Journal articles on the topic 'Diversity and civil society'
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Abysova, Maria, and Tetiana Shorina. "LINGUO-COMMUNICATIVE DIMENSION OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY." Psycholinguistics in a Modern World 15 (December 25, 2020): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/10.31470/2706-7904-2020-15-12-15.
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The article deal with the linguo-communicative analysis of the transformation of the national-civil society under the influence of multiculturalism as a comprehensive legitimation of the cultural plurality practice. The study is based on a hypothesis of the complex and ambiguous nature of the language and culture interactions. «Language-culture» relations encompasses all the layers of the language system, all functions of the language, which leads to the heterogeneity of linguistic units marked by a cultural component. In the modern society, in the «language-culture» relations, the the national-civil culture dominated, unambiguously affecting the language system. However, in the conditions of multiculturalism and the rupture of the national-civil system, traditions and norms of civil culture are weakened, the linguo-cultural balance is being violated, which becomes an open problem of the post-modern society.
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Girling, John. "Democracy and Civil Society: Growth Model and Area Diversity." Contemporary Southeast Asia 15, no. 2 (September 1993): 232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs15-2f.
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Calhoun, Craig. "NATIONALISM AND CIVIL SOCIETY: DEMOCRACY, DIVERSITY AND SELF-DETERMINATION." International Sociology 8, no. 4 (December 1993): 387–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026858093008004001.
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Dawson, Elsa L. "Gender, diversity, and sustainable civil society strengthening: lessons from Ethiopia." Development in Practice 26, no. 5 (July 3, 2016): 629–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2016.1190317.
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Shlykov, Pavel М. "Non-Western Model of Civil Society in the Middle Eastern Context: Promises and Discontents." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 134–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-134-162.
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The article analyzes the specific experience of civil society development in the Middle East, which remarkably exposes the dilemma underlying the civil society concept as a matrix of working democracy. This concept limits the understanding of the very phenomenon of civil society and peculiarities of its functioning in the region. An analysis of the Middle Eastern specifics requires a functional approach and a hybrid definition of civil society. This approach has a number of heuristic advantages over both liberal and critical theories. The article outlines the Middle Eastern model of civil society and postulates the key characteristic of illiberal civil society—it becomes conducive to the reproduction of authoritarian regimes even despite its institutional diversity. The analysis shows the ambivalence of civil society in the Middle East as a space of limited freedom of political/non-political activity and as a testing ground for the development of various tools designed to curb civic initiative. The liberal model of civil society, directly incorporated in state-building, is turned upside down in the Middle East. Civil society organizations in this region are hardly functional as an outpost for promoting liberal democratic values because they prove to serve the interests of the elite or alternative political forces much more than the interests of ordinary citizens.
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Lindellee, Jayeon, and Roberto Scaramuzzino. "Can EU Civil Society Elites Burst the Brussels Bubble? Civil Society Leaders’ Career Trajectories." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2995.
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The Brussels-based civil society organizations (CSOs) have been conceived by the EU to act as a bridge between the bureaucratic elites and the citizens of Europe. The institutionalized presence of the major EU-based CSOs has, however, called their legitimacy into question, as exemplified by notions such as ‘revolving doors’ implying homogeneous social, educational, and professional backgrounds shared by both EU officials and CSO leaders. This article therefore asks the following questions: To what extent do the leaders of EU-based CSOs merely reproduce the types of capital that mirror those of the political elites in the so-called ‘Brussels bubble’? To what extent do the CSO leaders bring in other sets of capital and forms of recognition that are independent of the Brussels game? How can we explain differences in the salience of EU capital found across policy areas, types of leadership positions, and types of organizations? Empirically, this article qualitatively analyzes the career trajectories of 17 leaders of EU-based peak CSOs that are active in social and environmental policy areas. Despite the highly integrated and institutionalized characteristics shared by all organizations, we find diversity in the composition of the leaders in terms of the extent to which their career trajectories are embedded in the EU arena.
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Akhrarov, B. D., and Sh X. Alirizaev. "Uzbek Laws Provide Responsibility For Violation Of Democratic Election Principles." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 3, no. 05 (May 30, 2021): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume03issue05-12.
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Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law and a free civil society is unimaginable without elections. After all, in the election process, the diversity of opinions in society, the will, aspirations, social moods of the people are clearly reflected. Democratic elections, which reflect the diversity of views in society, the aspirations and aspirations of the people, must be legally protected. Liability for violation of the principles of democratic elections has been established. Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law and a free civil society is unimaginable without elections. After all, in the election process, the diversity of opinions in society, the will, aspirations, social moods of the people are clearly reflected. Democratic elections, which reflect the diversity of views in society, the aspirations and aspirations of the people, must be legally protected. Liability for violation of the principles of democratic elections has been established.
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Лавринович, Кирилл, and Kirill Lavrinovich. "SELF-ORGANIZATION OF THE PUBLIC OF FINLAND: FROM THE IDEA OF CIVIL SOCIETY TO THE PRACTICE OF ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN THE STATE GOVERNED BY THE RULE OF LAW." Advances in Law Studies 6, no. 3 (December 11, 2018): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/article_5c0fc3904b1804.86928880.
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The civil society of Finland is the subject of the study. The prerequisites of its formation, the stages of self-organization of the public in Finland are considered by the author. Special attention is paid to the characteristics of the current state of the civil society of the Republic of Finland and the diversity of its institutions. The Republic of Finland, which has proclaimed itself to be a state governed by the rule of law, is today one of the countries in which civil society and its institutions play an important role in regulating public relations and the organization of public life. General scientific (system, structural-functional, statistical) and special (formal legal, historical and legal) methods of legal research are the methodological basis of the study. The study concluded that in terms of civic engagement and volunteering, Finland occupies a leading position in the world. The civil society of modern Finland and its institutions are important subjects for the realization of public, corporate and private interests.
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Salim, Arskal. "Between ICMI and NU: The Contested Representation of Muslim Civil Society in Indonesia, 1990-2001." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 49, no. 2 (December 24, 2011): 295–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2011.492.295-328.
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This article discusses the concept of Muslim civil society in Indonesia by looking at differences in context between democratic and non-democratic regimes and by considering the diversity of Islamic interpretation of civil society and democracy. By looking at the dynamics within state-society relations and the process of democratisation, this article aims to clarify what kind of political actions correspond to the concept of civil society and help build a strong civil society in Indonesia in 1990s. Limiting its scope to the period from 1990 to 2001, the paper draws on two Muslim organisations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia) to explain why do Indonesian Muslims use the concept of civil society differently? How should Muslims perceive civil society vis-à-vis the state? Is it cooperation (participation) or opposition? Are both respective views equally legitimate? Given that Islamic doctrine may support the most varied of political outlooks, this study will point out that there is no single interpretation of the relationship between Islam and civil society or democracy. The article thus argues that differences between the two groups represent the diversity of Islamic interpretations of socio-political life.[Artikel ini membahas konsep “civil society” di Indonesia berdasarkan perbedaan konteks antara rejim demokratis dan otoriter serta menganalisis ragam interpretasi Islam mengenai civil society dan demokrasi. Melalui analisis dinamika hubungan rakyat-negara dan proses demokratisasi, artikel ini menjelaskan bentuk sikap politik yang sesuai dengan civil societydan mendorong terciptanya civil society yang kuat pada dekade 1990an di Indonesia. Diskusi dibatasi pada dua organisasi Muslim di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI), dan hanya pada rentang 1990 hingga 2001. Pembatasan dilakukan guna menjawab mengapa Muslim di Indonesia menggunakan konsep civil society secara berbeda dan bagaimana mereka memandang bentuk relasi ideal antara negara-civil society; apakah kerjasama (partisipasi) ataukah oposisi? dan apakah kedua bentuk relasi tersebut sama-sama dapat dibenarkan?. Menyimak bahwa ajaran Islam dapat digunakan untuk mendukung berbagai pandangan politik, artikel ini menggarisbawahi bahwa interpretasi mengenai relasi Islam dan civil society/demokrasi adalah beragam. Karena itu, perbedaan antara NU dan ICMI dalam menterjemahkan konsep civil society merupakan cerminan perbedaan dan ragam interpretasi Islam terhadap kehidupan sosial-politik.]
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Volgin, O. S. "Once More about the Concept of Civil Society: A Philosophical Approach." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences, no. 10 (December 20, 2018): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2018-10-114-129.
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There is a huge number of publications devoted to civil society. Nevertheless this theme is inexhaustible, because the very subject of it is multidimensional and changing along with the evolution of society. Alongside this, one of the key problems of the civil society theory is a problem of its perception in our mind. Answering these questions, the author, at first, stresses the necessity to differ three historical types of civil society: ancient classical polis, civil communities of the Modern History and contemporary civil society. They all are substantially different inter se from the axiological point of view. That is a reason not to use the ideological and methodological curves developed for historically previous types of civil society for the analysis of contemporary one. Secondly, the author focuses attention upon epistemological aspect of the civil society theory, in particular he proposes to rethink the concept of “totality” not in a formal logic way but in the “logic” of living systems in order to be able by means of this concept to express the unity of the diversity of social system. Thirdly, the author treats the concept of “citizen” in informal sense, stresses its existential, personal content and contemplates it through the dialectical relation of “totality-peculiarity-individuality.” Fourthly, the author researches the phenomenon of contemporary civil society as a counterpart of a state in the complex society the main features of which are the diversity and individuality. He comes to the conclusion that the civil society is not a society in common sense, but rather is some kind of “soil structure,” so called “social mycelium” that fertilizes social system with new opportunities. In the final part of the article author gives the example of one of the approaches to estimate the degree of maturation of civil society, proposed by the world-wide international organization “Civicus.” He stresses that the logic of power distribution in contemporary society presupposes cooperation of different actors, and one of the most influential of them is the civil society.
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Vitiello, Domenic, and Arthur Acolin. "Institutional Ecosystems of Housing Support in Chinese, Southeast Asian, and African Philadelphia." Journal of Planning Education and Research 37, no. 2 (June 14, 2016): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739456x16651928.
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How has the diversity of post-1965 immigration to the United States influenced newcomers’ housing experiences and civil society’s housing support systems? Planning scholars have shown immigration’s role in revitalizing cities and housing markets, but we have done less to parse the variety of housing problems that immigrants experience and the ways civil society addresses them. This article examines the recent history of civil society organizations’ housing support strategies in Chinese, Southeast Asian, and African communities in Philadelphia. We find that the diversity within and between groups has shaped largely distinct “institutional ecosystems” and approaches to housing support.
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Udovyk, Oksana. "Beyond the Conflict and Weak Civil Society; Stories from Ukraine: Cases of Grassroots Initiatives for Sustainable Development." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 4, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t27w6r.
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This study explores the diversity of grassroots initiatives (GIs) for sustainable development that are emerging in post-EuroMaidan Ukraine. It first focuses on an overview of different theories on civil society and trends in Ukrainian civil society development. Eight cases of GIs are selected to represent different pillars of sustainability work done by the initiatives (economic, social, environmental, and political-institutional). These cases question the arguments behind the weak and pseudo-plenipotentiary vision of civil society in Ukraine, and demonstrate mechanisms of sustainable development suggested by analyzed GIs. In general, this study challenges the myth of a weak civil society in Ukraine, opens up a broader discussion on the meaning and role of civil society, and provides new ideas for building a sustainable society.
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Rosadi, Sandi. "EXTINGUISHING FIRE, IGNITING TOLERANCE: FIRE FIGHTER COMMUNITY, CIVIL CULTURE AND TOLERANCE." Khazanah: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Humaniora 17, no. 1 (July 29, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/khazanah.v17i1.3022.
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The correlation between civil society and democracy is a big discussion in academic world. Democracy that engenders a civic culture usually linked into a tolerant behavior in society. This study aims to understand how the participation of individuals in civil society, in this case is BPK (fire fighter community) in Banjarmasin, cause them to become more tolerance in a pluralistic society. In addition, this study also examines whether the involvement of member to BPK in Banjarmasin make them as an individual who is more attentive and tolerant towards different groups or vice versa. This study argues that there is a correlation between a personal membership in civil society with their augmentation in tolerance attitude. The case of fire fighter community in Banjarmasin shows an establishment of a brotherhood among its members. The attitude of ”sanak ikam” or your brother brings up the attitude of civic members' tolerance of all the differences that exist in other individuals in general and differences in members of BPK in particular. Furthermore, on personal level, a member's attitude towards tolerance can also be affected by the diversity of members in BPK who their affiliated. However, BPK has the possibility of being a place for political contestation. On one side BPK has been playing a role in fostering tolerance in Banjarmasin society, on the other hand, it is possible in the future become a double-edged knife that even destroys the tolerance that has been formed.
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Eseverri Mayer, Cecilia. "Linking suburban youth in Madrid and Paris. The role of civil society structures in the integration of children from Muslim backgrounds." Urban Studies 56, no. 13 (December 6, 2018): 2616–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098018801160.
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This comparative study focuses on how civil society structures influence youth from a Muslim background in their upward mobility and local belonging (to the neighbourhood and to the city). Under comparison are one banlieue in Paris and one barrio in Madrid, similar in terms of social precarity and yet different in their degree of ethnic and religious diversity, their connection to the city centre, the state funding they receive and their civic participation. In the case of the neighbourhood of San Cristóbal (Madrid), a lack of state investment has resulted in a diminished capacity for civil society to connect young people to new opportunities. However, their daily contact with the city centre, the ethnic diversity in the neighbourhood and collaborative efforts between secular and religious structures work together to foster a sense of mixed belonging among young Spanish Muslims. In contrast, significant investment by the State in the suburb of Les Bosquets (Paris) since the riots in 2005 have indeed linked young people to new opportunities, but at the cost of an institutionalisation of civil society structures. In Les Bosquets, increased ethnic segregation, geographical isolation, and the estrangement of religious and ‘laic’ (i.e. secular) organisations are all responsible for the new sense of malaise felt by youths, thus severely affecting their sense of belonging.
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Undarya, T. "State of Civil Society Development in Mongolia." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs, no. 18 (August 13, 2013): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i18.70.
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Mongolia’s civil society has been much praised by observers, mostly foreign, for its strength and vibrancy. While these glowing accounts do have some merit, it is important to take a more sober look at not so conducive environment – political, cultural, economic and financial,- which could severely undermine the future of Mongolia’s civil society. Yet, given the current position of Mongolia, standing to gain from its mining boom, the presence of a strong, well resourced, effective and ethical civil society may be the key factor for determining the country’s course towards equitable and democratic development or essentially a corrupt police state with a small elite ruling over the poor masses. With this thought in mind, this article will review the development of the Mongolian civil society, particularly its environment and structure. The article will rely on the latest available comprehensive study of civil society in Mongolia, produced using the CIVICUS’s Civil Society Index (CSI) methodology.1 Although the CSI study was conducted in 2004-2005, civil society stakeholders agree that its main findings still hold.2 Whenever necessary and possible, the study findings shall be updated with more recent data and analysis. Given the diversity and complexity of the broader civil society field, and considering the vital role played in this field by human rights (including women’s rights) and pro-democracy advocacy NGOs, the article will focus more on this particular sub-field. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i18.70 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs No.18 2013: 52-68
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Dewantara, Agustinus Wisnu. "MULTIKULTURALISME INDONESIA (STUDI PERBANDINGAN ANTARA KONSEP MADANI NURCHOLISH MADJID DAN KONSEP CIVIL SOCIETY)." JPAK: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Katolik 17, no. 9 (November 5, 2018): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.34150/jpak.v17i9.43.
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Multiculturalism is difficult to define. As a descriptive term, it has been taken to refer to cultural diversity. As a normative term, multiculturalism implies a positive endorsement, even celebration, of communal diversity, typically based on either the right of different groups to respect and recognize, or to the alleged benefits to the larger society of moral and cultural diversity”. What about Indonesia? In fact, Indonesian cultures indicate the multiculturalism. Is that similar with the concept of “madani”? What about with the concept of the civil society? Which one can adapt in Indonesia? In the cultural environment of Indonesia, cultures are not only interacted or isolated. Those two strategies work at the same time and apply to different aspects of cultures to create new forms of cultures. Multiculturalism can be defined in a ways that go beyond human activities to give a vivid multi-dimensional understanding of cultural interaction, cultural isolation and phenomena between these two extremes
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Ghoshal, Raj. "Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction Contested Citizenship: Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe." Societies Without Borders 4, no. 1 (2009): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187219108x388725.
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Arbatli, Cemal Eren, Quamrul H. Ashraf, Oded Galor, and Marc Klemp. "Diversity and Conflict." Econometrica 88, no. 2 (2020): 727–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/ecta13734.
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This research advances the hypothesis and establishes empirically that interpersonal population diversity, rather than fractionalization or polarization across ethnic groups, has been pivotal to the emergence, prevalence, recurrence, and severity of intrasocietal conflicts. Exploiting an exogenous source of variations in population diversity across nations and ethnic groups, as determined predominantly during the exodus of humans from Africa tens of thousands of years ago, the study demonstrates that population diversity, and its impact on the degree of diversity within ethnic groups, has contributed significantly to the risk and intensity of historical and contemporary civil conflicts. The findings arguably reflect the contribution of population diversity to the non‐cohesiveness of society, as reflected partly in the prevalence of mistrust, the divergence in preferences for public goods and redistributive policies, and the degree of fractionalization and polarization across ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups.
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Macdonald, Laura. "Generating Social Capital: Civil Society and Institutions in Comparative Perspective." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 3 (September 2004): 751–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904310103.
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Generating Social Capital: Civil Society and Institutions in Comparative Perspective, Marc Hooghe and Dietlind Stolle, eds., New York and Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, pp. 256The concept of “social capital” has become a popular buzzword. Like other authors, the contributors to this volume draw on Robert Putnam's well-known definition of social capital as “generalized trust, norms of reciprocity and networks” among individuals (2). Social capital is credited with providing a wide range of social benefits, including tolerance of diversity, economic growth, lower crime rates, better health and more responsive government. The grandiose claims made on behalf of social capital and the large amounts of money being poured into developing social capital in diverse social settings, as well as the fuzziness of the original concept, mean that careful analysis of the idea of social capital is badly needed.
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Polson, Edward, and Rachel Gillespie. "The Bridging Activity of Multiracial Congregations." Religions 10, no. 3 (March 18, 2019): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10030204.
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The growing diversity of U.S. communities has led scholars to explore how racial/ethnic diversity effects social capital, civic engagement, and social trust. Less is known about the relationship between diversity and the work of community-based organizations (CBOs). In this study, we examine how the racial/ethnic composition of one ubiquitous type of CBO, religious congregations, is related to measures of organizational bridging social capital. Analyzing data collected through a census of congregations in one Midwestern county, we explore the relationship between racial/ethnic diversity and the bridging activity of religious congregations. We find that multiracial congregations are more likely to be involved with externally focused service programs, tend to support a larger number of programs, and report more interorganizational collaborators than other congregations. Our findings suggest that multiracial congregations can provide a valuable resource for increasingly diverse communities and civil society.
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Kilson, Martin. "THINKING ABOUT ROBERT PUTNAM'S ANALYSIS OF DIVERSITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 2 (2009): 293–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09990191.
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AbstractThe article evaluates Robert Putnam's discussion of two differing concepts of the role of the diversity perspective toward inter-ethnic/inter-racial relationships in American society since the 1960s—namely, the “contact theory” and the “conflict theory.” The former was initially formulated by Harvard social psychologist Gordon Allport in The Nature of Prejudice (1954). Putnam's analysis—published in the comparative politics journal Scandinavian Political Studies (Vol. 30, No. 2, 2007)—favors the “conflict theory,” which holds that diversity sharpens “us-against-them” inter-ethnic/inter-racial interactions. Putnam's view opposes diversity-influenced public policies. By contrast, “contact theory” holds that diversity erodes “us-against-them” interactions and thus eventually democratizes such interactions, and thereby American society generally. “Contact theory” influenced the NAACP-led civil-rights movement's quest for desegregation public policies during the 1950s, 1960s, and onward.
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Faturahman, Burhanudin Mukhamad. "Pluralisme Agama dan Modernitas Pembangunan: Rekonstruksi Pemikiran Pluralisme dalam Membentuk Etika Universal." JSSH (Jurnal Sains Sosial dan Humaniora) 2, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/jssh.v2i2.2798.
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Social conflict that occurred in Indonesia with a religious background is very concern. Religious pluralism should be the yardsticks religious tolerance in the midst of diversity, tolerant attitude of trust with fairness in order toward a civil society. In addition modernity allegedly subverts the social order because it creates an unfair economic system. The purpose of this writing to discuss religious pluralism with the value contained in it in terms of thinking Dawan Rahardjo, Nurcolish Madjid and John Hick with a contribution of modernity against the onset of social conflict. The research of religious pluralism in Indonesia namely according to Rahardjo addressed as a social integration as the Foundation behave because actual religions taught the values of public virtue while Madjid argued civil society is Home of democracy with an ethic of community as the quality of the life of democracy. Hick States pluralism as centering yourself towards the single reality of centering (of God) through different forms and ways. This diversity is vulnerable to conflict because of modernity triggered poverty, environmental destruction and communal violence. Therefore strengthening the education of multi religious and ethical global College absolutely implemented in an effort to create a civil society
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Priyanto, Joko Priyanto. "WACANA, KUASA DAN AGAMA DALAM KONTESTASI PILGUB JAKARTA." ALQALAM 34, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v34i2.1843.
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Religion Blasphemy addressed to Jakarta Governor who is also a candidate for Jakarta Governor Election 2017 is the beginning of a series of polemic along process of Jakarta Governor Election 2017. This case triggers friction between Islamic society as a civil society and government as authority. This research explored this case by using theory of power relations Foucault. The result shows that the mass movement of Islamic society is power from Islamic society knowledge. Power structure tries to discipline this movement by hegemony in form of discourse. However, hegemonic discourse from civil society (Islamic society) also tries to challenge. The fight of hegemonic in form of discourse becomes so viral in all media, element and institution. This research shows that the discourse of Leader and Diversity is a signifier empty which be contestation of giving meaning.
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Priyanto, Joko. "WACANA, KUASA DAN AGAMA DALAM KONTESTASI PILGUB JAKARTA." ALQALAM 34, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v34i2.792.
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Religion Blasphemy addressed to Jakarta Governor who is also a candidate for Jakarta Governor Election 2017 is the beginning of a series of polemic along process of Jakarta Governor Election 2017. This case triggers friction between Islamic society as a civil society and government as authority. This research explored this case by using theory of power relations Foucault. The result shows that the mass movement of Islamic society is power from Islamic society knowledge. Power structure tries to discipline this movement by hegemony in form of discourse. However, hegemonic discourse from civil society (Islamic society) also tries to challenge. The fight of hegemonic in form of discourse becomes so viral in all media, element and institution. This research shows that the discourse of Leader and Diversity is a signifier empty which be contestation of giving meaning. Keywords: knowledge, power, Foucoult, religion.
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Beller, S. "Jews and Other Germans: Civil Society, Religious Diversity, and Urban Politics in Breslau, 1860-1925." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 513 (March 24, 2010): 477–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq034.
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Robertson, Ritchie. "Jews and other Germans: civil society, religious diversity, and urban politics in Breslau, 1860–1925." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 9, no. 1 (March 2010): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725881003590245.
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Laczó, Ferenc. "Jews and Other Germans: Civil Society, Religious Diversity, and Urban Politics in Breslau, 1860–1925." East Central Europe 37, no. 1 (2010): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x488371.
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Lovell, David W. "Trust and the politics of postcommunism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00021-0.
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The citizens of postcommunist states have relatively low levels of trust in their basic political institutions. This paper argues that to consolidate the advances towards civil society and democracy particular attention must be paid to strengthening trust. Trust requires not just the institutional framework appropriate to democracy and the rule of law — already substantially in place — but also an appreciation of politics and civil society as spheres of continuing diversity, competition and conflict. The deficit of trust can be addressed by a leadership exemplary in its service to the public interest, and by an acceptance of the new, adversarial politics.
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Blanchard, Lynda‐ann, and Mike Nix. "Creating spaces for radical pedagogy in higher education." Human Rights Education Review 2, no. 2 (November 3, 2019): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7577/hrer.3363.
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This paper tells stories from a higher education study abroad collaboration entitled Investigating Diversity, Human Rights and Civil Society in Japan and Australia. Starting from a pedagogical focus on students’ active learning about human rights, this project has come to value relationship building—between academic institutions, civil society and community groups, and individuals. We ask ‘what is human rights education?’, and argue for a radical pedagogy in which knowledge about human rights and diversity is negotiated in ‘third spaces’ (Bhabha). In an attempt to address the ‘im/possibility of engaging with alterity outside of a pedagogic relationship of appropriation or domination’ (Sharma), learners ‘become border crossers in order to understand otherness on its own terms’ (Giroux). As the stories demonstrate, active learning also requires active unlearning (Spivak). Pivotal to our radical pedagogy is a conception of human rights education as dialogic and that creates the conditions for ethical encounters with otherness.
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Beck, Erin. "Countering Convergence: Agency and Diversity Among Guatemalan NGOs." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 2 (2014): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00234.x.
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AbstractThe proliferation of nongovernmental organizations across the developing world has sparked discussions of the “NGOization” of civil society and concern that NGOs have become increasingly uniform and internally homogenous. This article explores the evolution of NGOs in Guatemala since the 1960s and finds that NGOs historically and currently respond in diverse ways to external pressures—adjusting their strategies and actively attempting to shape their environment. Comparing two microcredit NGOs, it finds in addition that old and new models combine in unique organizational contexts in distinct ways. These two findings suggest that diversity is likely to persist among NGOs.
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Zeegers, Nicolle. "Civil Society Organizations’ Participation in the EU and Its Challenges for Democratic Representation." Politics and Governance 4, no. 4 (December 21, 2016): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i4.782.
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Online consultations and the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) are tools that have been put into place by the European Union (EU) in order to increase the participation of citizens and Civil Society Organizations (CSO) in its politics and policy making. The current CSO representation at the system level of the EU is claimed to be biased in favor of the interests of economic producers and CSOs coming from old member states. The central question of this article is whether these tools help make participation more representative of the diversity of societal groups within the EU. The concept of ‘actor representativeness’ as well as ‘discourse representativeness’ will be applied in order to answer this question.
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Tan, Kenneth Paul. "Service Learning Outside the U.S.: Initial Experiences in Singapore's Higher Education." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 549–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650909088x.
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ABSTRACTService learning in higher education is an American creature. But outside the U.S., practices that resemble American service learning or that have begun self-consciously to describe themselves as “service learning” may also be found. This article gives an account of a proto-service-learning course on civil society in Singapore and discusses some similarities and differences between the U.S. and Singapore contexts in which the practices of service learning have evolved, identifying how this civil society course in particular was both a product of as well as a challenge to Singapore's somewhat different priorities in higher education, political culture, and attitudes to social justice and cultural diversity.
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Jar Allah, Ruqaia Kareem. "Managing ethnic diversity and diversity and directing it to achieve political stability in Malaysia." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 17 (February 2, 2020): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i17.200.
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Malaysia's political system is a pioneering model in providing an appropriate mechanism to accommodate religious and ethnic differences in Malaysia and realistically addresses the economic and social imbalances prevailing in Malaysian society. Malaysia's political leadership has been able to leapfrog and jump over all ethnic problems at all levels (political, economic, and development), at a time when most of the world is unable to contain ethnic differences that threaten internal divisions and ethnic rivalries that sometimes reach To civil wars, and the Malaysians managed to develop their model, which managed the difference with great skill, and benefited from diversity as a state of enrichment and enrichment, not a state of conflict and conflict. Their system was not necessarily ideal but it was successful enough to spare the country political crises, religious and ethnic conflicts, and achieve high development and economic ratios. This model represents the case of impact handling with complexities and variables, without delinquency.
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Pepper, Mollie. "Ethnic Minority Women, Diversity, and Informal Participation in Peacebuilding in Myanmar." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 2 (August 2018): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1472030.
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Myanmar is in the midst of a complex peace process following nearly 70 years of civil conflict that has left the country severely underdeveloped. Despite the presence of influential women's organisations that attend to everyday needs as well as larger political projects, women are not well represented in the peace process. This article uses qualitative data to examine the influence that women do have on the peace process, albeit informally. Findings show that although women are not making it into peace negotiations in Myanmar, nevertheless they are key players in peacebuilding because of their civil society activism, organised through ethnic women's organisations, which places them around the table, if not at the table. The paper concludes that women's activism does have an effect on peacebuilding and that a shift in perspective is required to recognise their contributions.
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Shariff, Abusaleh. "District Development and Diversity Index: A Methodology That Promotes Evaluation and Assessment of Development and Welfare Programmes in India." Journal of Development Policy and Practice 2, no. 1 (January 2017): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455133316676415.
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A common concern in the inclusive development discourses across India has been the lack of civil society and community level activities in the spheres of governance and participation in public spaces amongst the deprived and excluded communities. To address this issue, the author has first computed the ‘district development index’ for all districts of India, as well as ‘diversity’ (of the components of development) indices according to socio-religious community (SRC) groups, especially created from the raw data drawn from Government of India sources. Using these indices, a methodology is developed that supports a ȁresearch-cum-action’ programme that enables better implementation of a number of components of the government’s poverty alleviation initiatives and allows their monitoring and evaluation. The budgetary allocation flows down from the national level to the states and then to the districts; and the districts are the grassroots level budgetary depositories. Through them, funds are carried forward to urban municipalities, village panchayats and to the doorsteps of the communities living in them. Policy engagements of trained civil society and community groups have high potential to be heard, so as to address the issues of social, economic and educational entitlements. This article reports experiences from recent field visits and interactions with selected civil society and community organisations from the states of Rajasthan, Haryana, Assam, West Bengal and Karnataka.
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Nakanishi, Don T. "Transforming Asian Pacific America: The Challenges of Growth and Diversity." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3, no. 2-3 (June 1994): 497–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689400300212.
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The concept of Asian Pacific panethnicity is examined in the light of the growing numbers and diversity of the population in the 1990s. The term “Asian American” originated in the civil rights period of the 1960s to help unify Asian groups in the common struggle against negative stereotypes and discrimination. Revised immigration laws, new immigrant groups and continued hostility have brought new challenges, and it is argued that Asian Pacific Americans as a group can provide important leadership for the U.S.‘s transformation to a more truly multicultural society.
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Nursikin, Mukh, and Muhammad Aji Nugroho. "The Strategy of Madrasah in Developing Civil Society at State Islamic Senior High School III Yogyakarta." Al-Ta lim Journal 27, no. 3 (December 29, 2020): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/jt.v27i3.644.
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The growth of advanced society gave birth to independent community groups. Therefore, social change needs to be anticipated so that people are not dictated by change and are able to act affirmatively. Madrasah as an Islamic educational institution is very important for Indonesia's future to contribute in building civil society. The purpose of this study is to comprehensively assimilate the madrasah strategy as an Islamic educational institution in building civil society. This is a qualitative research with a qualitative-naturalistic approach by collecting data from literature research as well as field research, the data obtained are then followed by stages, namely description, data reduction, data selection, data analysis, discussion, and conclusions. The results of the study showed the strategies of madrasah as Islamic Education institutions to build civil society, namely (1) Madrasah lays the most rational basis for taking internal and external steps by instilling moral law, unity in diversity, community-based social system, with the aim of improving the positive image of madrasah in the community. (2) The systemic role of madrasah realizes civil society with some program: first, organizing a school’s community service program (SKN) in the established target villages with the aim of appreciating the knowledge taught in madrasah to the community. second, the development of religious social skills, students will acquire life skills by carrying out various activities that have the spirit of Islam in the community: educating students to play an active role in society, introducing madrasah to the outside world in order to build a society that is democratic, religious, tolerance, independent and tough to face internal and global challenges towards civil society.
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Arneil, Barbara. "Social Decline and Diversity: The Us versus the Us's." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 2 (May 28, 2010): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000053.
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Abstract. In the last 20 years, the idea that the social realm is under threat of decline or collapse has been a central theme in academic literature and political analysis. In this short paper I explore the meaning of social decline and its relationship to multiculturalism and diversity. Using the twin notions of participation and trust as two key measures of social decline, I argue that participation has not so much declined over the last 40 years (as Robert Putnam, for example, has argued) as it has changed because of what I call the politics of the us's—groups historically oppressed (including women, ethnic and racialized minorities and gay, lesbian and disabled citizens) who have created new kinds of advocacy organizations in order to change the norms of civil society itself. I also argue that such changes (while often perceived as negative in relation to a transcendent “us”) are positive to the extent that they have made society more inclusive, respectful of diversity and just. Trust, on the other hand, has declined but, I argue, this is also due to the politics of diversity as the us's fought for change and other groups responded by defending traditional norms and values, often in the name of a transcendental us, creating a vicious circle of distrust as each side feels betrayed by the other's victories. Thus, I conclude, to understand social decline, in terms of participation and trust, we must pay attention not only to the us but also to the us's in civil society. The tendency, therefore, to champion a transcendent us in order to reverse social decline, as many scholars and politicians seem prone to do in recent years, not only ignores the us's but may foreclose on their hope for a future free from discrimination and hate.Résumé. Au cours des vingt dernières années, l'idée que le champ social est menacé de déclin ou d'effondrement a été un thème central dans la littérature académique et l'analyse politique. Dans ce court article, j'explore la signification du déclin social et sa relation avec le multiculturalisme et la diversité. En utilisant les notions liées de participation et de confiance en tant que deux mesures principales du déclin social, j'avance que la participation n'a pas tellement diminué au cours des quarante dernières années (comme le soutient Robert Putnam, par exemple), mais qu'elle a plutôt changé en raison de ce que j'appelle la politique des nous – soit des groupes longtemps opprimés (comprenant les femmes, les minorités ethniques et racialisées, ainsi que les gais, les lesbiennes et les personnes handicapées) qui ont créé de nouveaux types d'organismes représentatifs afin de changer les normes de la société civile. Je soutiens également que de tels changements (souvent perçus négativement par rapport à un «nous» transcendant) sont positifs dans la mesure où ils ont permis à la société de devenir plus inclusive, plus respectueuse de la diversité et plus juste. D'autre part, la confiance a effectivement diminué, mais je soutiens que c'est également en raison de la politique de la diversité, car les nous ont lutté pour faire changer les choses et d'autres groupes ont réagi en défendant les normes et les valeurs traditionnelles, souvent au nom d'un «nous» transcendant – créant ainsi un cercle vicieux de méfiance où chaque côté se sent trahi par les victoires de l'autre. Je conclus donc que pour comprendre le déclin social, en termes de participation et de confiance, nous devons porter attention non seulement au «nous», mais également aux nous dans la société civile. Par conséquent, la tendance à prôner un «nous» transcendant afin de renverser le déclin social, comme le font plusieurs chercheurs et politiciens ces dernières années, en plus d'ignorer les nous, peut aussi éteindre leur espoir d'un avenir libre de discrimination et de haine.
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Golovatsky, Eugene, and Natalia Nyatina. "Resources for Civic Initiatives in the Cities of Kuzbass." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2019, no. 3 (December 16, 2019): 300–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2019-4-3-300-309.
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The development of civic initiatives is a significant indicator of the social and political life of the community. A study of urban space initiatives can reveal both the state of civil society and the resource capabilities of the area. The research objective was to find tools for sociological analysis of resources of civil initiatives. The paper features some possibilities of social and political interaction between urban communities and the regional authorities. The civil initiatives within the urban communities of Kuzbass appeared to be poorly formed, especially in terms of quality content, self-expression, the nature of the initiatives, and the scale of resource capacity of the local population. The authors believe that the modern practice of using and attracting resources of civil initiatives is at its early stage in the cities of Kuzbass. Some formats of interaction between the authorities and the community are gradually emerging, but the local communities seem to mistrust the local authorities, which makes the interaction irregular and sporadic. The processes of interaction between the urban communities and the authorities demonstrate cases of joint and autonomous (as a rule, initiated by the community) use of publicity opportunities for the implementation of formal and informal civil initiatives. However, formal civic initiatives fail to convey all the diversity of the social demands that could improve urban life.
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Prina, Federica. "Constructing Ethnic Diversity as a Security Threat: What it Means to Russia’s Minorities." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 28, no. 1 (November 26, 2021): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10002.
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This article analyses the Russian government’s securitisation of inter-ethnic relations, and national minorities’ responses to such processes. While Russia’s securitising dynamics have been linked to threats associated with ethnic groups (perceived as) culturally distant from the Russian majority (such as non-Slavic and Muslim minorities), this article argues that securitisation can affect all of Russia’s national minorities (including Slavic and well-integrated communities). Through the analysis of the securitisation of three, partly converging, spheres of domestic politics (civil society, migration, and minority issues) the article highlights forms of (in)security impacting upon national minorities with reference to their experience of securitisation and format of their civic engagement. The article contributes to research exploring the relationship between security and minority studies, through a bottom-up perspective focusing on national minorities’ experience of securitisation. It employs empirical data based on semi-structured interviews with minority representatives held in 2015–2016 in six locations in the Russian Federation.
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van der Pol, Frank. "Religious Diversity and Everyday Ethics in the Seventeenth-Century Dutch City Kampen." Church History 71, no. 1 (March 2002): 16–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700095147.
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In the century when heretics in the Netherlands were persecuted, the Dutch Revolt occurred, and events took place that ultimately led to the National Synod of Dordrecht (1618–19), religion and society were clearly interwoven. Research on this period is characterized by an interdisciplinary approach, such as the one used, to remarkable effect, in the recent studies on the cities of the Reformation (Städteforschung). In the Netherlands, the study of the Reformation in urban settings has also become an important field, one in which both church and “secular” historians have made valuable contributions. Historical work on the period after the Synod of Dordrecht displays, however, far less interest in the relationship between religion and society. Despite this shift in historical focus, religion remained a formative factor in the public life of the Dutch Republic long after 1620. The established church retained its central position in society and continued to influence the design and the development of Dutch culture. The religious community regarded its norms as the basis of civil society. The church wanted to create a social practice in which religion played an influential role in urban life and in the ethics of everyday living.
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Ivanova, Polina. "Mission Statements of Japanese Civil Society Organizations Supporting International Students in the Kansai Area." Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 13, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v13i2.1890.
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This study is applying critical discourse analysis (CDA) to mission statements of civil society organizations (CSOs) in the Kansai area of Japan to examine how those texts may be reflecting their views on migration and impacting their practices related to international students. The analysis shows similarities across CSO types in choosing organizational names, using vague and bureaucratic vocabulary for formulating their mission statements, as well as confusing and contradictory style of some statements and event announcements that may be misleading or discouraging for potential members. At the same time, diversity of vocabulary referring to their target audience demonstrates shifting perspectives of CSOs on international students and more generally, on foreigners living in Japan.
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Intan, Benyamin. "Religious Violence and the Ministry of Religion: ‘Public Religion’ in the Pancasila-based State of Indonesia." International Journal of Public Theology 13, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341573.
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AbstractReligious violence in Indonesia has its origins mainly in factors that are external to religion. One factor in particular is the striving for political power initiated by the Ministry of Religion wherein religion and the state seek to subordinate the other. Within the Pancasila-based state religions have been enabled to live together in peace and harmony; opportunities have been created in which each religion can play an active role in the public sphere. This principle allows all religions and beliefs to function in public life. In a society like Indonesia a civil society—and how a particular religion functions—must begin with the reality of religious diversity. On this foundation a ‘public religion’ in the service of a civil society has the potential to be a transforming and liberating power necessary for democratic socio-political life.
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Louafi, Sélim, Mathieu Thomas, Elsa T. Berthet, Flora Pélissier, Killian Vaing, Frédérique Jankowski, Didier Bazile, Jean-Louis Pham, and Morgane Leclercq. "Crop Diversity Management System Commons: Revisiting the Role of Genebanks in the Network of Crop Diversity Actors." Agronomy 11, no. 9 (September 21, 2021): 1893. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agronomy11091893.
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This paper rethinks the governance of genebanks in a social and political context that has significantly evolved since their establishment. The theoretical basis for the paper is the commons conceptual framework in relation to both seed and plant genetic resources. This framework is applied to question the current policy ecosystem of genetic research and breeding and explore different collective governance models. The concept of crop diversity management system (CDMS) commons is proposed as the new foundation for a more holistic and inclusive framework for crop diversity management, that covers a broad range of concerns and requires different actors. The paper presents a multi-stakeholder process established within the context of the two recent projects CoEx and Dynaversity, imagining possible collective arrangements to overcome existing deadlocks, foster collective learning, and design collaborative relationships among genebanks, researchers, and farmers’ civil society organizations involved in crop diversity management.
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Tartasiuk, Volodymyr. "Diversity of legal systems in a totalitarian and democratic society." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 71–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.3.2020.11.
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The article presents an analysis of the diversity of democratic and totalitarian systems, proposes the following legal criteria fordelineation: different interpretation and realization of human rights, the presence of negative freedom, revisionist attitude to the institutionof citizenship, the predominance of criminal law over civil and administrative, as well as the low functional specification of thejustice system in totalitarian states.The diversity of legal systems in totalitarian and democratic societies is manifested through the fundamental difference betweenthese types of regimes.While, in general terms, democracy is a form of political organization of society based on the recognition of ci -tizens as the main source of power with the ability to influence political decision-making, at least through participation in periodic elections,the fate of the scientific concept of totalitarianism in the humanities is shorter.It is important to draw a certain distinction not only between democracy and totalitarianism, but also to emphasize the latter’snon-identity to authoritarian rule. In authoritarianism, there is also a usurpation of power, which may have the character of sole tyranny,the fusion and control of its branches, the restriction of human rights and the like. Despotism and tyranny provide for equal conditionsfor subjects, but for totalitarian rule such equalization was not sufficient since it did not affect non-political public relations betweensubjects. At the same time, totalitarian regimes lead to the destruction of such ties, atomizing society and leveling any formal or informalassociations other than those authorized and merged with the total state.Totalitarianism and democracy are systems based on values and ideologies (at least at the time of their formation and legitimization)and also require individual activity from members of society to support the political system for the sake of their sustainable existence.For political regimes, the nature of the relationship of law to State can be described as a partial – authoritarian regime, or a continuous– democratic regime, one of the conditions of which is the rule of law over the State and the determination of the orientationof the State and its methods of implementation by law. Under a totalitarian regime, law becomes only an instrument of the State toimpose its will on society and man.
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Beasy, Kim, and Fred Gale. "Disrupting the Status-Quo of Organisational Board Composition to Improve Sustainability Outcomes: Reviewing the Evidence." Sustainability 12, no. 4 (February 18, 2020): 1505. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12041505.
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Sustainability, conceptualised as the integration of economic, social and environmental values, is the 21st century imperative that demands that governments, business and civil society actors improve their existing performance, yet improvement has been highly fragmented and unacceptably slow. One explanation for this is the lack of diversity on the boards of organisations that perpetuates a narrow business, economic and legal mindset rather than the broader integrated values approach that sustainability requires. This paper presents a systematic review of the literature investigating how board diversity affects the sustainability performance of organisations. Our review uncovers evidence of relationships between various attributes of the diversity of board members and sustainability performance, though over-reliance on quantitative methodologies of studies reviewed means explanations for the observed associations are largely absent. Limited measures of sustainability performance and narrow definitions of diversity, focused predominantly on gender, were also found. Important implications from the study include the need for policy responses that ensure boards are diversely composed. We identify that more qualitative investigations into the influence of a broader range of types of board diversity on sustainability performance is needed, along with studies that focus on public sector boards, and research that takes an intersectional understanding of diversity.
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Creighton, Millie. "Civil Society Volunteers Supporting Japan’s Constitution, Article 9 and Associated Peace, Diversity, and Post-3.11 Environmental Issues." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 26, no. 1 (October 15, 2014): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-014-9479-5.
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Hampson, Fen Osler, and Holly Reid. "Coalition Diversity and Normative Legitimacy in Human Security Negotiations." International Negotiation 8, no. 1 (2003): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234003769590659.
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AbstractThis article explores coalition dynamics in the negotiations leading up to the international Anti-personnel Landmines Convention and the Rome Treaty for an International Criminal Court. It discusses how "core" coalitions in the two cases formed and how these coalitions acquired international support and legitimacy. It suggests that multilateral negotiation processes on human security issues reflect a new kind of dynamics in multilateral negotiation processes where successful international coalitions draw strength and legitimacy through numbers and the mobilization of "boundary role" players in civil society and non-governmental organizations. The article also suggests that didactic leadership has a critical role to play in assembling these coalitions and generating the requisite levels of international attention and support to carry human security initiatives forward.
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Pirker, Jürgen. "One Step Forward, Two Steps Back? Reflections on the Recent Attempts to Reform the Austrian National Minorities Act of 1976." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_014.
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From 2009 to 2012, the Austrian federal government conducted a political process to modernize the national legal framework for minority protection to support national minorities and further promote the linguistic and cultural diversity of Austria. A final draft for an amendment to the National Minorities Act of 1976 suggested reforming its legal terms with regard to a “modern and pluralistic society” and reconfiguring the National Minority Advisory Councils to the federal government (Volksgruppenbeiräte) following a “civil society-model” (zivilgesellschaftliches Modell). This article focuses on the implications and consequences of this intention.
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Hintz, Arne, and Stefania Milana. "Azione collettiva e governance della comunicazione globale: la sfida della partecipazione nei processi decisionali transnazionali." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 2 (March 2009): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2009-002005.
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- New modes of governance increasingly go beyond the traditional intergovernmental approach to include business actors and sections of civil society. Multi-stakeholder processes claim to involve all relevant parties in decisionmaking. However, a closer look reveals that opportunities of participation are often limited to large professionalised NGOs, while grassroots movements are missing. This paper seeks to identify the challenges and obstacles for these actors to get further involved, but also the opportunities that have emerged in recent policy processes. It will suggest changes in governance systems to open up for wider participation. The paper looks at two multistakeholder processes: the UN World Summit on the Information Society (Wsis) and the Council of Europe 7th Ministerial Conference on Mass Media Policy. Both processes provide interesting case studies as they attracted a diversity of civil society actors, leading to different layers of intervention. We look specifically at activist media projects and community radio stations that usually do not focus on policy, do not have the financial and structural background of a larger organisation, and that chose to intervene in those processes outside the remit of larger advocacy organisations and coalitions. Drawing from the two cases, we identify internal challenges (which aspects of activist networks hinder their influence and how can these be tackled?), relations with other civil society actors (how can different tactics and strategies complement each other?) and structural changes in governance systems, in order to enable activist and grassroots networks to participate. Keywords: global governance; media policies; civil society; activists networks; participation.