Academic literature on the topic 'Disturbo Uso Sost'

Soft soil has more water and air content than solid soil particles, so it has a large settlement and soil consolidation lasts longer. Soil improvement will be able to minimize the settlement and consolidation process by adding preloading PVD combination. The effect of PVD installation and preloading is analyzed using Finite element analysis. An equivalence between plane strain and axisymmetric is made to obtain a 2D finite element analysis that is closer to field conditions. The equivalent equation between axisymmetric to plane strain has been proposed by the Indraratna Method. This study aims to determine the stress-strain behavior, pore water pressure, and stability in the use of PVD as well as the effects of smear zone. The result of the analysis is the greater the permeability value of the disturbed smear zone, the smaller the degree of total consolidation that occurs. The degree of total consolidation is proportional to the magnitude of the settlement that occurs over a certain period of time. Therefore, if the settlement is greater, the value of the degree of total consolidation will follow.

Abstract. Soft-sediment deformation structures can provide valuable information about the conditions of parent flows, the sediment state and the surrounding environment. Here, examples of soft-sediment deformation in deposits of dilute pyroclastic density currents are documented and possible syn-eruptive triggers suggested. Outcrops from six different volcanoes have been compiled in order to provide a broad perspective on the variety of structures: Soufrière Hills (Montserrat), Tungurahua (Ecuador), Ubehebe craters (USA), Laacher See (Germany), and Tower Hill and Purrumbete lakes (both Australia). The variety of features can be classified in four groups: (1) tubular features such as pipes; (2) isolated, laterally oriented deformation such as overturned or oversteepened laminations and vortex-shaped laminae; (3) folds-and-faults structures involving thick (>30 cm) units; (4) dominantly vertical inter-penetration of two layers such as potatoids, dishes, or diapiric flame-like structures. The occurrence of degassing pipes together with basal intrusions suggest fluidization during flow stages, and can facilitate the development of other soft-sediment deformation structures. Variations from injection dikes to suction-driven, local uplifts at the base of outcrops indicate the role of dynamic pore pressure. Isolated, centimeter-scale, overturned beds with vortex forms have been interpreted to be the signature of shear instabilities occurring at the boundary of two granular media. They may represent the frozen record of granular, pseudo Kelvin–Helmholtz instabilities. Their recognition can be a diagnostic for flows with a granular basal boundary layer. Vertical inter-penetration and those folds-and-faults features related to slumps are driven by their excess weight and occur after deposition but penecontemporaneous to the eruption. The passage of shock waves emanating from the vent may also produce trains of isolated, fine-grained overturned beds that disturb the surface bedding without occurrence of a sedimentation phase in the vicinity of explosion centers. Finally, ballistic impacts can trigger unconventional sags producing local displacement or liquefaction. Based on the deformation depth, these can yield precise insights into depositional unit boundaries. Such impact structures may also be at the origin of some of the steep truncation planes visible at the base of the so-called "chute and pool" structures. Dilute pyroclastic density currents occur contemporaneously with seismogenic volcanic explosions. They can experience extremely high sedimentation rates and may flow at the border between traction, granular and fluid-escape boundary zones. They are often deposited on steep slopes and can incorporate large amounts of water and gas in the sediment. These are just some of the many possible triggers acting in a single environment, and they reveal the potential for insights into the eruptive and flow mechanisms of dilute pyroclastic density currents.

The technical and scientific advancements in the current industrial age have revolutionized our lives and provided us with plenty of comforts and conveniences. However, this industrial progress has come at a hefty cost of global warming and environmental disasters. The increasing carbon footprints and greenhouse gas emissions have severely disturbed the natural cycle of rains and floods. Hence, now we are facing the dangers of unwarned floods more than ever before. Flooding is typically brought on by an increased quantity of water during a water system, sort of a lake, river overflowing. On occasion a dam fractures, abruptly releasing a huge quantity of water. The outcome is that a number of the water travels into soil, and ‘flooding’ the region. In order to detect and reduce damages caused by floods in a timely manner, technology plays a crucial role. With the help of technology, we can reduce natural disasters caused by floods. In this system we make use of a Arduino Uno interfaced with 4 different sensors, named as Ultrasonic sensor for measuring water levels, float sensor detect full water, Flow sensor for knowing speed of water and humidity sensor. These combinations of sensor are used to predict flood and alert respective authorities with help of IOT and sound instant alarm in nearby villages to instantly transmit information about possible floods. These sensors provide information over the IOT using Wi-Fi module. On detection of conditions of flooding the system predicts the quantity of your time it migh take to arrive a specific area and alerts the villages/areas that would be affected by it.

Abstract. Soft-sediment deformation produces intriguing sedimentary structures and can occur in diverse environments and from a variety of triggers. From the observation of such structures and their interpretation in terms of trigger mechanisms, valuable information can be extracted about former conditions. Here we document examples of syn-eruptive deformation in dilute pyroclastic density current deposits. Outcrops from 6 different volcanoes have been compiled in order to provide a broad perspective on the variety of structures: Ubehebe craters (USA), Tungurahua (Ecuador), Soufrière Hills (Montserrat), Laacher See (Germany), Tower Hill and Purrumbete lake (both Australia). Isolated slumps as well as sinking pseudonodules are driven by their excess weight and occur after deposition but penecontemporaneous to the eruption. Isolated, cm-scale, overturned beds with vortex forms have been interpreted to be the signature of shear instabilities occurring at the boundary of two granular media. They may represent the frozen record of granular, pseudo Kelvin–Helmholtz instabilities. Their recognition can be a diagnostic for flows with a granular basal boundary layer. The occurrence of degassing pipes together with basal intrusive dikes suggest fluidization during flow stages, and can facilitate the development of Kelvin–Helmholtz structures. The occurrence at the base of flow units of injection dikes in some outcrops compared with suction-driven local uplifts in others indicates the role of dynamic pore pressure. Variations of the latter are possibly related to local changes between depletive and accumulative dynamics of flows. Ballistic impacts can trigger unconventional sags producing local displacement or liquefaction. Based on the deformation depth, these can yield precise insights into depositional unit boundaries. Such impact structures may also be at the origin of some of the steep truncation planes visible at the base of the so-called "chute and pool" structures. Finally, the passage of shock waves emanating from the vent may be preserved in the form of trains of isolated, fine-grained overturned beds which may disturb the surface bedding without occurrence of a sedimentation phase in the vicinity of a vent. Dilute pyroclastic density currents occur contemporaneously with seismogenic volcanic explosions. They are often deposited on steep slopes and can incorporate large amounts of water and gas in the sediment. They can experience extremely high sedimentation rates and may flow at the border between traction, granular and fluid-escape boundary zones. These are just some of the many possible triggers acting in a single environment, and reveal the potential for insights into the eruptive mechanisms of dilute pyroclastic density currents.

endangered sounds is a project that focuses on the exploration of sound marks (trade-marked sounds). the initial stage of this project was funded by arts victoria, and comprised legal searches that resulted in the listings of sound marks registered in australasia and the united states of america. this list was published on the internet with a call for volunteers to collect samples of the listed sounds internationally. the volunteer was sent a specimen tube with label and cap, and asked to collect the sound by placing the specimen tube close to the source (thereby capturing the air through which the sound travelled), securing the cap and then completing the label, documenting the time, place and nature of the sound (sound mark reg. no., sound mark description, time of capture, date of capture, location, etc.). these specimen tubes were collected and displayed in chemistry racks in the exhibition in the biennale of electronic arts, perth in 2004, illustrating the frequency and diversity of the environment into which these ‘private’, protected sounds have been released. the exhibition project consisted of:(1) a web portal listing all the sound marks listed in australasia and the usa, and negotiations are underway to expand that to include the eu.(2) a collection of sound marks in specimen tubes with caps and labels gathered internationally by people who volunteered to collect samples of sound marks in their environment.(3) a number of glass vacuum desiccator vessels containing a small loudspeaker and sound reproduction chip suspended in a vacuum, reproducing sound marks in the vacuum, notionally breaking the law, but as sound does not travel in a vacuum the gallery visitor hears no sound – what then is the jurisdiction of the sound mark?(4) a card index register of lost and deceased sounds.this project questions the legitimacy of privatising and protecting sounds that are released at random in public spaces. if i own a multi-million dollar penthouse in a city, and work night shifts, i have no recourse against the loud harley davidson or australian football league (afl) siren that wakes me from my precious sleep – both sounds are privately protected, making their recording, reproduction and broadcast illegal.while there are legal mechanisms for protection against repeat offenders, and many of us are committed to a culturally conditioned moral obligation re sound dispersion, there are no legal limits – i can call the police, but the football siren is already within legal standards and still permeates the private domain of city dwellings. the noise abatement legislation is only applicable to regular breaches of the law, and takes some time to sort out, but it does not apply to singular occurrences which, although within legislated limits, still disturb. additionally, the laws are based on amplitude and do not really address the issue of propagation. the ownership of the sound is not addressed in these legislative mechanisms – it should be; if the sound is an emblem of corporate identity, we should be able to choose not to be exposed to it, in the same way that we can place a ‘no junk mail’ sign on our letter boxes. acknowledgement of the private domain is sacrosanct in other areas of legislation, in fact heavily policed, but not addressed in discussions of the acoustic environment beyond amplitude limitations.

This study aimed to explore relationship between problematic internet use (PIU), healthy lifestyle behaviors and subjective health complaints.Methods: Participants (396 adolescents, aged 11–18 years) from 34 general education schools across Latvia completed online survey. The PIU was assessed by the Problematic and Risky Internet Use Screening Scale (PRIUSS) collecting data on social impairment, emotional impairment, and risky/impulsive internet use. The subjective health complaints assessed were somatic and psychological symptoms. Healthy lifestyle behaviors assessed were daily physical activities, time spent in using information technologies (IT), eating habits, and duration of sleep.Results: This study found that 31.00% (n = 124) of the participants scored at risk for PIU. Correlates associated with PIU were subjective health complaints, low physical activity, lack of meals together with family and disturbed sleeping regimes on weekends (P < 0.001). Stepwise multiple regression analyses showed that 34% of the variance in the PRIUSS scores was explained by psychological health complaints (irritability, depression, and nervousness), screen time use on weekends, physical activity, drinking sweetened soft drinks and unhealthy eating habits.Conclusion: PIU behaviors among adolescents in Latvia are associated with psychological symptoms and unhealthy lifestyle. Further effective measures and interventions are needed to prevent development of psychosomatic health problems.

Klippel-Trenaunay-Weber syndrome (KTWS) is a congenital malformation syndrome involving blood and lymph vessels and disturbed bone and soft tissue growth. Complications of KTWS include deep-vein thrombosis, pulmonary embolism, gastrointestinal bleeding, and vascular (usually lymphatic) blebs within capillary malformations. We present a case of a young male patient with KTWS who presented with superficial venous thrombosis and microangiopathic hemolytic anemia in a presentation similar to disseminated intravascular coagulation. He was ultimately maintained on prophylactic rivaroxaban to prevent recurrent thrombotic events. We performed a literature search to identify similar cases and to summarize common presenting features and treatment modalities that were offered. Résumé Le syndrome de Klippel-Trenaunay-Weber (KTWS) est un syndrome de malformation congénitale impliquant le sang et les vaisseaux lymphatiques et les os perturbés et la croissance des tissus mous. Les complications de la KTWS comprennent la thrombose veineuse profonde, l'embolie pulmonaire, les saignements gastro-intestinaux et les bulles vasculaires (habituellement lymphatiques) dans les malformations capillaires. Nous présentons un cas d'un jeune patient mâle avec KTWS qui a présenté une thrombose veineuse superficielle et une anémie hémolytique microangiopathique dans une présentation semblable à la coagulation intravasculaire disséminée. Il a finalement été maintenu sur des rivaroxaban prophylactiques pour prévenir les épisodes récurrents de purpura. Nous avons effectué une recherche documentaire pour identifier des cas similaires et pour résumer les caractéristiques communes de présentation et les modalités de traitement qui ont été offerts.

Dégueulasse is French slang for “disgusting,” derived in 1867 from the French verb dégueuler, to vomit. Despite its vulgar status, it is frequently used by almost every French speaker, including foreigners and students. It is also a term that has often been employed to describe the 1973 cult film, La Grande bouffe [Blow Out], by Marco Ferreri, which recounts in grotesque detail the gastronomic suicide of four male protagonists. This R-rated French-Italian production was booed, and the director spat on, at the 26th Cannes Film Festival—the Jury President, Ingrid Bergman, said it was the most “sordid” film she’d ever seen, and is even reported to have vomited after watching it (Télérama). Ferreri nevertheless walked away with the Prix FIPRESCI, awarded by the Federation of International Critics, and it is apparently the largest grossing release in the history of Paris with more than 700,000 entries in Paris and almost 3 million in France overall. Scandal sells, and this was especially seemingly so 1970s, when this film was avidly consumed as part of an unholy trinity alongside Bernardo Bertolucci’s Le Dernier Tango à Paris [Last Tango in Paris] (1972) and Jean Eustache’s La Maman et la putain [The Mother and the Whore] (1973). Fast forward forty years, though, and at the very moment when La Grande bouffe was being commemorated with a special screening on the 2013 Cannes Film Festival programme, a handful of University of Melbourne French students in a subject called “Matters of Taste” were boycotting the film as an unacceptable assault to their sensibilities. Over the decade that I have been showing the film to undergraduate students, this has never happened before. In this article, I want to examine critically the questions of taste that underpin this particular predicament. Analysing firstly the intradiegetic portrayal of taste in the film, through both gustatory and aesthetic signifiers, then the choice of the film as a key element in a University subject corpus, I will finally question the (dis)taste displayed by certain students, contextualising it as part of an ongoing socio-cultural commentary on food, sex, life, and death. Framed by a brief foray into Bourdieusian theories of taste, I will attempt to draw some conclusions on the continual renegotiation of gustatory and aesthetic tastes in relation to La Grande bouffe, and thereby deepen understanding of why it has become the incarnation of dégueulasse today. Theories of Taste In the 1970s, the parameters of “good” and “bad” taste imploded in the West, following political challenges to the power of the bourgeoisie that also undermined their status as the contemporary arbiters of taste. This revolution of manners was particularly shattering in France, fuelled by the initial success of the May 68 student, worker, and women’s rights movements (Ross). The democratization of taste served to legitimize desires different from those previously dictated by bourgeois norms, enabling greater diversity in representing taste across a broad spectrum. It was reflected in the cultural products of the 1970s, including cinema, which had already broken with tradition during the New Wave in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and became a vector for political ideologies as well as radical aesthetic choices (Smith). Commonly regarded as “the decade that taste forgot,” the 1970s were also a time for re-assessing the sociology of taste, with the magisterial publication of Pierre Bourdieu’s Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (1979, English trans. 1984). As Bourdieu refuted Kant’s differentiation between the legitimate aesthetic, so defined by its “disinterestedness,” and the common aesthetic, derived from sensory pleasures and ordinary meanings, he also attempted to abolish the opposition between the “taste of reflection” (pure pleasure) and the “taste of sense” (facile pleasure) (Bourdieu 7). In so doing, he laid the foundations of a new paradigm for understanding the apparently incommensurable choices that are not the innate expression of our unique personalities, but rather the product of our class, education, family experiences—our habitus. Where Bourdieu’s theories align most closely with the relationship between taste and revulsion is in the realm of aesthetic disposition and its desire to differentiate: “good” taste is almost always predicated on the distaste of the tastes of others. Tastes (i.e. manifested preferences) are the practical affirmation of an inevitable difference. It is no accident that, when they have to be justified, they are asserted purely negatively, by the refusal of other tastes. In matters of taste, more than anywhere else, all determination is negation; and tastes are perhaps first and foremost distastes, disgust provoked by horror or visceral intolerance (“sick-making”) of the tastes of others. “De gustibus non est disputandum”: not because “tous les goûts sont dans la nature,” but because each taste feels itself to be natural—and so it almost is, being a habitus—which amounts to rejecting others as unnatural and therefore vicious. Aesthetic intolerance can be terribly violent. Aversion to different life-styles is perhaps one of the strongest barriers between the classes (Bourdieu). Although today’s “Gen Y” Melbourne University students are a long way from 1970s French working class/bourgeois culture clashes, these observations on taste as the corollary of distaste are still salient tools of interpretation of their attitudes towards La Grande bouffe. And, just as Bourdieu effectively deconstructed Kant’s Critique of Aesthetic Judgement and the 18th “century of taste” notions of universality and morality in aesthetics (Dickie, Gadamer, Allison) in his groundbreaking study of distinction, his own theories have in turn been subject to revision in an age of omnivorous consumption and eclectic globalisation, with various cultural practices further destabilising the hierarchies that formerly monopolized legitimate taste (Sciences Humaines, etc). Bourdieu’s theories are still, however, useful for analysing La Grande bouffe given the contemporaneous production of these texts, as they provide a frame for understanding (dis)taste both within the filmic narrative and in the wider context of its reception. Taste and Distaste in La Grande bouffe To go to the cinema is like to eat or shit, it’s a physiological act, it’s urban guerrilla […] Enough with feelings, I want to make a physiological film (Celluloid Liberation Front). Marco Ferreri’s statements about his motivations for La Grande bouffe coincide here with Bourdieu’s explanation of taste: clearly the director wished to depart from psychological cinema favoured by contemporary critics and audiences and demonstrated his distaste for their preference. There were, however, psychological impulses underpinning his subject matter, as according to film academic Maurizio Viano, Ferrari had a self-destructive, compulsive relation to food, having been forced to spend a few weeks in a Swiss clinic specialising in eating disorders in 1972–1973 (Viano). Food issues abound in his biography. In an interview with Tullio Masoni, the director declared: “I was fat as a child”; his composer Phillipe Sarde recalls the grand Italian-style dinners that he would organise in Paris during the film; and, two of the film’s stars, Marcello Mastroianni and Ugo Tognazzi, actually credit the conception of La Grande bouffe to a Rabelaisian feast prepared by Tognazzi, during which Ferreri exclaimed “hey guys, we are killing ourselves!” (Viano 197–8). Evidently, there were psychological factors behind this film, but it was nevertheless the physiological aspects that Ferreri chose to foreground in his creation. The resulting film does indeed privilege the physiological, as the protagonists fornicate, fart, vomit, defecate, and—of course—eat, to wild excess. The opening scenes do not betray such sordid sequences; the four bourgeois men are introduced one by one so as to establish their class credentials as well as display their different tastes. We first encounter Ugo (Tognazzi), an Italian chef of humble peasant origins, as he leaves his elegant restaurant “Le Biscuit à soupe” and his bourgeois French wife, to take his knives and recipes away with him for the weekend. Then Michel (Piccoli), a TV host who has pre-taped his shows, gives his apartment keys to his 1970s-styled baba-cool daughter as he bids her farewell, and packs up his cleaning products and rubber gloves to take with him. Marcello (Mastroianni) emerges from a cockpit in his aviator sunglasses and smart pilot’s uniform, ordering his sexy airhostesses to carry his cheese and wine for him as he takes a last longing look around his plane. Finally, the judge and owner of the property where the action will unfold, Philippe (Noiret), is awoken by an elderly woman, Nicole, who feeds him tea and brioche, pestering him for details of his whereabouts for the weekend, until he demonstrates his free will and authority, joking about his serious life, and lying to her about attending a legal conference in London. Having given over power of attorney to Nicole, he hints at the finality of his departure, but is trying to wrest back his independence as his nanny exhorts him not to go off with whores. She would rather continue to “sacrifice herself for him” and “keep it in the family,” as she discreetly pleasures him in this scene. Scholars have identified each protagonist as an ideological signifier. For some, they represent power—Philippe is justice—and three products of that ideology: Michel is spectacle, Ugo is food, and Marcello is adventure (Celluloid Liberation Front). For others, these characters are the perfect incarnations of the first four Freudian stages of sexual development: Philippe is Oedipal, Michel is indifferent, Ugo is oral, and Marcello is impotent (Tury & Peter); or even the four temperaments of Hippocratic humouralism: Philippe the phlegmatic, Michel the melancholic, Ugo the sanguine, and Marcello the choleric (Calvesi, Viano). I would like to offer another dimension to these categories, positing that it is each protagonist’s taste that prescribes his participation in this gastronomic suicide as well as the means by which he eventually dies. Before I develop this hypothesis, I will first describe the main thrust of the narrative. The four men arrive at the villa at 68 rue Boileau where they intend to end their days (although this is not yet revealed). All is prepared for the most sophisticated and decadent feasting imaginable, with a delivery of the best meats and poultry unfurling like a surrealist painting. Surrounded by elegant artworks and demonstrating their cultural capital by reciting Shakespeare, Brillat-Savarin, and other classics, the men embark on a race to their death, beginning with a competition to eat the most oysters while watching a vintage pornographic slideshow. There is a strong thread of masculine athletic engagement in this film, as has been studied in detail by James R. Keller in “Four Little Caligulas: La Grande bouffe, Consumption and Male Masochism,” and this is exacerbated by the arrival of a young but matronly schoolmistress Andréa (Ferréol) with her students who want to see the garden. She accepts the men’s invitation to stay on in the house to become another object of competitive desire, and fully embraces all the sexual and gustatory indulgence around her. Marcello goes further by inviting three prostitutes to join them and Ugo prepares a banquet fit for a funeral. The excessive eating makes Michel flatulent and Marcello impotent; when Marcello kicks the toilet in frustration, it explodes in the famous fecal fountain scene that apparently so disgusted his then partner Catherine Deneuve, that she did not speak to him for a week (Ebert). The prostitutes flee the revolting madness, but Andréa stays like an Angel of Death, helping the men meet their end and, in surviving, perhaps symbolically marking an end to the masculinist bourgeoisie they represent.To return to the role of taste in defining the rise and demise of the protagonists, let me begin with Marcello, as he is the first to die. Despite his bourgeois attitudes, he is a modern man, associated with machines and mobility, such as the planes and the beautiful Bugatti, which he strokes with greater sensuality than the women he hoists onto it. His taste is for the functioning mechanical body, fast and competitive, much like himself when he is gorging on oysters. But his own body betrays him when his “masculine mechanics” stop functioning, and it is the fact that the Bugatti has broken down that actually causes his death—he is found frozen in driver’s seat after trying to escape in the Bugatti during the night. Marcello’s taste for the mechanical leads therefore to his eventual demise. Michel is the next victim of his own taste, which privileges aesthetic beauty, elegance, the arts, and fashion, and euphemises the less attractive or impolite, the scatological, boorish side of life. His feminized attire—pink polo-neck and flowing caftan—cannot distract from what is happening in his body. The bourgeois manners that bind him to beauty mean that breaking wind traumatises him. His elegant gestures at the dance barre encourage rather than disguise his flatulence; his loud piano playing cannot cover the sound of his loud farts, much to the mirth of Philippe and Andréa. In a final effort to conceal his painful bowel obstruction, he slips outside to die in obscene and noisy agony, balanced in an improbably balletic pose on the balcony balustrade. His desire for elegance and euphemism heralds his death. Neither Marcello nor Michel go willingly to their ends. Their tastes are thwarted, and their deaths are disgusting to them. Their cadavers are placed in the freezer room as silent witnesses to the orgy that accelerates towards its fatal goal. Ugo’s taste is more earthy and inherently linked to the aims of the adventure. He is the one who states explicitly: “If you don’t eat, you won’t die.” He wants to cook for others and be appreciated for his talents, as well as eat and have sex, preferably at the same time. It is a combination of these desires that kills him as he force-feeds himself the monumental creation of pâté in the shape of the Cathedral of Saint-Peter that has been rejected as too dry by Philippe, and too rich by Andréa. The pride that makes him attempt to finish eating his masterpiece while Andréa masturbates him on the dining table leads to a heart-stopping finale for Ugo. As for Philippe, his taste is transgressive. In spite of his upstanding career as a judge, he lies and flouts convention in his unorthodox relationship with nanny Nicole. Andréa represents another maternal figure to whom he is attracted and, while he wishes to marry her, thereby conforming to bourgeois norms, he also has sex with her, and her promiscuous nature is clearly signalled. Given his status as a judge, he reasons that he can not bring Marcello’s frozen body inside because concealing a cadaver is a crime, yet he promotes collective suicide on his premises. Philippe’s final transgression of the rules combines diabetic disobedience with Oedipal complex—Andréa serves him a sugary pink jelly dessert in the form of a woman’s breasts, complete with cherries, which he consumes knowingly and mournfully, causing his death. Unlike Marcello and Michel, Ugo and Philippe choose their demise by indulging their tastes for ingestion and transgression. Following Ferreri’s motivations and this analysis of the four male protagonists, taste is clearly a cornerstone of La Grande bouffe’s conception and narrative structure. It is equally evident that these tastes are contrary to bourgeois norms, provoking distaste and even revulsion in spectators. The film’s reception at the time of its release and ever since have confirmed this tendency in both critical reviews and popular feedback as André Habib’s article on Salo and La Grande bouffe (2001) meticulously demonstrates. With such a violent reaction, one might wonder why La Grande bouffe is found on so many cinema studies curricula and is considered to be a must-see film (The Guardian). Corpus and Corporeality in Food Film Studies I chose La Grande bouffe as the first film in the “Matters of Taste” subject, alongside Luis Bunuel’s Le Charme discret de la bourgeoisie, Gabriel Axel’s Babette’s Feast, and Laurent Bénégui’s Au Petit Marguery, as all are considered classic films depicting French eating cultures. Certainly any French cinema student would know La Grande bouffe and most cinephiles around the world have seen it. It is essential background knowledge for students studying French eating cultures and features as a key reference in much scholarly research and popular culture on the subject. After explaining the canonical status of La Grande bouffe and thus validating its inclusion in the course, I warned students about the explicit nature of the film. We studied it for one week out of the 12 weeks of semester, focusing on questions of taste in the film and the socio-cultural representations of food. Although the almost ubiquitous response was: “C’est dégueulasse!,” there was no serious resistance until the final exam when a few students declared that they would boycott any questions on La Grande bouffe. I had not actually included any such questions in the exam. The student evaluations at the end of semester indicated that several students questioned the inclusion of this “disgusting pornography” in the corpus. There is undoubtedly less nudity, violence, gore, or sex in this film than in the Game of Thrones TV series. What, then, repulses these Gen Y students? Is it as Pasolini suggests, the neorealistic dialogue and décor that disturbs, given the ontologically challenging subject of suicide? (Viano). Or is it the fact that there is no reason given for the desire to end their lives, which privileges the physiological over the psychological? Is the scatological more confronting than the pornographic? Interestingly, “food porn” is now a widely accepted term to describe a glamourized and sometimes sexualized presentation of food, with Nigella Lawson as its star, and hundreds of blog sites reinforcing its popularity. Yet as Andrew Chan points out in his article “La Grande bouffe: Cooking Shows as Pornography,” this film is where it all began: “the genealogy reaches further back, as brilliantly visualized in Marco Ferreri’s 1973 film La Grande bouffe, in which four men eat, screw and fart themselves to death” (47). Is it the overt corporeality depicted in the film that shocks cerebral students into revulsion and rebellion? Conclusion In the guise of a conclusion, I suggest that my Gen Y students’ taste may reveal a Bourdieusian distaste for the taste of others, in a third degree reaction to the 1970s distaste for bourgeois taste. First degree: Ferreri and his entourage reject the psychological for the physiological in order to condemn bourgeois values, provoking scandal in the 1970s, but providing compelling cinema on a socio-political scale. Second degree: in spite of the outcry, high audience numbers demonstrate their taste for scandal, and La Grande bouffe becomes a must-see canonical film, encouraging my choice to include it in the “Matters of Taste” corpus. Third degree: my Gen Y students’ taste expresses a distaste for the academic norms that I have embraced in showing them the film, a distaste that may be more aesthetic than political. Oui, c’est dégueulasse, mais … Bibliography Allison, Henry E. Kant’s Theory of Taste: A Reading of the Critique of Aesthetic Judgement. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 2001. Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Trans. Richard Nice. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard UP, 1984. Calvesi, M. “Dipingere all moviola” (Painting at the Moviola). Corriere della Sera, 10 Oct. 1976. Reprint. “Arti figurative e il cinema” (Cinema and the Visual Arts). Avanguardia di massa. Ed. M. Calvesi. Milan: Feltrinelli, 1978. 243–46. Celluloid Liberation Front. “Consumerist Ultimate Indigestion: La Grande Bouffe's Deadly Physiological Pleasures.” Bright Lights Film Journal 60 (2008). 13 Jan. 2014 ‹http://brightlightsfilm.com/60/60lagrandebouffe.php#.Utd6gs1-es5›. Chan, Andrew. “La Grande bouffe: Cooking Shows as Pornography.” Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture 3.4 (2003): 47–53. Dickie, George. The Century of Taste: The Philosophical Odyssey of Taste in the Eighteenth Century. New York and Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996. Ebert, Roger, “La Grande bouffe.” 13 Jan. 2014 ‹http://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/la-grande-bouffe-1973›. Ferreri, Marco. La Grande bouffe. Italy-France, 1973. Freedman, Paul H. Food: The History of Taste. U of California P, 2007. Gadamer, Hans-Georg. Truth and Method. Trans. Joel Winsheimer and Donald C. Marshall. New York: Continuum, 1999. Habib, André. “Remarques sur une ‘réception impossible’: Salo and La Grande bouffe.” Hors champ (cinéma), 4 Jan. 2001. 11 Jan. 2014 ‹http://www.horschamp.qc.ca/cinema/030101/salo-bouffe.html›. Keller, James R. “Four Little Caligulas: La Grande bouffe, Consumption and Male Masochism.” Food, Film and Culture: A Genre Study. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Co, 2006: 49–59. Masoni, Tullio. Marco Ferreri. Gremese, 1998. Pasolini, P.P. “Le ambigue forme della ritualita narrativa.” Cinema Nuovo 231 (1974): 342–46. Ross, Kristin. May 68 and its Afterlives. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2008. Smith, Alison. French Cinema in the 1970s: The Echoes of May. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2005. Télérama: “La Grande bouffe: l’un des derniers grands scandales du Festival de Cannes. 19 May 2013. 13 Jan. 2014 ‹http://www.telerama.fr/festival-de-cannes/2013/la-grande-bouffe-l-un-des-derniers-grands-scandales-du-festival-de-cannes,97615.php›. The Guardian: 1000 films to see before you die. 2007. 17 Jan. 2014 ‹http://www.theguardian.com/film/series/1000-films-to-see-before-you-die› Tury, F., and O. Peter. “Food, Life, and Death: The Film La Grande bouffe of Marco Ferreri in an Art Psychological Point of View.” European Psychiatry 22.1 (2007): S214. Viano, Maurizio. “La Grande Abbuffata/La Grande bouffe.” The Cinema of Italy. Ed. Giorgio Bertellini. London: Wallflower Press, 2004: 193–202.

L’obesità e il Disturbo da Uso di Sostanze (DUS) sono disturbi caratterizzati da ricadute croniche e dal desiderio incontrollabile di consumare la sostanza, o craving. La letteratura scientifica suggerisce che il craving può essere elicitato dall’esposizione ai cue e che le moderne tecniche non invasive di stimolazione cerebrale possono essere utilizzate per contrastarlo. Tuttavia, alcuni elementi che non sono stati sufficientemente esaminati dalla letteratura scientifica sull’argomento: (i) l’influenza di diversi fattori, interni ed esterni, sulle risposte neurali agli stimoli di cibo o droga; (ii) i meccanismi neurobiologici sottostanti gli interventi di stimolazione cerebrale non invasiva applicati all’obesità. Nella mia tesi propongo un’indagine sistematica di questi elementi mediante tecniche meta-analitiche e di functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI), dimostrando che diversi fattori modulano le basi neurali del craving, e che la Stimolazione Magnetica Transcranica profonda (deep TMS) ad alta frequenza induce dei cambiamenti a livello dell’organizzazione funzionale cerebrale in un campione di pazienti obesi. Nell’introduzione generale (Capitolo 1), descrivo i circuiti neurali principali coinvolti nel craving per il cibo e per le sostanze, all’interno di una cornice teorica unitaria che considera l’influenza di diversi fattori interni ed esterni che modulano la risposta neurale ai cue, nell’obesità e nel DUS. Nel Capitolo 2, uso un nuovo toolbox basato su un algoritmo di clustering gerarchico (Clustering the Brain, CluB) combinandolo con il metodo Activation Likelihood Estimation, al fine di meta-analizzare 22 studi di neuroimmagine sull’influenza del peso (normopeso vs. obesi), della modalità sensoriale di presentazione del cue (visiva vs. gustativa) e della sazietà (a digiuno vs. sazietà) sulle risposte neurali agli stimoli di cibo. L’evidenza proveniente dagli effetti semplici e dalle interazioni fra questi fattori è stata interpretata in funzione delle principali teorie neurocognitive dell’obesità. Nel Capitolo 3 impiego lo stesso approccio metodologico per meta-analizzare 64 studi di neuroimmagine sull’influenza della severità della dipendenza (dipendenza da sostanze legali vs. illegali) e dello stato di trattamento (in cerca di trattamento vs. non in cerca) sulla reattività neurale agli stimoli visivi di droga in pazienti con DUS. L’evidenza proveniente dagli effetti semplici e dalle interazioni fra questi fattori è stata interpretata in funzione delle teorie più influenti circa l’effetto dello stato di trattamento e della disponibilità della sostanza sulle risposte neurali ai cue. Nell’Appendice A svolgo un’analisi approfondita dell’approccio meta-analitico impiegato nel Capitolo 2 e nel Capitolo 3, dimostrando che CluB può (i) estrarre in modo attendibile dei cluster di attivazioni coerenti a partire da un database di coordinate stereotassiche, e (ii) testare la specificità dei cluster nel contesto di disegni fattoriali che solitamente non possono essere implementati in studi meta-analitici. Nel Capitolo 4 valuto i cambiamenti neurofunzionali associati ad un trattamento di deep rTMS (target neuroanatomico: insula bilaterale e corteccia prefrontale) di 5 settimane per ridurre il craving per il cibo ed il peso corporeo in un campione di 17 pazienti obesi sottoposti a stimolazione ad alta frequenza (N=9) versus sham (N=8). In particolare, applico un nuovo metodo data-driven su dati provenienti da scansioni di resting-state fMRI per testare l’ipotesi che la stimolazione reale, rispetto alla stimolazione sham, può indurre cambiamenti plastici nell’organizzazione funzionale cerebrale di regioni implicate nel craving per il cibo. Concludo con il Capitolo 5, nel quale integro i miei risultati all’interno di una cornice teorica unitaria per i disordini della motivazione, discutendo le implicazioni per la ricerca di base e per la medicina traslazionale.
Obesity and Substance Use Disorder (SUD) are chronic relapsing disorders characterized by pathological craving. Evidence suggests that craving can be prompted by the exposure to food or drug-related cues, and that current non-invasive brain stimulation techniques can be used to down-regulate craving. However, there is limited available information about (i) the influence of internal and external factors on the neural responses to food and drug cues, and (ii) on the neurobiological mechanisms beyond non-invasive brain stimulation applied to obesity.In my thesis, I provide a systematic meta-analytical and fMRI investigation of these issues, demonstrating that several internal and external factors modulate the neural correlates of craving in obesity and SUD, and that excitatory deep TMS induces plastic changes in the neurofunctional brain organization in sample of obese individuals. In the general introduction (Chapter 1), I describe the core neural networks involved in food and drug craving, within a unitary framework that accounts for the influence of several internal and external factors that modulate the neural responses to cues, in both obesity and SUD. In Chapter 2, I combine a novel toolbox based on hierarchical clustering algorithm (Clustering the Brain, CluB) with the Activation Likelihood Estimation method to meta- analyze 22 studies on the influence of weight-status (healthy-weight vs. obese), sensory modality of stimulus presentation (visual vs. gustatory), and satiety state (hungry vs. satiated) on the neural responses to food cues. In particular, evidence from such main and interaction effects are taken as a benchmark to test the validity of the main neurocognitive theories of overeating and obesity. In Chapter 3, I use the same method to meta-analyze 64 neuroimaging studies on the influence of addiction severity (addiction to legal vs. illegal substances) and treatment status (treatment-seeking vs. not-seeking treatment) on the neural drug cue-reactivity in SUD. Evidence from the main and interactive effects will be taken as a benchmark to discuss one of the most influential theories on the influence of treatment status and drug availability on the neural responses to drug cues. An in-depth analysis of the meta-analytical method employed in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 is reported in Appendix A, where I describe two validation studies demonstrating that CluB can (i) reliably extract a set of spatially coherent clusters of activations from a database of stereotactic coordinates, and (ii) test for factor-specific clusters of convergent activation within designs that cannot be usually implemented in a meta-analytical study. In Chapter 4, I assess the neurofunctional changes associated with a 5-weeks deep rTMS treatment targeting the bilateral insular and prefrontal cortices to induce weight-loss and reducing food craving in a sample of 17 obese individuals undergoing excitatory (N=9) versus sham (N=8) stimulation. In particular, I apply a novel data-driven method on resting- state fMRI data to test that hypothesis that real, compared to sham, deep rTMS can induce plastic changes in the brain functional organization of key areas involved in food craving. Finally, I conclude with Chapter 5, where I integrate my findings into a unitary theoretical framework for the disorders of the motivation, discussing their implications for basic research and translational medicine.

<em>Abstract.</em> —Seabed disturbance by mobile bottom-fishing gear has emerged as a major concern related to the conservation of essential fish habitat. Unquestionably, dredges and trawls disturb the seabed. However, the seabed is also disturbed by natural physical and biological processes. The biological communities that utilize a particular habitat have adapted to that environment through natural selection, and, therefore, the impact of mobile fishing gear on the habitat structure and biological community must be scaled against the magnitude and frequency of seabed disturbance due to natural causes. Fishers operating in the mouth of Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island use trawls to harvest lobsters, squid, and finfish and dredges to harvest mussels. These mobile fishing gears impact rock, sand, and mud substrates. Side-scan sonar data from 1995 with 200% coverage were available from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for the mouth of Narragansett Bay. Analysis of these data indicates that evidence of bottom scarring by the fishing gear is restricted to deeper waters with a seabed composition of soft cohesive sediments, despite the observation that fishing activity is ubiquitous throughout the bay mouth. A quantitative model has been developed to compare the magnitude and frequency of natural seabed disturbance to mobile fishing gear disturbance. Wave and tidal currents at the seabed are coupled with sediment characteristics to estimate the degree of seabed disturbance. Field experiments designed to compare the longevity of bottom scars indicate that scars in shoal waters and sand sediments are short-lived, as compared to scars in deep water and mud sediments, which are long-lasting. Finally, the model results are compared to the recovery time of sediments disturbed by the interaction of the fishing gear with the seabed. The impact of mobile fishing gear on the seabed must be evaluated in light of the degree of seabed disturbance due to natural phenomena. The application of this model on a larger scale to continental shelf waters and seabed sediment environments will allow for the identification of problematic areas relative to the degradation of essential fish habitat by mobile fishing gear.

<em>Abstract.</em> —Seabed disturbance by mobile bottom-fishing gear has emerged as a major concern related to the conservation of essential fish habitat. Unquestionably, dredges and trawls disturb the seabed. However, the seabed is also disturbed by natural physical and biological processes. The biological communities that utilize a particular habitat have adapted to that environment through natural selection, and, therefore, the impact of mobile fishing gear on the habitat structure and biological community must be scaled against the magnitude and frequency of seabed disturbance due to natural causes. Fishers operating in the mouth of Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island use trawls to harvest lobsters, squid, and finfish and dredges to harvest mussels. These mobile fishing gears impact rock, sand, and mud substrates. Side-scan sonar data from 1995 with 200% coverage were available from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for the mouth of Narragansett Bay. Analysis of these data indicates that evidence of bottom scarring by the fishing gear is restricted to deeper waters with a seabed composition of soft cohesive sediments, despite the observation that fishing activity is ubiquitous throughout the bay mouth. A quantitative model has been developed to compare the magnitude and frequency of natural seabed disturbance to mobile fishing gear disturbance. Wave and tidal currents at the seabed are coupled with sediment characteristics to estimate the degree of seabed disturbance. Field experiments designed to compare the longevity of bottom scars indicate that scars in shoal waters and sand sediments are short-lived, as compared to scars in deep water and mud sediments, which are long-lasting. Finally, the model results are compared to the recovery time of sediments disturbed by the interaction of the fishing gear with the seabed. The impact of mobile fishing gear on the seabed must be evaluated in light of the degree of seabed disturbance due to natural phenomena. The application of this model on a larger scale to continental shelf waters and seabed sediment environments will allow for the identification of problematic areas relative to the degradation of essential fish habitat by mobile fishing gear.

The practice of procedural sedation involves the use of medications that alter upper airway function and patency because of myoneural suppression of anatomic airway elements. It is the specific responsibility of the sedationist to ensure upper airway patency during conditions induced by pharmaceuticals in which the airway is almost certain to be threatened, if not totally obstructed. Soft tissue collapse during inspiration is modeled by the Starling resistor. Airway protective reflexes may be profoundly disturbed during deep sedation. The sedationist’s knowledge of the anatomy and physiology of the upper airway and proficiency in clinical application of airway supportive principles are essential.

Given the discussion above regarding natural changes in the marine benthos, we should now consider the human-mediated (anthropogenic) changes and the response of benthic systems to human impacts. From the 1960s to the 1980s the general opinion seemed to be that pollution (considered in the next chapter) was the most important marine problem, but we now realize that habitat change and habitat loss are of greater concern: see, for example, the Quality Status Report 2000 (OSPAR 2000). One of the greatest effects on the integrity of the seabed and hence its biota is now known to be caused by bed trawling. This has now generated an enormous literature, and the reader is directed to Daans and Eleftheriou (2000) and Hollingworth (2000) for more details. We can take this information and summarize the overall ecosystem effects of fisheries in detailed flow diagrams (referred to as ´horrendograms´!) to show the interlinked and complex nature of the impact—the effects trawling are included here, but see also those in McLusky and Elliott (2004) (e.g. Fig. 8.1). Historically, the effects of trawling on benthos caused concern as early as 1376 when a petition was made to the English parliament by fishermen concerned over the damage done to the seabed and fisheries by bottom trawling (De Groot 1984). This was despite the gear used by sailing vessels in those days being relatively light and towed at slow speeds and in shallow water only. When steam trawlers were developed in the early 1900s, everything changed. The weight and size of trawls increased and use of tickler chains (mounted on the bottom rope to disturb bottom-living fish upwards and into the trawl net) were of great concern, although studies done in the 1970s to allay the fears of fishermen did not find long-term effects on macrobenthos (Jones 1992). At the end of World War II the otter trawl was developed and its use became widespread. This and the beam trawl (see Fig. 8.4) were (and still are) the types of gear most widely used to fish the seabed.

The purpose of this chapter is to consolidate. No new ideas are introduced; instead we try to sort the main thread from the side issues, and the parts that are reasonably clear and firm from the parts that are still fuzzy. The core of the chapter is a set of seventeen statements, seventeen vertebrae that form the backbone of the book, but there are also a preface and a postscript. The preface provides the setting for the seventeen-part core and the postscript takes up the question of where to go next. The purpose of the book was given at the start of Chapter 1. Even at that early point, a stressed cylinder was used as an example. The purpose is to make headway with the question: if a state of chemical equilibrium exists under hydrostatic stress and is disturbed by making the stress nonhydrostatic, what processes begin to run, and what quantitative relations should we expect to be followed? Before the seventeen-part "answer" it is to be noted that there are two alternative ways of dividing the subject matter into two parts. The division scheme is displayed in Figure 17.1a and separates eight types of change. (A somewhat similar diagram on page 111, distinguished eight circumstances in which change might be observed—a different system of divisions that is of no use here.) Of the eight boxes set up, four have been discussed, as shown in Figure 17.1b. The two ways of dividing this four-box group are by a horizontal cut or by a vertical cut that separates stars from superscript a’s. (A vertical cut separating the N-box from the rest is of no help; it would be contrary to our theme.) The horizontal cut separates stress-driven effects below from composition-driven effects above. It is in fact the traditional division between mechanics and chemistry; enormous amounts of science fall clearly above the cut or clearly below it and cause no confusion at all. This cut was used as a guide in the early chapters, especially in the flow diagram or organization chart, Figure 8.1. By contrast, the second cut appeared as late as Chapter 15, but deserves emphasis; it is at least as instructive and helpful as the first, and perhaps more helpful.