Journal articles on the topic 'District Court (West Virginia : Northern District)'

This Article summarizes and discusses important cases and legislation, issued or enacted between September 1, 2011, and August 31, 2012, pertaining to the law of oil and gas in West Virginia. The Article is divided into two parts. Part One discusses the Natural Gas Horizontal Well Control Act, which was enacted by the West Virginia Legislature on December 14, 2011. Part Two discusses developments in West Virginia's case law regarding oil and gas. In this Part, the Authors will discuss and analyze major decisions issued by the West Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals, as well as decisions by the United States District Courts for the Northern and Southern Districts of West Virginia.

This Article summarizes and discusses important cases, legislation, and regulations issued or enacted pertaining to the oil and gas jurisprudence of West Virginia between September 1, 2010, and August 31, 2011. The Authors acknowledge that the term "important" is subjec- tive; nevertheless, they endeavor to discuss the most germane cases and regulations affecting the oil and gas industry. This Article is divided into two parts. Part One discusses a very important regulation promulgated by the Office of Oil and Gas, a division of the West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection, regarding water use by the oil and gas industry when drilling horizontal wells. Noticeably absent from this Part is any discussion of major legislation affecting the oil and gas industry. During the requisite period, no significant legislation was enacted, which the Authors subjectively deemed worthy of discussion. Nevertheless, the legislature introduced numerous bills, which if enacted, would have substantially impacted the oil and gas industry. Part Two of this Article discusses developments in West Virginia's case law regarding oil and gas. In this Part, the Authors will discuss and analyze major decisions issued by the West Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals ("Supreme Court of Appeals"), one important case litigated in the Circuit Court of Monongalia County, West Virginia, and the United States District Courts for the Northern and Southern Districts of West Virginia.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit ruled, in United States u. Texus Tech University, 171 F.3d 279 (5th Cir. 1999), that the Eleventh Amendment bars a private citizen from bringing a qui tam action in federal court against a state, absent federal intervention.Intervenor Carol Foulds was a dermatology resident at the Texas Tech Health Services Center. While a resident, Foulds examined patients, made diagnoses, and prescribed treatments for patients. Foulds alleged that she and other residents performed these medical services without the supervision of staff physicians. Foulds further alleged that, after residents performed these services without physician oversight, staff physicians signed charts and Medicare and Medicaid billing forms certifying that they personally performed or supervised the administration of these services. Foulds estimates approximately 500,000 false claims occurred in a span of ten years.In 1995, Foulds filed a qui tam action with the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas. As regulated by the False Claims Act (FCA), 31 U.S.C. § 3729(b)(2) (West 1998), the complaint remained under seal.

<p>The historic city of Murshidabad-the earstwhile nawabi capital –a city founded in the year 1704 by Murshid Quli Khan, the Mughal diwan of Bengal. In 1704 Murshid Quli Khan transferred the capital of Bengal from Dhaka to Murshidabad and named the city after his name .The town is situated on the left bank of river Bhagirathi. It is the northern most district of the Presidency Division of West Bengal and lies between 23 o 43’ and 24 o 52’ north latitude and 87 0 49’ and 88 0 44’ east longitude .<strong> </strong>Under the Nawabs Murshidabad’s glory reached to the highest peak in almost all arenas. As a trading centre Murshidabad became famous. Many scholars came here and settled and they mixed with the local people freely and there developed a cosmopolitan culture. According o Sushil Chaudhury ‘‘It was a golden day of Murshidabad under the Nawabs’’.<strong> </strong>By the middle of the 18^th century Murshidabad became one of the greatest centre of culture and education as the nawabs were the patrons of learned persons. But after the battle of Plassey the scenario of Murshidabad started changing .With the establishment of the British power we see gradual decline of its culture and education. Many of the British policies directly affected Murshidabad such as the shifting of court to Calcutta, introduction of permanent settlement, introduction of western education and declaration of English as the official language instead of Persian. Murshidabad is the only district of West Bengal where Muslims outnumbered the Hindus since 1901 and formed the majority community. Presently this district is a backward district of West Bengal .When we enquire the causes of this backwardness we find education as one of the major causes. The present paper is a modest attempt to analyse the educational progress in Murshidabad under the Nawabs and also under the British. The paper will also enquire the causes of educational backwardness of this district.</p>

As the federally threatened northern long-eared bat Myotis septentrionalis continues to decline due to white-nose syndrome (WNS) impacts, the application of effective conservation measures is needed but often hindered by the lack of ecological data. To date, recommended management practices have been adopted in part from other federally listed sympatric species such as the endangered Indiana bat M. sodalis. During the maternity season, these measures have largely focused on conservation of known day-roost habitat, often with little consideration for foraging habitat, particularly riparian areas. We examined acoustic activity of northern long-eared bats relative to day-roost and capture data at coastal and interior sites in the District of Columbia, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and West Virginia, USA, over the course of 6 summers (2015-�2020), where maternity activity was still documented after the initial arrival and spread of WNS. Acoustic activity of northern long-eared bats relative to forest cover decreased at the acoustic site level (fine scale) but increased at the sampling region level (coarse scale). We observed a positive association of northern long-eared bat acoustic activity with riparian areas. Additionally, we observed higher levels of activity during pregnancy through early lactation period of the reproductive cycle prior to juvenile volancy. Our findings suggest the need for more explicit inclusion of forested riparian habitats in northern long-eared bat conservation planning. Acoustic sampling in spring and early summer rather than mid- to late summer and in forested riparian areas is the most effective strategy for identifying potential active northern long-eared bat maternity colonies on the local landscape.

The London of Challoner consisted only of some seven square miles, one square mile of which was, of course, the City of London. It can all be put onto some eight pages of the present A–Z map of London, which at the time of writing consists of 141 pages. John Rocques's map of London, on a scale of 200 feet to the inch, which he began in 1738 and finished in 1747, in its London Topographical Society format of 1982, perfectly illustrates the London of both Challoner and Defoe. The western extremities were at Marylebone, Knightsbridge and Chelsea, the eastern at Stepney, Limehouse and Deptford, the northern at Tottenham Court and Bethnal Green, while the southern limits were at Kennington and Walworth Common. The population of London was assessed by Wrigley in 1990 as c. 575,000 in 1700, as c. 675,000 in 1750 and as c. 959,000 in 1801. The 1767 papist returns indicated that most London Catholics lived in the parishes of St James and St Giles, within Westminster. Schwarz has pointed out the considerable social segregation in London, middle-class areas being in the west and central parts, with the poorer areas in the south and east. The St Giles area around Seven Dials going east to Bow Street and Drury Lane is reputed to have contained a third of the capital's beggars and to have been a notoriously criminal quarter. The Catholic numbers in Westminster were 7,724, the City numbers 1,492, with the Middlesex out-parishes having more than 2,000. The 1767 total for London, including the parishes to the south and east, comes to 12,320, clearly too low, as is the accumulated total for the London District of around 15,800. This gives about 3,500 for the London District outside the capital while Challoner's own figures give us a Catholic population of 5,261. If the errors in enumeration were the same in both areas (a large assumption), this enables us to guess that the 1767 figures could be corrected to about 18,500 London Catholics and about 24,000 for the whole District.

Very well-researched and well-written, this book provides an excellent discussion of the activities of federal surveillance agencies in the Pittsburgh mill district (western Pennsylvania, northern West Virginia, and eastern Ohio). However, Seeing Reds is neither about surveillance agencies nor the Pittsburgh Left per se, but rather about their intersection: the “federal government's effort to define, understand, and suppress leftists” during the period of World War One. It begins with an excellent survey of the early history of federal surveillance agencies, including the Bureau of Investigation (BI), the Office of Naval Intelligence, the Military Intelligence Division, and the American Protective League. McCormick pays special attention to the BI, the original name of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. He looks closely at four men who, as special agents in the Pittsburgh Field Office, played a particularly important part in his story. Each had a background in either police and/or private investigative work or a college degree and/or legal training.

Introduction: the article considers the names of micro-objects of the Middle Vychegda River basin, recorded in court documents of the XVII century. Official papers serve as material data bearers. They contain data on the life activity of a concrete society, people in a particular historical stage. The micro-names recorded in the texts are part of the lexical system of the Komi language of that period. They are formed according to the basic laws of the language and operate in accordance with historical rules and traditions. Their study is relevant, first of all, in differentiation of the dialect boundaries and, therefore, ethnic groups in the past. Objective: differentiation of micro-names, their linguistic, semantic and phonetic verification. Research materials: the empirical bases of the study are three court cases of the middle of the XVII century relating to the Middle-Eastern Vychegda Komi people. Results and novelty of the research: for the first time, the original lexemes extracted from written sources, reflecting the regional toponymy of the XVII century, are differentiated; a multi-aspect characterization of the lexical materials selected for analysis is carried out; new lexical data, that were previously not recorded in the local toponymical literature due to the functional specificity of micro-toponymical names, are introduced into scientific circulation; author’s etymological verifications are proposed, taking into account linguistic phenomena and regularities of different levels. The uniqueness of the collected material is a consequence of the border location: in the north, the region is adjacent to the territories of distribution of the Udora and Vym dialects of the Komi language; in the west – to the Northern Russian dialects of the Lensky District of the Arkhangelsk Oblast; in the southeast – to the Syktyvkar dialect of the Komi language. The results of the analysis show that the main feature of the adaptations should be considered the influence of the phonetics of the Northern Russian dialects. The letters that are not typical for the Russian language are transmitted by Russian sounds and combinations of sounds that are close to them in terms of articulation. But at the same time, the Komi phonetic system is characterized by a number of features that are reflected in Russian orthoepy and orthography. The research data can be used as a source of comparative data in the onomastic study of adjacent territories, as a base for creation of explanatory, etymological, and spelling dictionaries.

In 1938 or 1939, an uninitiated and unwed girl named Nangombe living in the Uukwaluudhi district of Ovamboland, northern Namibia, became pregnant. If mission and colonial accounts are to be believed, it was not an unusual occurrence at this time, but it had profound consequences for Nangombe and those close to her. By the 1930s, the belief that pre-initiation pregnancies boded ill fortune for clan, chief and community was highly contested, but it was far from extinct. When the chief discovered the pregnancy, he expelled Nangombe. She took refuge in a neighboring society and bore a daughter. While such infants were often killed at birth, Nangombe's was not. Mother and daughter returned home within the year. The chief, enraged by their reappearance, then expelled the entire family.The problems created by Nangombe's child caused tension in her household and the family was driven to begging for food. Nangombe's mother, seeing the catastrophes already caused by the presence of her illegitimate granddaughter and fearing that worse would come, urged her daughter to kill the child. Nangombe refused, while her mother continued to offer dire predictions that their lineage would be destroyed if the child were left alive. Finally, in July 1941, Nangombe gave into her mother's pressure and strangled her daughter. Her father and the local chief reported her act to colonial officials. The colonial government of South West Africa investigated and sent her to trial with her mother, who was charged as an accessory to murder.The nature of the case changed abruptly in the colonial capital of Windhoek. Instead of trying Nangombe for murder, the Supreme Court convened to decide whether she was insane, despite testimony from her village asserting that she was sane and that the murder had been a rational act. Her mother was transformed from a co-defendant to a witness to her daughter's physical and mental health. Nangombe was diagnosed as epileptic and, on this basis, committed to a native asylum in Fort Beaufort, South Africa. She remained there until 1946, when she was released and returned home. She lived out the rest of her life in relative anonymity, little noticed in the communities where she lived and invisible to the colonial administration – a far cry from the scrutiny and public interventions which attended her young adulthood.

Basil Chapman retired from ACF Industries, a railroad-car maker, after thirty-eight years of service. In December 2003, he received an unexpected phone call at his West Virginia home from a union representative, who informed him that an ACF executive wanted to speak with him. When they spoke, the executive informed Mr. Chapman that ACF was planning on changing its retirees’ health coverage plan. The ACF plan would now have a lifetime maximum benefit cap on hospital and surgical expenses for each participant and would require retirees to make monthly contributions. According to court papers filed later, Mr. Chapman responded, “We have a contract. You can’t do that.” Then, he said that he would “file in federal court” against ACF. The next business day, ACF filed a declaratory judgment action in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Missouri asking the court to rule that retiree benefits were not vested and that ACF accordingly could alter benefits unilaterally. On January 26, 2004, Mr. Chapman, other named plaintiffs, and their union sued ACF in the United States District Court for the Southern District of West Virginia.

In Minersville School District vs Gobitis (1940) the United States Supreme Court ruled 8 to 1 overturning lower court decisions barring states from implementing compulsory flag salutes. Three years later, the Supreme Court overturned that ruling with a 6 to 3 decision in West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette (1943). The cases were nearly identical and argued similarly but had different outcomes. How did the landscape of America change so drastically in a three-year period? First, the Supreme Court did not see a danger in the rise of nationalism in the United States or the social impact the ruling would bring. Second, the violence that followed Gobitis decision caused Jehovah's Witnesses, a pacifist group that was uninvolved in politics, to become more persistent in utilizing the legal system and more vocal concerning persecution of its members. Finally, the Supreme Court was not the same. A change in justices and a shift in the focus of the Court from economic matters to personal liberties created a different political landscape, when West Virginia State Board of Education vs. Barnett reached the Court in 1943.

Judge Nora Barry Fischer has served as a district judge for the United States District Court for the Western District of Pennsylvania since 2007, when she was appointed by President George W. Bush. Prior to her service as a district judge, Judge Fischer worked as a legal editor at Callaghan & Company, was a partner in private practice at Meyer Darragh Buckler Bebenek & Eck, and was an equity partner at Pietragallo Bosick & Gordon. Additionally, Judge Fischer worked as a trained mediator and arbitrator in Pennsylvania and West Virginia. Judge Fischer is a Fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers, an active member of the Executive Women’s Council of Pittsburgh, a past President of the Academy of Trial Lawyers of Allegheny County, and a member of the Pennsylvania Bar Association Commission on Women in the Profession, where she serves on the Mentoring Subcommittee. She received a Bachelor of Arts Degree magna cum laude from Saint Mary’s College, and a JD degree from Notre Dame Law School in 1976.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Oscinella frit Linnaeus Diptera: Chloropidae Hosts: Poaceae. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Republic of Macedonia, Moldova, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Central Russia, Eastern Siberia, Russian Far East, Northern Russia, Southern Russia, Western Siberia, Serbia and Montenegro, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Mainland Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, Ukraine, ASIA, Afghanistan, India, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Sikkim, Kazakhstan, Korea Republic, Malaysia, Peninsular Malaysia, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Turkey, AFRICA, Tunisia, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, Ontario, Quebec, Saskatchewan, Yukon, Mexico, USA, Alabama, California, District of Columbia, Georgia, Hawaii, Kansas, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, West Virginia, CENTRAL AMERICA & CARIBBEAN, Costa Rica, OCEANIA, Australia, New South Wales.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Phellinus robustus (P. Karst.) Bourdot & Galzin Fungi: Basidiomycota: Hymenochaetales Hosts: Mainly oak (Quercus spp.) and chestnut (Castanea spp.), but also many other species of broadleaved and coniferous trees. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia (former), France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Central Russia Russian Far East, Southern Russia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, Ukraine, ASIA, China, Shaanxi, Israel, Japan, Taiwan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, AFRICA, South Africa, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, Mexico, USA, Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Connecticut, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, SOUTH AMERICA, Venezuela, OCEANIA, Australia, New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Phellinus igniarius (L.) Quel Fungi: Basidiomycota: Hymenochaetales Hosts: Many hardwood tree species including those in the genera Acer, Alnus, Betula, Carpinus, Corylus, Juglans, Malus, Prunus, Salix and Sorbus. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Macedonia, Moldova, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Madeira, Mainland Portugal, Romania, Central Russia Russia, Eastern, Russian Far East, Northern Russia, Southern Russia, Western Siberia, Serbia and Montenegro, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Canary Islands, Mainland Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, Ukraine, ASIA, China, Heilongjiang, Jilin, Xinjiang, Japan, Kazakhstan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, AFRICA, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Libya, Madagascar, Zambia, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, Alberta, British Columbia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec, Yukon, Mexico, USA, Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming, CENTRAL AMERICA & CARIBBEAN, Nicaragua, SOUTH AMERICA, Argentina, Venezuela, OCEANIA, Australia, Queensland, Papua New Guinea.

According to President Lyndon B. Johnson, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 “affirmed that men equal under God are also equal when they seek a job, when they go to get a meal in a restaurant, or when they seek lodging for the night in any State in the Union.” Neither Congress nor President Johnson, however, mentioned bank accounts, overdraft fees, or access to bank branches. On March 16, 2022—nearly six decades later—the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau attempted to fill this gap. It revised its examination manual to identify discrimination in consumer financial products as an “unfair, deceptive, or abusive act or practice.” When Congress established the CFPB in 2010, it expressly empowered it to eliminate such practices, adopting a standard which it has featured in federal law since 1938. Various agencies have previously considered using the standard to address discrimination, but until March 2022 none ever had. So why now? The CFPB’s newly appointed director, Rohit Chopra, announced the change to the examination manual and said, “When a person is denied access to a bank account because of their religion or race, this is unambiguously unfair.” Less than five months after the announcement, however, the Supreme Court threw the agency’s decision into doubt by offering a new framework for evaluating agency statutory interpretation in West Virginia v. EPA. The West Virginia case announces a new “major questions doctrine” in which agency action requires clear congressional authorization depending on the “history and breadth of the authority that [the agency] has asserted” and its “economic and political significance.” On September 28, 2022, industry groups led by the Chamber of Commerce filed suit against the CFPB, citing West Virginia v. EPA in claiming the CFPB overstepped its statutory authority. On September 8, 2023, a federal judge sitting in the Eastern District of Texas decided against the CFPB, enjoining the agency from implementing its anti-discrimination policy. The judge cited the major questions doctrine and West Virginia v. EPA in striking down the agency’s revision as beyond its statutory authority. This Note considers the effects of West Virginia v. EPA and the ‘major questions doctrine’ on anti-discrimination efforts by the CFPB and other federal agencies, specifically analyzing discrimination as a “major question,” and determining the lengths to which the UDAAP standard “clearly authorizes” anti-discrimination action. Given the political significance of anti-discrimination laws, the potential ramifications of allowing the CFPB freedom to interpret the UDAAP standard, and the long history of a narrower interpretation of the law, this Note argues that whether the CFPB can prohibit banks from denying access to accounts on the basis of religion or race could be a major question. However, the UDAAP standard, which is an express delegation by Congress to the CFPB to liquidate the content and nature of fair practices over time, is best read as a clear statement authorizing the CPFB to eliminate discrimination in consumer financial products.

Background: Little research exists on sociodemographic and geographic inequalities in Long COVID, defined as COVID-19 symptoms lasting 3 months or longer. Using the latest nationally representative data, we examine geographic disparities in prevalence of Long COVID and severe COVID symptoms among United States (US) adults aged ≥18 years. Methods: We analyzed five consecutive rounds of the US Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey from June 1 to October 17, 2022 (N=108,064). Using multivariable logistic regression and health disparity indices, we modeled disparities in Long COVID and severe COVID symptoms by state and metropolitan area, controlling for race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status, health insurance, and other demographic characteristics. Results: During June–October 2022, an estimated 35.4 million or 32.2% of COVID patients in the US reported developing Long COVID; and 15.2 million or 13.8% of COVID patients reported experiencing severe COVID symptoms. The prevalence of Long COVID ranged from 24.0% in the District of Columbia (DC), 25.4% in Hawaii to 39.2% in Alabama, 39.9% in Wyoming, and 43.6% in West Virginia. Adjusted for covariates, adults with COVID-19 diagnosis in Alabama, Wyoming, and West Virginia had 48-178% higher adjusted odds of developing Long COVID than their counterparts in DC. Adults with COVID-19 diagnosis in Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Iowa, Kentucky, Mississippi, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota,Texas, Utah, Virginia, Wyoming, and West Virginia had 2.0-2.5 times higher adjusted odds of experiencing severe COVID symptoms than their counterparts in Vermont. Large disparities in prevalence of Long COVID and severe COVID symptoms existed among the 15 largest metropolitan areas of the US, with the prevalence of Long COVID ranging from 21.9% in San Francisco to 38.0% in Riverside, California. Socioeconomic, demographic and health insurance characteristics explained 34% of the state-level disparity and 45% of the metropolitan-area disparity in Long COVID prevalence. Conclusion and Implications for Translation: Marked geographic disparities existed, with COVID patients/survivors in the Southeast, Southwest, and Northern Plains states being at substantially higher risks of developing Long COVID and severe COVID symptoms. Equitable access to care and support services among patients with Long COVID is critical to reducing inequities in COVID-related healthoutcomes. Copyright © 2023 Singh et al. Published by Global Health and Education Projects, Inc. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License CC BY 4.0.

Diyarbakır Great Mosque is a community building located in the district of Cami-i Kebir in the northwest of the traditional city area surrounded by walls. The building on Gazi Street opposite Hasan Pasha Han is inside the road, and the eastern entrance overlooks a square which very likely corresponds to the old forum of the city of Amida. Surrounded by the streets to the North and West, the South overlooks the traditional Sipahi Bazaar. Around the full court near the square of the building, in the south there are: Hanafis section, Shafis section, northern vestibule, Mesudiye Madrasa and its southern portico, a traditional house, and a lavatory. To the east, there is a library, which used to be apparently a timing room (muvakkithane) and an entrance to the East (Eastern Maksurah). To the west, in the Western portico (Western Maksurah), that also includes the Western entrance, there is a Qur'anic school. The octagonal and pointed pyramidal coned fountain, built during the Ottoman period, and the prayer hall and pool, which were raised with several steps, form the other units in the spacious courtyard. In the north of the courtyard, we can find the portico of Mesudiye Madrasa. There is also a solar clock in front of the northern vestibule. The aims of this study are: ● introducing the excavations in the Diyarbakır Great Mosque Western Maksurah and explaining the reasons of these excavations; ● presenting the results of these excavations; ● giving information on the excavation findings; ●explaining the importance of research excavations in restoration works. The evaluations made for the preservation of the excavation findings, which were deemed necessary during the restoration works in the great Mosque, will also be explained in this study.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Blumeria graminis (DC.) Speer Fungi: Ascomycota: Erysiphales Hosts: Poaceae, commonly wheat (Triticum aestivum), barley (Hordeum vulgare), oats (Avena sativa) and rye (Secale cereale). Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Albania, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Malta, Moldova, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Central Russia Russia, Eastern, Russian Far East, Northern Russia, Southern Russia, Western Siberia, Serbia and Montenegro, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, Ukraine, ASIA, Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, China, Anhui, Chongqing, Fujian, Gansu, Guangdong, Guangxi, Guizhou, Hebei, Henan, Hubei, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Jilin, Liaoning, Nei, Menggu, Ningxia, Qinghai, Shaanxi, Shandong, Shanxi, Sichuan, Xinjiang, Xizhang, Yunnan, Zhejiang, Republic of Georgia, India, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Uttaranchal, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Japan, Hokkaido, Honshu, Kyushu, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Korea Republic, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Taiwan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Yemen, AFRICA, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Malawi, Morocco, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Zambia, Zimbabwe, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, Northwest, Territories, Nova Scotia, Nunavut, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Quebec, Saskatchewan, Yukon, Greenland, Mexico, USA, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode, Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wyoming, SOUTH AMERICA, Argentina, Brazil, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Parana, Rio Grande do Sul, Sao Paulo, Chile, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, OCEANIA, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, New Zealand.

Abstract A description is provided for Laetiporus sulphureus growing on a wide range of woody plants. Some information on its taxonomy, morphology, dispersal and transmission and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Cameroon, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, China (Guangxi, Jiangxi, Sichuan, Xinjiang Autonomous Region), Republic of Georgia, India (Assam, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Kerala, Meghalaya, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal), Indonesia, Iran, Israel, Japan, Kazakhstan (Aktobe, Almaty, East Kazakhstan, South Kazakhstan, West Kazakhstan), Laos, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Russia (Altai Krai, Altai Republic, Amur Oblast, Irkutsk Oblast, Khabarovsk Krai, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Novosibirsk Oblast, Omsk Oblast, Primorsky Krai, Republic of Buryatia, Republic of Khakassia, Sakha Republic, Sakhalin Oblast, Sverdlovsk Oblast, Tomsk Oblast, Tyumen Oblast, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug), Korea Republic, Taiwan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Bermuda, Spain (Canary Islands), Australia (New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia), New Zealand, Dominica, Guadeloupe, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Belize, Costa Rica, Honduras, Panama, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Irish Republic, Isle of Man, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Montenegro, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia (Astrakhan Oblast, Belgorod Oblast, Bryansk Oblast, Chuvash Republic, Ivanovo Oblast, Kaliningrad Oblast, Kaluga Oblast, Kirov Oblast, Krasnodar Krai, Kursk Oblast, Leningrad Oblast, Moscow Oblast, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, Novgorod Oblast, Orenburg Oblast, Penza Oblast, Pskov Oblast, Republic of Adygea, Republic of Bashkortostan, Republic of Dagestan, Republic of Mordovia, Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, Republic of Tatarstan, Samara Oblast, Saratov Oblast, Stavropol Krai, Tambov Oblast, Tula Oblast, Tver Oblast, Ulyanovsk Oblast, Vladimir Oblast, Volgograd Oblast, Voronezh Oblast, Yaroslavl Oblast), Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, UK, Mauritius, Réunion, Canada (British Columbia, Manitoba, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec), Mexico, USA (Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Hawaii), Argentina, Brazil (Amazonas, Bahia, Distrito Federal, Espírito Santo, Paraná, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, São Paulo), Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Venezuela) and hosts (Quercus, Salix, Prunus, Fagus and Populus spp.).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Cochliobolus heterostrophus (Drechsler) Drechsler Fungi: Ascomycota: Pleosporales Hosts: Maize (Zea mays), also a range of other crops, mostly legumes and cereals. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Southern, Russia, Spain, Switzerland, Ukraine, Yugoslavia (former), ASIA, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, China, Anhui, Fujian, Gansu, Guangdong, Guangxi, Hebei, Heilongjiang, Henan, Hong Kong, Hubei, Hunan, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Jilin, Liaoning, Nei, Menggu, Shaanxi, Shandong, Sichuan, Yunnan, Zhejiang, Christmas, Island, India, Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Lakshadweep, Madhya Pradesh, Meghalaya, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Indonesia, Irian Jaya, Java, Iran, Israel, Japan, Honshu, Kyushu, Shikoku, North Korea, Korea Republic, Laos, Malaysia, Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah, Sarawak, Myanmar, Nepal, Oman, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, AFRICA, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo Democratic Republic, Cote d'Ivoire Egypt, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Reunion, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Zambia, Zimbabwe, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec, Mexico, USA, Arkansas, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, West Virginia, CENTRAL AMERICA & CARIBBEAN, Bahamas, Belize, Cuba, El Salvador, Guadeloupe, Guatemala, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Panama, Puerto Rico, Trinidad and Tobago, SOUTH AMERICA, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Bahia, Mato, Grosso, do Sul, Parana, Colombia, Ecuador, French, Guiana, Guyana, Paraguay, Suriname, Venezuela, OCEANIA, American, Samoa, Australia, New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, Fiji, French, Polynesia, Guam, Marshall, islands, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon, Islands, Tonga, Vanuatu.

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Phthorimaea operculella (Zeller). Lepidoptera: Gelechiidae. Hosts: Solanaceae, especially tomato (Solanum lycopersicum) and potato (S. tuberosum). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, France, Greece, Hungary, Italy (Sardinia, Sicily, Malta), Portugal (Azores, Madeira), Romania, Russia, Serbia, Spain (Canary Islands), UK (England and Wales), Ukraine), Asia (Bangladesh, China (Guizhou, Yunnan), Georgia, India (Bihar, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Meghalaya, Orissa, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal), Indonesia (Java, Sulawesi, Sumatra), Iran, Iraq, Israel, Japan (Honshu, Kyushu, Shikoku), Jordan, Korea Republic, Lebanon, Myanmar, Nepal, Oman, Pakistan, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Syria, Thailand, Turkey, Vietnam, Yemen), Africa (Algeria, Burundi, Cape Verde, Congo, Congo Democratic Republic, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Morocco, Reunion, Rwanda, Senegal, Seychelles, South Africa, St. Helena, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, Zambia, Zimbabwe), North America (Mexico, USA (Alabama, Arizona, California, Colorado, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin)), Central America & Caribbean (Antigua and Barbuda, Bermuda, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, St. Vincent and Grenadines), South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil (Bahia, Goias, Minas Gerais, Parana, Rio Grande do Sul, Sao Paulo), Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela), Oceania (Australia (New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia), Fiji, French Polynesia, Guam, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Norfolk Island, Papua New Guinea).

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Lasiodiplodia theobromae (Pat.) Griffon & Maubl. (Ascomycota: Botryosphaeriales). The main hosts include plurivorous plant species. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Cyprus, France, Germany, Italy, Sicily, Malta, Portugal, Romania, Spain and Switzerland), Asia (Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei Darussalam, China, Fujian, Gansu, Guangdong, Guangxi, Hainan, Hong Kong, Hunan, Jiangsu, Sichuan, Zhejiang, Republic of Georgia, India, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chandigarh, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Indonesia, Irian Jaya, Java, Sumatra, Iran, Israel, Japan, Ryukyu Archipelago, Korea Republic, Laos, Malaysia, Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah, Sarawak, Myanmar, Nepal, Oman, Pakistan, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Vietnam and Yemen), Africa (Algeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Comoros, Congo, Congo Democratic Republic, Cote d'Ivoire, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe), North America (Canada, Alberta, Manitoba, Quebec, Mexico, USA, Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Nebraska, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia), Central America and Caribbean (Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, British Virgin islands, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Martinique, Nicaragua, Panama, Puerto Rico, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and Grenadines and Trinidad and Tobago), South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Alagoas, Amazonas, Bahia, Ceara, Espirito Santo, Goias, Maranhao, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Para, Paraiba, Pernambuco, Piaui, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Norte, Rondonia, Roraima, Sao Paulo, Sergipe, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Suriname and Venezuela) and Oceania (American Samoa, Australia, New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia, Fiji, Guam, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Northern Mariana Islands, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga and Vanuatu). This species is widespread throughout tropical and subtropical countries on a wide range of hosts.

Abstract A description is provided for Tremella mesenterica, a parasite on mycelium of (perhaps exclusively) Peniophora spp. Some information on its associated organisms and substrata, dispersal and transmission, habitats and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Benin, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Morocco, South Africa, Tunisia), Asia (Armenia, Azerbaijan, China (Hong Kong, Sichuan, Yunnan), Georgia, India (Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Meghalaya, Sikkim), Iran, Israel, Japan, Kazakhstan (Almaty, East Kazakhstan), Lebanon, Malaysia, Philippines, Russia (Altai Krai, Amur Oblast, Irkutsk Oblast, Jewish Autonomous Oblast, Kamchatka Krai, Khabarovsk Krai, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Omsk Oblast, Primorsky Krai, Sakha Republic, Sakhalin Oblast, Sverdlovsk Oblast, Tyumen Oblast, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug), South Korea, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan), Australasia (Australia (Australian Capital Territory, New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia), New Zealand), Caribbean (Jamaica, Puerto Rico), Central America (Costa Rica, Honduras, Panama), Europe (Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Moldova, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia (Arkhangelsk Oblast, Belgorod Oblast, Bryansk Oblast, Chuvash Republic, Ivanovo Oblast, Kaliningrad Oblast, Kaluga Oblast, Kirov Oblast, Komi Republic, Kostroma Oblast, Krasnodar Krai, Kursk Oblast, Leningrad Oblast, Mari El Republic, Moscow Oblast, Murmansk Oblast, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, Novgorod Oblast, Perm Krai, Pskov Oblast, Republic of Adygea, Republic of Bashkortostan, Republic of Dagestan, Republic of Mordovia, Republic of Tatarstan, Tula Oblast, Tver Oblast, Udmurt Republic, Vladimir Oblast, Voronezh Oblast, Yaroslavl Oblast), Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, UK), Indian Ocean (Réunion), North America (Canada (Alberta, British Columbia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Northwest Territories, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Quebec, Saskatchewan, Yukon), Mexico, USA (Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming)), Pacific Ocean (USA (Hawaii)), South America (Argentina, Brazil (Bahia, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Paraná, Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro, Santa Catarina, São Paulo), Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela)).

Abstract A description is provided for Ganoderma applanatum. Sporophores of this fungus are found on both living and dead trees, where the fungus causes a decay of heartwood resulting in a white soft spongy heart and butt rot. Some information on its associated organisms and substrata, dispersal and transmission, habitats and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Angola, Benin, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Madagascar, Morocco, Mozambique, São Tomé and Principe, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo), Asia (Azerbaijan, Brunei Darussalam, China (Anhui, Fujian, Gansu, Guangdong, Guangxi, Guizhou, Hainan, Hebei, Heilongjiang, Henan, Hong Kong, Hunan, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Jilin, Nei Mongol Autonomous Region, Qinghai, Shaanxi, Shanxi, Sichuan, Xinjiang, Yunnan, Zhejiang), Christmas Island, Cyprus, Georgia, India (Assam, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Meghalaya, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal), Indonesia, Iran, Israel, Japan, Kazakhstan (Almaty, East Kazakhstan, Kostanay, South Kazakhstan), Laos, Malaysia, Nepal, North Korea, Oman, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Russia (Altai Krai, Altai Republic, Irkutsk Oblast, Kamchatka Krai, Kemerovo Oblast, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Krasnoyarsk Krai, Novosibirsk Oblast, Omsk Oblast, Primorsky Krai, Sakha Republic, Sverdlovsk Oblast, Tomsk Oblast, Tyumen Oblast, YamaloNenets Autonomous Okrug), Singapore, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Vietnam), Australasia (Australia (Australian Capital Territory, New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia), New Zealand), Caribbean (American Virgin Islands, British Virgin Islands, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Guadeloupe, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Trinidad and Tobago), Central America (Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama. Europe: Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Republic of North Macedonia, Romania, Russia (Arkhangelsk Oblast, Belgorod Oblast, Bryansk Oblast, Chuvash Republic, Ivanovo Oblast, Kaliningrad Oblast, Kaluga Oblast, Kirov Oblast, Kostroma Oblast, Krasnodar Krai, Kursk Oblast, Leningrad Oblast, Mari El Republic, Moscow Oblast, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, Orenburg Oblast, Oryol Oblast, Penza Oblast, Perm Krai, Pskov Oblast, Republic of Bashkortostan, Republic of Tatarstan, Samara Oblast, Smolensk Oblast, Tula Oblast, Tver Oblast, Udmurt Republic, Vladimir Oblast, Vologda Oblast, Voronezh Oblast, Yaroslavl Oblast), Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, UK), Indian Ocean (Seychelles. North America: Canada (Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Northwest Territories, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Quebec, Saskatchewan), Mexico, USA (Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming)), Pacific Ocean (American Samoa, Cook Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, French Polynesia, Guam, Marshall Islands, Samoa, Tuvalu, USA (Hawaii)), South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil (Acre, Alagoas, Amapá, Amazonas, Bahia, Espírito Santo, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Paraná, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, Rondônia, Roraima, Santa Catarina, São Paulo), Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Peru, Suriname, Uruguay, Venezuela)).

When the National Trust was established in 1895 its founders, Canon Rawnsley, Sir Robert Hunter and Octavia Hill, were, as Cannadine notes, “primarily concerned with preserving open spaces of outstanding natural beauty which were threatened with development or spoliation.” This was because, like Ruskin, Morris and “many of their contemporaries, they believed that the essence of Englishness was to be found in the fields and hedgerows, not in the suburbs and slums” (Cannadine 227). It was important to protect these sites of beauty and historical interest from development not only for what they were but for what they purportedly represented—an irreplaceable repository of the nation’s “spiritual values”, and thus a vital antidote to the “base materialism” of the day. G.M. Trevelyan, who I am quoting here, noted in two pieces written on behalf of the Trust in the 1920s and 30s, that the “inexorable rise of bricks and mortar” and the “full development of motor traffic” were laying waste to the English countryside. In the face of this assault on England’s heartland, the National Trust provided “an ark of refuge” safeguarding the nation’s cherished physical heritage and preserving its human cargo from the rising waters of materialism and despair (qtd. in Cannadine 231-2).Despite the extension of the road network and increasing private ownership of cars (up from 200,000 registrations in 1918 to “well over one million” in 1930), physical distance and economic hardship denied the majority of the urban population access to the countryside (Taylor 217). For the urban working classes recently or distantly displaced from the land, the dream of a return to rural roots was never more than a fantasy. Ford Madox Ford observed that “the poor and working classes of the towns never really go back” (Ford 58).Through the later nineteenth century the rural nostalgia once most prevalent among the working classes was increasingly noted as a feature of middle class sensibility. Better educated, with more leisure time and money at their disposal, these sentimental ruralists furnished a ready market for a new consumer phenomenon—the commodification of the English countryside and the packaging of the values it notionally embodied. As Valentine Cunningham observes, this was not always an edifying spectacle. By the late 1920s, “the terrible sounds of ‘Ye Olde England’ can already be heard, just off-stage, knocking together its thatched wayside stall where plastic pixies, reproduction beer-mugs, relics of Shakespeare and corn-dollies would soon be on sale” (Cunningham 229). Alongside the standard tourist tat, and the fiction and poetry that romanticised the rural world, a new kind of travel writing emerged around the turn of the century. Through an analysis of early-twentieth century notions of Englishness, this paper considers how the north struggled to find a place in H.V. Morton’s In Search of England (1927).In Haunts of Ancient Peace (1901), the Poet Laureate, Alfred Austin, described a journey through “Old England” as a cultural pilgrimage in quest of surviving vestiges of the nation’s essential identity, “or so much of it as is left” (Austin 18). Austin’s was an early example of what had, by the 1920s and 30s become a “boom market … in books about the national character, traditions and antiquities, usually to be found in the country” (Wiener 73). Longmans began its “English Heritage” series in 1929, introduced by the Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin, with volumes on “English humour, folk song and dance, the public school, the parish church, [and] wild life”. A year later Batsford launched its series of books on “English Life” with volumes featuring “the countryside, Old English household life, inns, villages, and cottages” (Wiener 73). There was an outpouring of books with an overtly conservationist agenda celebrating journeys through or periods of residence in the countryside, many of them written by “soldiers like Henry Williamson and Edmund Blunden, who returned from the First War determined to preserve the rural England they’d known” (Cunningham 229; Blunden, Face, England; Roberts, Pilgrim, Gone ; Williamson). In turn, these books engendered an efflorescence of critical analyses of the construction of England (Hamilton; Haddow; Keith; Cavaliero; Gervais; Giles and Middleton; Westall and Gardiner).By the 1920s it was clear that a great many people thought they knew what England was, where it might be found, and if threatened, which parts of it needed to be rescued in order to safeguard the survival of its essential identity. By the same point, there were large numbers who felt, in Patrick Wright’s words, that “Some areas of the nation had been lost forever and in these no one should expect to find the traditional nation at all” (Wright 87).A key guide to the nation’s sacred sites in this period, an inventory of their relics, and an illustration of how its lost regions might be rescued for or erased from its cultural map, was provided in H.V. Morton’s In Search of England (1927). Initially published as a series of articles in the Daily Express in 1926, In Search of England went through nine editions in the two and a half years after its appearance in book form in 1927. With sales in excess of a million copies, as John Brannigan notes, the book went through a further twenty editions by 1943, and has remained continuously in print since (Brannigan).In his introduction Morton proposes In Search of England is simply “the record of a motor-car journey round England … written without deliberation by the roadside, on farmyard walls, in cathedrals, in little churchyards, on the washstands of country inns, and in many another inconvenient place” (Morton vii). As C.R. Perry notes, “This is a happy image, but also a misleading one” (Perry 434) for there was nothing arbitrary about Morton’s progress. Even a cursory glance at the map of his journey confirms, the England that Morton went in search of was overwhelmingly rural or coastal, and embodied in the historic villages and ancient towns of the Midlands or South.Morton’s biographer, Michael Bartholomew suggests that the “nodal points” of Morton’s journey are the “cathedral cities” (Bartholomew 105).Despite claims to the contrary, his book was written with deliberation and according to a specific cultural objective. Morton’s purpose was not to discover his homeland but to confirm a vision that he and millions of others cherished. He was not in search of England so much as reassuring himself and his readers that in spite of the depredations of the factory and the motor vehicle, it was still out there. These aims determined Morton’s journey; how long he spent in differing parts, what he recorded, and how he presented landscapes, buildings, people and material culture.Morton’s determination to celebrate England as rural and ancient needed to negotiate the journey north into an industrial landscape better known for its manufacturing cities, mining and mill towns, and the densely packed streets of the poor and working classes. Unable to either avoid or ignore this north, Morton needed to settle upon a strategy of passing through it without disturbing his vision of the rural idyll. Narratively, Morton’s touring through the south and west of the country is conducted at a gentle pace. In my 1930 edition of the text, it takes 185 of the book’s 280 pages to bring him from London via the South Coast, Cornwall, the Cotswolds and the Welsh marches, to Chester. The instant Morton crosses the Lancashire border, his bull-nosed Morris accelerates through the extensive northern counties in a mere thirty pages: Warrington to Carlisle (with a side trip to Gretna Green), Carlisle to Durham, and Durham to Lincoln. The final sixty-five pages return to the more leisurely pace of the south and west through Norfolk and the East Midlands, before the journey is completed in an unnamed village somewhere between Stratford upon Avon and Warwick. Morton spends 89 per cent of the text in the South and Midlands (66 per cent and 23 per cent respectively) with only 11 per cent given over to his time in the north.If, as Genette has pointed out, narrative deceleration results in the descriptive pause, it is no coincidence that this is the recurring set piece of Morton’s treatment of the south and west as opposed to the north. His explorations take dwelling moments on river banks and hill tops, in cathedral closes and castle ruins to honour the genius loci and imagine earlier times. On Plymouth Hoe he sees, in his mind’s eye, Sir Walter Raleigh’s fleet set sail to take on the Armada; at Tintagel it is Arthur, wild and Celtic, scaling the cliffs, spear in hand; at Buckler’s Hard amid the rotting slipways he imagines the “stout oak-built ships which helped to found the British Empire”, setting out on their journeys of conquest (Morton 39). At the other extreme, Genette observes, that narrative acceleration produces ellipsis, where details are omitted in order to render a more compact and striking expression. It is the principle of ellipsis, of selective omission, which compresses the geography of Morton’s journey through the north with the effect of shaping reader experiences. Morton hurries past the north’s industrial areas—shuddering at the sight of smoke or chimneys and averting his gaze from factory and slum.As he crosses the border from Cheshire into Lancashire, Morton reflects that “the traveller enters Industrial England”—not that you would know it from his account (Morton 185). Heading north towards the Lake District, he steers a determined path between “red smoke stacks” rising on one side and an “ominous grey haze” on the other, holding to a narrow corridor of rural land where, to his relief, he observes men “raking hay in a field within gunshot of factory chimneys” (Morton 185-6). These redolent, though isolated, farmhands are of greater cultural moment than the citadels of industry towering on either side of them. While the chimneys might symbolise the nation’s economic potency, the farmhands embody the survival of its essential cultural and moral qualities. In an allusion to the Israelites’ passage through the Red Sea from the Book of Exodus, the land that the workers tend holds back the polluted tide of industry, furnishing relief from the factory and the slum, granting Morton safe passage through the perils of modernity and into the Promised Land–or at least the Lake District. In Morton’s view this green belt is not only more essentially English than trade and industry, it is also expresses a nobler and more authentic Englishness.The “great industrial new-rich cities of northern England—vast and mighty as they are,” Morton observes, “fall into perspective as mere black specks against the mighty background of history and the great green expanse of fine country which is the real North of England” (Morton 208). Thus, the rural land between Manchester and Liverpool expands into a sea of green as the great cities shrink on the horizon, and the north is returned to its origins.What Morton cannot speed past or ignore, what he is compelled or chooses to confront, he transforms, through the agency of history, into something that he and England can bear to own. Tempted into Wigan by its reputation as a comic nowhere-land, a place whose name conjured a thousand music hall gags, Morton confesses that he had expected to find there another kind of cliché, “the apex of the world’s pyramid of gloom … dreary streets and stagnant canals and white-faced Wigonians dragging their weary steps along dull streets haunted by the horror of the place in which they are condemned to live” (Morton 187).In the process of naming what he dreads, Morton does not describe Wigan: he exorcises his deepest fears about what it might hold and offers an incantation intended to hold them at bay. He “discovers” Wigan is not the industrial slum but “a place which still bears all the signs of an old-fashioned country town” (Morton 188). Morton makes no effort to describe Wigan as it is, any more than he describes the north as a whole: he simply overlays them with a vision of them as they should be—he invents the Wigan and the north that he and England need.Having surveyed parks and gardens, historical monuments and the half-timbered mock-Tudor High Street, Morton returns to his car and the road where, with an audible sigh of relief, he finds: “Within five minutes of notorious Wigan we were in the depth of the country,” and that “on either side were fields in which men were making hay” (Morton 189).In little more than three pages he passes from one set of haymakers, south of town, to another on its north. The green world has all but smoothed over the industrial eyesore, and the reader, carefully chaperoned by Morton, can pass on to the Lake District having barely glimpsed the realities of industry and urbanism, reassured that if this is the worst that the north has to show then the rural heartland and the essential identity it sustains are safe. Paradoxically, instead of invalidating his account, Morton’s self-evident exclusions and omissions seem only to have fuelled its popularity.For readers of the Daily Express in the months leading up to and immediately after the General Strike of 1926, the myth of England that Morton proffered, of an unspoilt village where old values and traditional hierarchies still held true, was preferable to the violently polarised urban battlefields that the strike had revealed. As the century progressed and the nation suffered depression, war, and a steady decline in its international standing, as industry, suburban sprawl and the irresistible spread of motorways and traffic blighted the land, Morton’s England offered an imagined refuge, a real England that somehow, magically resisted the march of time.Yet if it was Morton’s triumph to provide England with a vision of its ideal spiritual home, it was his tragedy that this portrait of it hastened the devastation of the cultural survivals he celebrated and sought to preserve: “Even as the sense of idyll and peace was maintained, the forces pulling in another direction had to be acknowledged” (Taylor 74).In his introduction to the 1930 edition of In Search of England Morton approvingly acknowledged that a new enthusiasm for the nation’s history and heritage was abroad and that “never before have so many people been searching for England.” In the next sentence he goes on to laud the “remarkable system of motor-coach services which now penetrates every part of the country [and] has thrown open to ordinary people regions which even after the coming of the railways were remote and inaccessible” (Morton vii).Astonishingly, as the waiting charabancs roared their engines and the village greens of England enjoyed the last hours of their tranquillity, Morton somehow failed to make the obvious connection between these unique cultural and social phenomena or take any measure of their potential consequences. His “motoring pastoral” did more than alert the barbarians to the existence of the nation’s hidden treasures, as David Matless notes it provided them with a route map, itinerary and behavioural guide for their pillages (Matless 64; Peach; Batsford).Yet while cultural preservationists wrung their hands in horror at the advent of the day-tripper slouching towards Barnstaple, for Morton this was never a cause for concern. The nature of his journey and the form of its representation demonstrate that the England he worshipped was more an imaginary than a physical space, an ideal whose precise location no chart could fix and no touring party defile. ReferencesAustin, Alfred. Haunts of Ancient Peace. London: Macmillan, 1902.Bartholomew, Michael. In Search of H.V. Morton. London: Methuen, 2004.Batsford, Harry. How to See the Country. London: B.T. Batsford, 1940.Blunden, Edmund. The Face of England: In a Series of Occasional Sketches. London: Longmans, 1932.———. English Villages. London: Collins, 1942.Brannigan, John. “‘England Am I …’ Eugenics, Devolution and Virginia Woolf’s Between the Acts.” The Palgrave Macmillan Literature of an Independent England: Revisions of England, Englishness and English Literature. Eds. Claire Westall and Michael Gardiner. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.Cannadine, David. In Churchill’s Shadow: Confronting the Past in Modern Britain. London: Penguin, 2002.Cavaliero, Glen. The Rural Tradition in the English Novel 1900-1939. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1977.Cunningham, Valentine. British Writers of the Thirties. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988.Ford, Ford Madox. The Heart of the Country: A Survey of a Modern Land. London: Alston Rivers, 1906.Gervais, David. Literary Englands. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.Giles, J., and T. Middleton, eds. Writing Englishness. London: Routledge, 1995.Haddow, Elizabeth. “The Novel of English Country Life, 1900-1930.” Dissertation. London: University of London, 1957.Hamilton, Robert. W.H. Hudson: The Vision of Earth. New York: Kennikat Press, 1946.Keith, W.J. Richard Jefferies: A Critical Study. Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1965.Lewis, Roy, and Angus Maude. The English Middle Classes. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1949.Matless, David. Landscape and Englishness. London: Reaktion Books, 1998.Morris, Margaret. The General Strike. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976.Morton, H.V. In Search of England. London: Methuen, 1927.Peach, H. Let Us Tidy Up. Leicester: The Dryad Press, 1930.Perry, C.R. “In Search of H.V. Morton: Travel Writing and Cultural Values in the First Age of British Democracy.” Twentieth Century British History 10.4 (1999): 431-56.Roberts, Cecil. Pilgrim Cottage. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1933.———. Gone Rustic. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1934.Taylor, A.J.P. England 1914-1945. The Oxford History of England XV. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975.Taylor, John. War Photography: Realism in the British Press. London: Routledge, 1991.Wiener, Martin. English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850-1980. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.Williamson, Henry. The Village Book. London: Jonathan Cape, 1930.Wright, Patrick. A Journey through Ruins: A Keyhole Portrait of British Postwar Life and Culture. London: Flamingo, 1992.

Special Care Notice This article contains images of deceased people that might cause sadness or distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers. Introduction Like many cities, Perth was founded on wetlands that have been integral to its history and culture (Seddon 226–32). However, in order to promote a settlement agenda, early mapmakers sought to erase the city’s wetlands from cartographic depictions (Giblett, Cities). Since the colonial era, inner-Perth’s swamps and lakes have been drained, filled, significantly reduced in size, or otherwise reclaimed for urban expansion (Bekle). Not only have the swamps and lakes physically disappeared, the memories of their presence and influence on the city’s development over time are also largely forgotten. What was the site of Perth, specifically its wetlands, like before British settlement? In 2014, an interdisciplinary team at Edith Cowan University developed a digital visualisation process to re-imagine Perth prior to colonisation. This was based on early maps of the Swan River Colony and a range of archival information. The images depicted the city’s topography, hydrology, and vegetation and became the centerpiece of a physical exhibition entitled Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands and a virtual exhibition hosted by the Western Australian Museum. Alongside historic maps, paintings, photographs, and writings, the visual reconstruction of Perth aimed to foster appreciation of the pre-settlement environment—the homeland of the Whadjuck Nyoongar, or Bibbulmun, people (Carter and Nutter). The exhibition included the narrative of Fanny Balbuk, a Nyoongar woman who voiced her indignation over the “usurping of her beloved home ground” (Bates, The Passing 69) by flouting property lines and walking through private residences to reach places of cultural significance. Beginning with Balbuk’s story and the digital tracing of her walking route through colonial Perth, this article discusses the project in the context of contemporary pressures on the city’s extant wetlands. The re-imagining of Perth through historically, culturally, and geographically-grounded digital visualisation approaches can inspire the conservation of its wetlands heritage. Balbuk’s Walk through the City For many who grew up in Perth, Fanny Balbuk’s perambulations have achieved legendary status in the collective cultural imagination. In his memoir, David Whish-Wilson mentions Balbuk’s defiant walks and the lighting up of the city for astronaut John Glenn in 1962 as the two stories that had the most impact on his Perth childhood. From Gordon Stephenson House, Whish-Wilson visualises her journey in his mind’s eye, past Government House on St Georges Terrace (the main thoroughfare through the city centre), then north on Barrack Street towards the railway station, the site of Lake Kingsford where Balbuk once gathered bush tucker (4). He considers the footpaths “beneath the geometric frame of the modern city […] worn smooth over millennia that snake up through the sheoak and marri woodland and into the city’s heart” (Whish-Wilson 4). Balbuk’s story embodies the intertwined culture and nature of Perth—a city of wetlands. Born in 1840 on Heirisson Island, Balbuk (also known as Yooreel) (Figure 1) had ancestral bonds to the urban landscape. According to Daisy Bates, writing in the early 1900s, the Nyoongar term Matagarup, or “leg deep,” denotes the passage of shallow water near Heirisson Island where Balbuk would have forded the Swan River (“Oldest” 16). Yoonderup was recorded as the Nyoongar name for Heirisson Island (Bates, “Oldest” 16) and the birthplace of Balbuk’s mother (Bates, “Aboriginal”). In the suburb of Shenton Park near present-day Lake Jualbup, her father bequeathed to her a red ochre (or wilgi) pit that she guarded fervently throughout her life (Bates, “Aboriginal”).Figure 1. Group of Aboriginal Women at Perth, including Fanny Balbuk (far right) (c. 1900). Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: 44c). Balbuk’s grandparents were culturally linked to the site. At his favourite camp beside the freshwater spring near Kings Park on Mounts Bay Road, her grandfather witnessed the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Irwin, cousin of James Stirling (Bates, “Fanny”). In 1879, colonial entrepreneurs established the Swan Brewery at this significant locale (Welborn). Her grandmother’s gravesite later became Government House (Bates, “Fanny”) and she protested vociferously outside “the stone gates guarded by a sentry [that] enclosed her grandmother’s burial ground” (Bates, The Passing 70). Balbuk’s other grandmother was buried beneath Bishop’s Grove, the residence of the city’s first archibishop, now Terrace Hotel (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Historian Bob Reece observes that Balbuk was “the last full-descent woman of Kar’gatta (Karrakatta), the Bibbulmun name for the Mount Eliza [Kings Park] area of Perth” (134). According to accounts drawn from Bates, her home ground traversed the area between Heirisson Island and Perth’s north-western limits. In Kings Park, one of her relatives was buried near a large, hollow tree used by Nyoongar people like a cistern to capture water and which later became the site of the Queen Victoria Statue (Bates, “Aboriginal”). On the slopes of Mount Eliza, the highest point of Kings Park, at the western end of St Georges Terrace, she harvested plant foods, including zamia fruits (Macrozamia riedlei) (Bates, “Fanny”). Fanny Balbuk’s knowledge contributed to the native title claim lodged by Nyoongar people in 2006 as Bennell v. State of Western Australia—the first of its kind to acknowledge Aboriginal land rights in a capital city and part of the larger Single Nyoongar Claim (South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council et al.). Perth’s colonial administration perceived the city’s wetlands as impediments to progress and as insalubrious environments to be eradicated through reclamation practices. For Balbuk and other Nyoongar people, however, wetlands were “nourishing terrains” (Rose) that afforded sustenance seasonally and meaning perpetually (O’Connor, Quartermaine, and Bodney). Mary Graham, a Kombu-merri elder from Queensland, articulates the connection between land and culture, “because land is sacred and must be looked after, the relation between people and land becomes the template for society and social relations. Therefore all meaning comes from land.” Traditional, embodied reliance on Perth’s wetlands is evident in Bates’ documentation. For instance, Boojoormeup was a “big swamp full of all kinds of food, now turned into Palmerston and Lake streets” (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Considering her cultural values, Balbuk’s determination to maintain pathways through the increasingly colonial Perth environment is unsurprising (Figure 2). From Heirisson Island: a straight track had led to the place where once she had gathered jilgies [crayfish] and vegetable food with the women, in the swamp where Perth railway station now stands. Through fences and over them, Balbuk took the straight track to the end. When a house was built in the way, she broke its fence-palings with her digging stick and charged up the steps and through the rooms. (Bates, The Passing 70) One obstacle was Hooper’s Fence, which Balbuk broke repeatedly on her trips to areas between Kings Park and the railway station (Bates, “Hooper’s”). Her tenacious commitment to walking ancestral routes signifies the friction between settlement infrastructure and traditional Nyoongar livelihood during an era of rapid change. Figure 2. Determination of Fanny Balbuk’s Journey between Yoonderup (Heirisson Island) and Lake Kingsford, traversing what is now the central business district of Perth on the Swan River (2014). Image background prepared by Dimitri Fotev. Track interpolation by Jeff Murray. Project Background and Approach Inspired by Fanny Balbuk’s story, Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands began as an Australian response to the Mannahatta Project. Founded in 1999, that project used spatial analysis techniques and mapping software to visualise New York’s urbanised Manhattan Island—or Mannahatta as it was called by indigenous people—in the early 1600s (Sanderson). Based on research into the island’s original biogeography and the ecological practices of Native Americans, Mannahatta enabled the public to “peel back” the city’s strata, revealing the original composition of the New York site. The layers of visuals included rich details about the island’s landforms, water systems, and vegetation. Mannahatta compelled Rod Giblett, a cultural researcher at Edith Cowan University, to develop an analogous model for visualising Perth circa 1829. The idea attracted support from the City of Perth, Landgate, and the University. Using stories, artefacts, and maps, the team—comprising a cartographer, designer, three-dimensional modelling expert, and historical researchers—set out to generate visualisations of the landscape at the time of British colonisation. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup approved culturally sensitive material and contributed his perspective on Aboriginal content to include in the exhibition. The initiative’s context remains pressing. In many ways, Perth has become a template for development in the metropolitan area (Weller). While not unusual for a capital, the rate of transformation is perhaps unexpected in a city less than 200 years old (Forster). There also remains a persistent view of existing wetlands as obstructions to progress that, once removed, are soon forgotten (Urban Bushland Council). Digital visualisation can contribute to appreciating environments prior to colonisation but also to re-imagining possibilities for future human interactions with land, water, and space. Despite the rapid pace of change, many Perth area residents have memories of wetlands lost during their lifetimes (for example, Giblett, Forrestdale). However, as the clearing and drainage of the inner city occurred early in settlement, recollections of urban wetlands exist exclusively in historical records. In 1935, a local correspondent using the name “Sandgroper” reminisced about swamps, connecting them to Perth’s colonial heritage: But the Swamps were very real in fact, and in name in the [eighteen-] Nineties, and the Perth of my youth cannot be visualised without them. They were, of course, drying up apace, but they were swamps for all that, and they linked us directly with the earliest days of the Colony when our great-grandparents had founded this City of Perth on a sort of hog's-back, of which Hay-street was the ridge, and from which a succession of streamlets ran down its southern slope to the river, while land locked to the north of it lay a series of lakes which have long since been filled to and built over so that the only evidence that they have ever existed lies in the original street plans of Perth prepared by Roe and Hillman in the early eighteen-thirties. A salient consequence of the loss of ecological memory is the tendency to repeat the miscues of the past, especially the blatant disregard for natural and cultural heritage, as suburbanisation engulfs the area. While the swamps of inner Perth remain only in the names of streets, existing wetlands in the metropolitan area are still being threatened, as the Roe Highway (Roe 8) Campaign demonstrates. To re-imagine Perth’s lost landscape, we used several colonial survey maps to plot the location of the original lakes and swamps. At this time, a series of interconnecting waterbodies, known as the Perth Great Lakes, spread across the north of the city (Bekle and Gentilli). This phase required the earliest cartographic sources (Figure 3) because, by 1855, city maps no longer depicted wetlands. We synthesised contextual information, such as well depths, geological and botanical maps, settlers’ accounts, Nyoongar oral histories, and colonial-era artists’ impressions, to produce renderings of Perth. This diverse collection of primary and secondary materials served as the basis for creating new images of the city. Team member Jeff Murray interpolated Balbuk’s route using historical mappings and accounts, topographical data, court records, and cartographic common sense. He determined that Balbuk would have camped on the high ground of the southern part of Lake Kingsford rather than the more inundated northern part (Figure 2). Furthermore, she would have followed a reasonably direct course north of St Georges Terrace (contrary to David Whish-Wilson’s imaginings) because she was barred from Government House for protesting. This easier route would have also avoided the springs and gullies that appear on early maps of Perth. Figure 3. Townsite of Perth in Western Australia by Colonial Draftsman A. Hillman and John Septimus Roe (1838). This map of Perth depicts the wetlands that existed overlaid by the geomentric grid of the new city. Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: BA1961/14). Additionally, we produced an animated display based on aerial photographs to show the historical extent of change. Prompted by the build up to World War II, the earliest aerial photography of Perth dates from the late 1930s (Dixon 148–54). As “Sandgroper” noted, by this time, most of the urban wetlands had been drained or substantially modified. The animation revealed considerable alterations to the formerly swampy Swan River shoreline. Most prominent was the transformation of the Matagarup shallows across the Swan River, originally consisting of small islands. Now traversed by a causeway, this area was transformed into a single island, Heirisson—the general site of Balbuk’s birth. The animation and accompanying materials (maps, images, and writings) enabled viewers to apprehend the changes in real time and to imagine what the city was once like. Re-imagining Perth’s Urban Heart The physical environment of inner Perth includes virtually no trace of its wetland origins. Consequently, we considered whether a representation of Perth, as it existed previously, could enhance public understanding of natural heritage and thereby increase its value. For this reason, interpretive materials were exhibited centrally at Perth Town Hall. Built partly by convicts between 1867 and 1870, the venue is close to the site of the 1829 Foundation of Perth, depicted in George Pitt Morrison’s painting. Balbuk’s grandfather “camped somewhere in the city of Perth, not far from the Town Hall” (Bates, “Fanny”). The building lies one block from the site of the railway station on the site of Lake Kingsford, the subsistence grounds of Balbuk and her forebears: The old swamp which is now the Perth railway yards had been a favourite jilgi ground; a spring near the Town Hall had been a camping place of Maiago […] and others of her fathers' folk; and all around and about city and suburbs she had gathered roots and fished for crayfish in the days gone by. (Bates, “Derelicts” 55) Beginning in 1848, the draining of Lake Kingsford reached completion during the construction of the Town Hall. While the swamps of the city were not appreciated by many residents, some organisations, such as the Perth Town Trust, vigorously opposed the reclamation of the lake, alluding to its hydrological role: That, the soil being sand, it is not to be supposed that Lake Kingsford has in itself any material effect on the wells of Perth; but that, from this same reason of the sandy soil, it would be impossible to keep the lake dry without, by so doing, withdrawing the water from at least the adjacent parts of the townsite to the same depth. (Independent Journal of Politics and News 3) At the time of our exhibition, the Lake Kingsford site was again being reworked to sink the railway line and build Yagan Square, a public space named after a colonial-era Nyoongar leader. The project required specialised construction techniques due to the high water table—the remnants of the lake. People travelling to the exhibition by train in October 2014 could have seen the lake reasserting itself in partly-filled depressions, flush with winter rain (Figure 4).Figure 4. Rise of the Repressed (2014). Water Rising in the former site of Lake Kingsford/Irwin during construction, corner of Roe and Fitzgerald Streets, Northbridge, WA. Image Credit: Nandi Chinna (2014). The exhibition was situated in the Town Hall’s enclosed undercroft designed for markets and more recently for shops. While some visited after peering curiously through the glass walls of the undercroft, others hailed from local and state government organisations. Guest comments applauded the alternative view of Perth we presented. The content invited the public to re-imagine Perth as a city of wetlands that were both environmentally and culturally important. A display panel described how the city’s infrastructure presented a hindrance for Balbuk as she attempted to negotiate the once-familiar route between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford (Figure 2). Perth’s growth “restricted Balbuk’s wanderings; towns, trains, and farms came through her ‘line of march’; old landmarks were thus swept away, and year after year saw her less confident of the locality of one-time familiar spots” (Bates, “Fanny”). Conserving Wetlands: From Re-Claiming to Re-Valuing? Imagination, for philosopher Roger Scruton, involves “thinking of, and attending to, a present object (by thinking of it, or perceiving it, in terms of something absent)” (155). According to Scruton, the feelings aroused through imagination can prompt creative, transformative experiences. While environmental conservation tends to rely on data-driven empirical approaches, it appeals to imagination less commonly. We have found, however, that attending to the present object (the city) in terms of something absent (its wetlands) through evocative visual material can complement traditional conservation agendas focused on habitats and species. The actual extent of wetlands loss in the Swan Coastal Plain—the flat and sandy region extending from Jurien Bay south to Cape Naturaliste, including Perth—is contested. However, estimates suggest that 80 per cent of wetlands have been lost, with remaining habitats threatened by climate change, suburban development, agriculture, and industry (Department of Environment and Conservation). As with the swamps and lakes of the inner city, many regional wetlands were cleared, drained, or filled before they could be properly documented. Additionally, the seasonal fluctuations of swampy places have never been easily translatable to two-dimensional records. As Giblett notes, the creation of cartographic representations and the assignment of English names were attempts to fix the dynamic boundaries of wetlands, at least in the minds of settlers and administrators (Postmodern 72–73). Moreover, European colonists found the Western Australian landscape, including its wetlands, generally discomfiting. In a letter from 1833, metaphors failed George Fletcher Moore, the effusive colonial commentator, “I cannot compare these swamps to any marshes with which you are familiar” (220). The intermediate nature of wetlands—as neither land nor lake—is perhaps one reason for their cultural marginalisation (Giblett, Postmodern 39). The conviction that unsanitary, miasmic wetlands should be converted to more useful purposes largely prevailed (Giblett, Black 105–22). Felicity Morel-EdnieBrown’s research into land ownership records in colonial Perth demonstrated that town lots on swampland were often preferred. By layering records using geographic information systems (GIS), she revealed modifications to town plans to accommodate swampland frontages. The decline of wetlands in the region appears to have been driven initially by their exploitation for water and later for fertile soil. Northern market gardens supplied the needs of the early city. It is likely that the depletion of Nyoongar bush foods predated the flourishing of these gardens (Carter and Nutter). Engaging with the history of Perth’s swamps raises questions about the appreciation of wetlands today. In an era where numerous conservation strategies and alternatives have been developed (for example, Bobbink et al. 93–220), the exploitation of wetlands in service to population growth persists. On Perth’s north side, wetlands have long been subdued by controlling their water levels and landscaping their boundaries, as the suburban examples of Lake Monger and Hyde Park (formerly Third Swamp Reserve) reveal. Largely unmodified wetlands, such as Forrestdale Lake, exist south of Perth, but they too are in danger (Giblett, Black Swan). The Beeliar Wetlands near the suburb of Bibra Lake comprise an interconnected series of lakes and swamps that are vulnerable to a highway extension project first proposed in the 1950s. Just as the Perth Town Trust debated Lake Kingsford’s draining, local councils and the public are fiercely contesting the construction of the Roe Highway, which will bisect Beeliar Wetlands, destroying Roe Swamp (Chinna). The conservation value of wetlands still struggles to compete with traffic planning underpinned by a modernist ideology that associates cars and freeways with progress (Gregory). Outside of archives, the debate about Lake Kingsford is almost entirely forgotten and its physical presence has been erased. Despite the magnitude of loss, re-imagining the city’s swamplands, in the way that we have, calls attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities. We hope that the re-imagining of Perth’s wetlands stimulates public respect for ancestral tracks and songlines like Balbuk’s. Despite the accretions of settler history and colonial discourse, songlines endure as a fundamental cultural heritage. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup states, “as people, if we can get out there on our songlines, even though there may be farms or roads overlaying them, fences, whatever it is that might impede us from travelling directly upon them, if we can get close proximity, we can still keep our culture alive. That is why it is so important for us to have our songlines.” Just as Fanny Balbuk plied her songlines between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford, the traditional custodians of Beeliar and other wetlands around Perth walk the landscape as an act of resistance and solidarity, keeping the stories of place alive. Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge Rod Giblett (ECU), Nandi Chinna (ECU), Susanna Iuliano (ECU), Jeff Murray (Kareff Consulting), Dimitri Fotev (City of Perth), and Brendan McAtee (Landgate) for their contributions to this project. The authors also acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands upon which this paper was researched and written. 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