherry-Ann. "The Public Library's Role in Enabling E-Government." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 3, no. 3 (July 2016): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2016070102.
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In most developed countries, linking citizens with e-government through Information Communication Technology (ICT) is an important social role for public libraries. Public libraries partner with government agencies; acting as intermediaries to bridge government with citizens in a way which adds value. In developing countries, public libraries have not attained that intermediary level. Instead, the role of public libraries is constrained to performing a tangential role to e-government. This includes its focus on the provision of access to information. As Caribbean governments progress further with e-government implementation, public libraries may need to expand their role beyond information provision to help citizens in their adoption of e-government, as well as enhance their service provision to them. This highlights some of the digital divide issues that developing countries experience versus information rich countries (i.e., developed nations) such as the United States of America. Thus, the digital divide is not only about access to ICTs; it also now includes citizens' capacity to use ICTs. This paper examines the capacity and role of the public libraries in Trinidad and Tobago, and Jamaica in enhancing e-government efforts.
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Sharpe, L. J. "Central Coordination and the Policy Network." Political Studies 33, no. 3 (September 1985): 361–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1985.tb01150.x.
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Where responsibility for a public service is divided between the centre and sub-national government, legislative intention is unlikely to match service delivery. This is the implementation gap or control deficit, which, it is claimed, will always arise because of inherent limitations on central coordinative capacity. However, this claim seems to be derived from states like West Germany where conditions are such that the centre is severely handicapped. In states where the centre has fewer constrictions, like the United Kingdom, the centre appears to be able to minimize control deficits by a number of means, including the co-option of national associations of sub-national professionals, and sub-national units themselves. The UK centre is also able to restructure the sub-national system itself in order to enhance its control capacity.
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Sipior, Janice C., Burke T. Ward, and Regina Connolly. "The digital divide and t-government in the United States: using the technology acceptance model to understand usage." European Journal of Information Systems 20, no. 3 (May 2011): 308–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ejis.2010.64.
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Lambert, Lixia He, and Courtney Bir. "Evaluating water quality using social media and federal agency data." Journal of Water and Health 19, no. 6 (October 7, 2021): 959–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wh.2021.187.
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Abstract United States Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA) drinking water violation report is currently one of the most reliable measures of evaluating United States drinking water quality. While states continuously strive to comply with federal water quality standards making this documentation continuously relevant, consumers are likely to perceive water quality through sensory aesthetics or physical and virtual social networks. This research quantifies the relationship between consumer perceptions and government-reported drinking water quality to provide insights to state water managers and policymakers. We evaluated consumer perceptions of tap water using weekly social media data. The online search returned 898,709 mentions and 799,035 posts. Net sentiment, measured as the number of negative posts minus the number of positive posts divided by the number of posts expressing sentiment, was determined and ranged from −100 to 100. Net sentiment was uncorrelated with USEPA weekly water quality violations for most states. Net sentiment was correlated with violations related to arsenic standards (−0.223) and a total number of violations (−0.220) for Washington. For California, net sentiment was correlated with violations related to disinfectants and other organic compounds (−0.295). In many cases, water violations in one city became national news, which eclipsed local water issues circulating on social media.
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Sinclair, Michael R. "To Fight to Save in Space: A Legal Argument that a Space Coast Guard Is Increasingly Necessary for Effective Twenty-First Century Space Governance." Air and Space Law 43, Issue 4/5 (September 1, 2018): 459–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2018030.
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Recently, U.S. President Donald Trump directed the Department Defense to create a new Space Force. Congress has pursued similar ideas in the recent past. If the United States is going to create a new space agency it may, however, be better served by establishing a ‘Space Guard’ modelled after and organized similarly to the existing U.S. Coast Guard. Indeed, it has become increasingly apparent the United States may need to establish such an agency sooner, rather than later to ensure that it meets its international legal obligations and to address widening authorities and capabilities gaps in existing U.S. space ‘governance’ programs. A pending ‘space boom’ led by private actors and businesses, and indeed encouraged by the United States government, makes it more and more likely that existing international legal regimes will prove inadequate governance structures as increasing numbers of state and private actors take to the stars. Further, the United States government currently divides responsibility and authorities for space operations amongst several departments and agencies, which is burdensome, inefficient, and unlikely to be agile enough to keep pace with, let alone effectively regulate and manage private space ventures. This article argues that establishing a Space Guard is a critical first step in how the United States can contribute to twenty-first century space governance, while at the same time also protecting important U.S. interests, because only an agency modelled on the Coast Guard’s ability to exercise broad, interdependent authorities across every aspect within an entire domain, and with the organizational culture to responsibly wield those authorities, will be able to effectively and efficiently manage future U.S. space activities.
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Miller, Fred D. "THE RULE OF REASON IN PLATO'S STATESMAN AND THE AMERICAN FEDERALIST." Social Philosophy and Policy 24, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 90–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070185.
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The Federalist, written by “Publius” (Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison) in 1787-1788 in defense of the proposed constitution of the United States, endorses a fundamental principle of political legitimacy: namely, “it is the reason of the public alone, that ought to control and regulate the government.” This essay argues that this principle—the rule of reason—may be traced back to Plato. Part I of the essay seeks to show that Plato's Statesman offers a clearer understanding of the rule of reason than his more famous Republic, and it also indicates how this principle gave rise to the ideal of constitutionalism, which was adopted and reformulated by Aristotle, Polybius, and Cicero, as well as moderns including Locke and Montesquieu. Part II argues that The Federalist agrees with Plato when it argues that popular sovereignty must be tempered by the rule of reason. A proper distance should be maintained between the people and the actual exercise of power in order that political decisions be based on reason rather than passion. The people must therefore act through a federal system divided between national government and state governments, and these governments must themselves possess separated powers which control each other by means of checks and balances. Indeed, federalism itself may be viewed as a modern counterpart of Plato's “art of weaving,” which unites naturally disparate and opposed parts of the city-state into a concordant whole. In declaring, “If men were angels, no government would be necessary,” The Federalist concedes that politics is the art of the possible. But statesmanship is not an exercise in pragmatism devoid of principles. Here “Publius” shares Plato's vision of politics as a “second sailing,” that is, an attempt to approximate the ideal of rational governance as far as possible in ordinary politics.
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Ramble, Kindra. "Revisiting the Public-Private Divide: Workplace Violence and the U.S. Forest Service." Policy Perspectives 7, no. 1 (December 1, 1999): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v7i1.4210.
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The Oklahoma City bombing put a sensational face on antigovernment violence. Yet, for all of the attention devoted during its aftermath to the growth and possible consequences of antigovernment sentiments, little systematic investigation has been done regarding the extent to which this type of violence may have permeated the government workplace. Further, scholars presently lack contextual knowledge about potential differences between public sector and private sector workplace violence in which to place hypotheses concerning the connections between antigovernment sentiments and the violent victimization of government employees. This article probes those connections through a study of the workplace violence endured by rangers of the United States Forest Service, in hopes of contributing to the understanding of the complicated relationships between workplace violence, antigovernment activity, and employment in the public sector. Analysis of the violent incidents uncovered through this study lends support to the conclusion that violence waged against government employees is significantly different than the violence being perpetrated in private sector work settings. These findings further suggest that antigovernment activity contributes meaningfully to the differences in workplace violence experienced by government employees.
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McKay, David. "Campaigning as Governing: The 1996 US Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01207.x.
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ON TUESDAY, 5 NOVEMBER 1996 BILL CLINTON WAS REelected President of the United States by a comfortable margin. In addition, the Republicans retained control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Although these results were generally unsurprising, the election was an important one for students of American electoral behaviour. In particular, the results were widely expected to cast new light on two distinctive strands of thought in the literature: claims that we are in the midst of a realignment of the electorate towards the Republicans; and claims that American voters now consciously choose divided government so as to limit the scope of government and avoid the extremes in both parties. The second part of this article will address these questions and will discuss their implications for President Clinton's second term. First, however, it will be useful to examine the results in more detail.
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Stock, Walter Trey. "United States v. Scrushy and Its Impact on Criminal Prosecutions Under the Certification Requirements of Sarbanes-Oxley." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 1 (October 2006): 239–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i1.8.
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This Note is divided into three parts. Part I will discuss the Sarbanes-Oxley Act itself, including an overview of the political firestorm that motivated its enactment. Part I will also detail the Act's certification requirement and the penalties for noncompliance. And, finally, Part I will set the stage for United States v. Scrushy by detailing the considerable success the Department of Justice had realized in prosecuting white-collar criminals leading up to Scrushy. Part II will discuss the background of HealthSouth and Richard Scrushy. It will illustrate the government's case against Scrushy and how the government believed the HealthSouth scam was implemented. Part II will also analyze Scrushy's motion that challenged the constitutionality of Sarbanes-Oxley. Part II will examine the trial itself and will provide a description of three primary reasons Richard Scrushy was acquitted-Scrushy's home field advantage, his public relations strategy, and the unique courtroom tactics used by his defense. Finally, Part II will conclude with a look to the future of Richard M. Scrushy, a man who still faces another criminal case and a myriad of civil cases against him. Part III of this note will analyze the impact of the Scrushy verdict. It will show that even though the Scrushy case was by no means typical, important insights into future Sarbanes-Oxley prosecutions can be gleaned. It will argue that one of the Act's original purposes-to hold corporate executives criminally accountable-has failed. Part III will look to the future of Sarbanes-Oxley. It will provide alternative ideas to consider in order to more efficiently restore confidence in corporate America, while relaxing restrictions on innovation and risktaking.
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Attasyriky, Zakiyyah, and Hendra Darmawan. "Sati tradition its origin and change as reflected in Around the World in 80 Days: A sociological approach." UAD TEFL International Conference 2 (January 19, 2021): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/utic.v2.5759.2019.
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This research aims at investigating the main character's disobedience toward Sati tradition in Around the World in 80 Days: a Sociological Approach. The research method used in this research is a descriptive qualitative method so the researcher analyzes the data in this research through description. There are two main results of this research. First, the main character’s disobedience toward Sati tradition are (1) the main character’s disobedience in India Forest (being displeased with government authority, hope of reform); (2) the main character’s disobedience in Calcutta (law enforcement); (3) the main character’s disobedience in United States of America (injustice occur). Second, the moral values can be taken from the novel are divided into positive and negative values.
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Potter, Brian. "Transaction Costs and Host-Group Rivalry in Foreign Economic Policy: Evidence from Five North American Fisheries." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (September 2003): 741–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778846.
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This article shows that the timing and nature of policies hostile to foreign direct investment stem both from the transaction costs of negotiating with different host country agencies, and from changes to domestic and international coalitions. Divided agency jurisdiction is modeled as a partial property right to the use of a resource. Host industries lacking political cohesion allow foreign firms economic opportunities and a stronger political voice. Qualitative and quantitative evidence from five fisheries in the United States and Canada confirm that the costs of negotiating with a fractured government and the opportunity to form transnational coalitions lead host countries to adopt policies that will facilitate forced divestment. These policies vary in respect to their timing and format.
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Wang, Bin, and Qingyuan Zhou. "Prediction and comparison of the impact of COVID-19 epidemic on the financial industry of major countries based on neural intelligent algorithm." Journal of Intelligent & Fuzzy Systems 39, no. 6 (December 4, 2020): 8831–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/jifs-189280.
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The global economy appears the trend of anti-globalization under the influence of COVID-19. Based on the input-output table of lead database from 2006 to 2020, this paper divides the factors that affect the development of financial industry in China, the United States and Russia into six aspects: price, intermediate input, household consumption, government consumption, export and import. ADGA-BP neural network model is proposed in this paper, which is based on six aspects of price, intermediate input, consumer, government consumption, export and import. The intermediate input is decomposed from the perspective of industrial structure to study the interrelationship between financial industry and other industries in the three countries. The results show that the intermediate input is the main factor in the development of financial industry in the three countries, but the source industries of the intermediate input are not the same; the two factors of household consumption and price are closely related to the development of financial industry in the three countries, and they all play a role in promoting China, while the relationship between household consumption and the United States and between price and Russia is reverse; Government consumption only has a significant impact on Russia; from the perspective of mutual influence, the mutual investment between the financial industry of China and the United States is relatively large, while the relationship between the Russian financial industry and the two countries is relatively weak. It shows that under the background of covid-19, the development of financial industry is affected.