Journal articles on the topic 'Dissolution of Yugoslavia'
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1
Klemenčič, Matjaž, and Jernej Zupančič. "The Effects of the Dissolution of Yugoslavia on the Minority Rights of Hungarian and Italian Minorities in the Post-Yugoslav States." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 853–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296186.
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Thousands of books have been written on Yugoslavia's dissolution and the wars that followed in the 1990s. Most of them, however, deal with relations among the main ethno-nations of Yugoslavia, i.e., Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Bosniaks (Muslims), Montenegrins, Macedonians and Albanians, and the effects on them of the dissolution and wars. Hungarians and Italians of Yugoslavia also suffered, and the wars affected their destiny; but these peoples have rarely been mentioned in the context of this history. It is the aim of this article to fill the gap.
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Čolović, Ivan. "Yugoslav culture after Yugoslavia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (December 2021): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.2.
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In the states which formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, ethnic/national cultures are developing independently, alongside a parallel shared post-Yugoslav culture. This culture is not a continuation of the official cultural collaboration between the Yugoslav nations which took place when Yugoslavia existed, rather it is a new phenomenon. It is appearing in opposition to nationalism, against the closing off of culture into narrow ethno-national frames and is based on the genuine existence of a cultural unity older than the common state which was created from the common Yugoslav state itself. It seeks creative responses to the problems caused by the wars and collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It also looks for the appropriate analytical instruments. The author uses the Biblioteka XX vek (The 20th Century Library) as an example – the book series which he founded and publishes in the field of humanities and social sciences. The alternative post-Yugoslav culture is characterised by the high quality of what it offers. However, its protagonists are simultaneously criticised by the nationalist circles in power in the states formed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, who consider the post-Yugoslav cultural unity an alleged national betrayal.
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Mazzucchelli, Francesco. "What remains of Yugoslavia? From the geopolitical space of Yugoslavia to the virtual space of the Web Yugosphere." Social Science Information 51, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456781.
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This article works from the double hypothesis that: (1) a Yugoslav socio-cultural space still exists in spite of the dissolution of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; and (2) the communities ‘occupying’ this space can be considered, in some measure, ‘diasporic’, if the ‘Yugoslav diaspora’ is defined by not only the geographic displacement of people but also by the loosening of connections between members of an ex-nation who still consider themselves a national community. The ‘space’ mapped in the article is the so-called ‘virtual space’ of the Web, including all websites that reconnect to the ‘cultural languages’ of the ‘past-country’. The author observes how these ‘different Yugoslavias’ are ‘staged’ and linked together on the Web, and verifies how some far-flung communities rally around the ‘virtual re-foundation’ and ‘virtual representations’ of Yugoslavia. The corpus is constituted mainly of ‘yugonostalgic’ websites that are subjected to a content analysis. The 191 websites of the corpus and the hypertextual map of their edges are analysed using semantic features together with other tools of categorization.
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Kim, Sanghun. "Politics in Literature―Yugoslav Literature at the End of the 20th Century and Nationalism." Society for International Cultural Institute 15, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34223/jic.2022.15.1.1.
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The causes of the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation can be found in many ways, but ‘nationalism’ is the most decisive. However, the issue of “should only the Serbian people be held responsible for the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the civil war?” is a very sensitive issue, and looking at the history of nationalism that existed before the formation of Yugoslavia shows that Serbia and other republics cannot be completely free from that responsibility. In this paper, we examine the historical development and characteristics of ‘nationalism’ in Yugoslavia, particularly in Serbia and Croatia, and based on this, the relationship between ‘literature’ and ‘nationalism’ in Serbia and Croatia around the 1990s. The Serbian and Croatian literary circles have clearly differentiated their position over the dissolution of Yugoslavia since 1991, while the Croatian literary community, which sought to gain independence from Yugoslavia, sought to find its national identity in literature and to make it as distinct as possible. Based on the overall position of Serbian and Croatian literary circles, we examine representative Serbian and Croatian writers who worked on literature around the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian civil war at the end of the 20th century.
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Dyker, David A. "Yugoslavia—a Peripheral Tragedy." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 4, no. 3 (April 1992): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9200400307.
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The post-war political economy of Yugoslavia is analysed in terms of an interaction between patterns of international relations which have tended to peripheralise Yugoslavia and stubborn internal problems of centre-periphery relations. It is argued that the tendency for the West to give open-ended financial support to Yugoslavia for political reasons has in the past made it regrettably easy for Yugoslav governments to postpone decisive action on these internal problems. The present civil war situation in Yugoslavia, and the likely dissolution of the Yugoslav state, are explained in terms of a combination of unresolved centre-periphery problems and very poor economic performance over the past two decades or so. The analysis underlines the danger that economic aid may in the long run further destabilise countries suffering from this kind of domestic instability, and that processes of democratisation, highly desirable in themselves, may have similar results in the given circumstances.
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Maksimović, Maja. "Unattainable past, unsatisfying present – Yugonostalgia: an omen of a better future?" Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1066–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1312324.
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Nostalgia for the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,yugonostalgia, has become widespread throughout the former Yugoslavia. It takes various forms and expressions, but it represents a selective and largely embellished remembrance, influenced by the need of those who engage in it to escape from the unsatisfying present they live in. In most cases, yugonostalgia is a bittersweet craving for the past – passive, static, and restricted. The paper argues that the actions inspired by yugonostalgia not only can have an active, dynamic, and progressive face, but can also serve as an important factor in the reconciliation process among former Yugoslavs. With its focus on positive and inclusive aspects of the common socialist past, yugonostalgia has the potential to (re)connect the nostalgic subjects throughout the former Yugoslav space, helping them to overcome the alienation that resulted from the violent dissolution of the common state.
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Vukovic, Slobodan. "Germany, Austria and dissolution of Yugoslavia." Socioloski pregled 35, no. 3-4 (2001): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg0103213v.
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Petrov, Ana. "Popular music and producing collectivities: the challenges of audience research in contemporary musicology." Muzikologija, no. 18 (2015): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1518099p.
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In this paper I deal with the ways in which the audience functions as a means of producing collectivities. I define audience as a material body that is a carrier of affective potential in a certain time and space. Taking Yugoslav popular music as an example, i.e. the concerts of performers from the territory of former Yugoslavia, I analyse two crucial issues: the audience at popular music concerts in Belgrade in the period after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, and the audience that is created virtually through social networks.
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Mišina, Dalibor. "“Spit and Sing, My Yugoslavia”: New Partisans, social critique and Bosnian poetics of the patriotic." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903517801.
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As “music of commitment,” in the period from the late 1970s to the late 1980s rock music in Yugoslavia had an important purpose of providing a popular-cultural outlet for the unique forms of socio-cultural critique that engaged with the realities and problems of Yugoslav society. The three “music movements” that embodied the new rock'n'roll spirit – New Wave, New Primitives, and New Partisans – used rock music to critique the country's “new socialist culture,” with the purpose of helping to eliminate the disconnect between the ideal and the reality of socialist Yugoslavia. This paper examines the New Partisans as the most radical expression of music of commitment through the works of its most important rock bands: Bijelo dugme, Plavi orkestar, and Merlin. The paper's argument is that the New Partisans’ socio-cultural engagement, animated by advocacy of Yugoslavism, was a counter-logic to the nationalist dissolution of a distinctly Yugoslav fabric of a socialist community in crisis. Thus, the movement's revolutionary “spirit of reconstruction” permeating its “poetics of the patriotic” was a mechanism of socio-cultural resistance to political, cultural and moral-ethical de-Yugoslavization of Yugoslav society. Its ultimate objective was to make the case that the only way into the future – if there was to be any – rested on strategic reanimation of the Partisan revolutionary past as the only viable socio-cultural foundation of the Yugoslav socialist community.
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BUDDING, AUDREY H. "From Dissidents to Presidents: Dobrica Ćosić and Vojislav Koštunica Compared." Contemporary European History 13, no. 2 (May 2004): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730400164x.
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The article compares the careers of two men, Dobrica Ćosić and Vojislav Koštunica, who gained prominence as dissident intellectuals in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and later served as presidents of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. After outlining the main features of each man's dissident career, the article traces how one aspect of each's thought – his conception of the Serbian national interest – evolved during his transition from intellectual to political engagement. While highlighting differences in Ćosić's and Koštunica's political careers, the article emphasises similarities in their national thought. In conclusion, it considers some general aspects of the dominant Serbian response to Yugoslavia's dissolution.
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Antolović, Michael. "Writing History under the «Dictatorship of the Proletariat»: Yugoslav Historiography 1945–1991." Revista de História das Ideias 39 (June 16, 2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_39_2.
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This paper analyzes the development of the historiography in the former socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991). Starting with the revolutionary changes after the Second World War and the establishment of the «dictatorship of the proletariat», the paper considers the ideological surveillance imposed on historiography entailing its reconceptualization on the Marxist grounds. Despite the existence of common Yugoslav institutions, Yugoslav historiography was constituted by six historiographies focusing their research programs on the history of their own nation, i.e. the republic. Therefore, many joint historiographical projects were either left unfinished or courted controversies between historians over a number of phenomena from the Yugoslav history. Yugoslav historiography emancipated from Marxist dogmatism, and modernized itself following various forms of social history due to a gradual weakening of ideological surveillance from the 1960s onwards. However, the modernization of Yugoslav historiography was carried out only partially because of the growing social and political crises which eventually led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia.
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Klanjšek, Rudi, and Sergej Flere. "Exit Yugoslavia: longing for mononational states or entrepreneurial manipulation?" Nationalities Papers 39, no. 5 (September 2011): 791–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.599374.
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The study analyzed whether the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the establishment of succeeding mono-national states was the expression of “longing” of mass proportions on the part of the nationalities within respective federal units. Using the data from two pan-Yugoslav surveys from the period preceding the dissolution, results were obtained that indicated a very limited support for this hypothesis. More specifically, results indicated that support for emancipation was rather weak, among youth in 1986 and even among the adult population in 1990, although some significant mean differences between the federal units and between major nationalities within them were evident. Specifically, opinions favoring independence were detected among Kosovo Albanians and later among Slovenians in Slovenia. In addition, findings also indicated that those with higher socioeconomic status were not more inclined toward independence. Results thus pointed more towards the idea that the dissolution was indeed instigated by a small group of “political entrepreneurs” not captured by the survey data.
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Nikolić, Oliver. "Dissolution of Federalism in Yugoslavia // Raspad federalizma u Jugoslaviji." Годишњак факултета правних наука - АПЕИРОН 7, no. 7 (July 27, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/gfp1707185n.
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The author gives an overview of the development of the federal system in Yugoslavia since the end of World War II until its complete collapse of the nineties. One of the reason for establishing the federalism in the former Yugoslavia, was the way to resolve the national question, considering Yugoslavia was a multi-ethnic state. But this desire is never, in fact, did not fulfill, at least not consistently. Determination of boundaries between the future federal units did not correspond to historical and national standards and about them was not enacted any legal act. Also, the creation of autonomous provinces only in a one federal unit led to gross violations of the constitutional status of Serbia, to its unequal position compared to the other republics, to breaking of its integrity, etc. All of this along with the fact that the country was not introduce a true democracy, eventually led to a sort of confederation, and ultimately the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
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Rady, Martyn. "Self‐determination and the dissolution of Yugoslavia." Ethnic and Racial Studies 19, no. 2 (April 1996): 379–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1996.9993916.
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Subotić, Jelena. "JAT—More Than Flying: Constructing Yugoslav Identity in the Air." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (December 27, 2017): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417740628.
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This article revisits the history of Yugoslavia to trace the unique ways in which the national airline Yugoslav Airlines (JAT) served as a powerful tool of Yugoslav, and then post-Yugoslav, Serbian state identity construction from 1975 to 2013, when JAT ceased to exist. I analyze the complete archives of the JAT Review to trace the stunning reconstruction of Yugoslav state identity over time: from the height of the Yugoslav “brand” in the 1970s as the country served a pivotal role in the Non-Aligned Movement, to the slow decline in pan-Yugoslav identity and the rise of sub-Yugoslav nationalisms throughout the 1980s, to the final dissolution of the country and collapse of Yugoslav identity in the 1990s. Building on insights from the nation-branding literature, I conduct a textual and visual analysis of articles, photographs, and ads that appeared on the pages of the JAT Review. The analysis points to the complex and often contradictory ways in which Yugoslavia constructed its multiple identities to project power and status in the international sphere, while simultaneously maintaining citizen loyalty at home.
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Mrkić, Ivan. "On the destruction of Yugoslavia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34897.
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In this paper we discuss the development of the SFRY, especially in the period before and after the passing of its Constitution in February 1974. We comment on the behavior of the Serbian representatives during that time. We pay special attention to the term "dissolution", which we explain and deem unfounded, as many events point to the conclusion that Yugoslavia, a signatory of the UN Charter, was broken up and destroyed both politically and physically. We explain who the subjects were who believed that the benefits of destroying Yugoslavia should fall on secessionist politics. We discuss the role of the European Community and the western world, looking back at the so-called Carrington Conference. The paper also mentions the names and roles of certain Yugoslav and foreign political figures. The role of Germany is also discussed.
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Sunga, Lyal. "Noam Chomsky, Yugoslavia: Peace, war and dissolution, Davor Dzalto (ed.), PM press, Oakland, 2018." Filozofija i drustvo 30, no. 3 (2019): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1903433s.
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In this essay, the author reviews and critically assesses the book Yugoslavia: Peace, War, and Dissolution, authored by Noam Chomsky and edited by Davor Dzalto. The author also points to the importance and value of the book for the field of political theory, international relations and Yugoslav studies, examining at the same time particular concepts (such as ?genocide?) within the broader context of legal theory and international law.
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Weller, Marc. "The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." American Journal of International Law 86, no. 3 (July 1992): 569–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203972.
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The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia) and two autonomous regions (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Its overall population was recently estimated as 23.69 million. There were 8.14 million Serbs, 4.43 million Croats, 1.75 million Slovenes, 1.73 million Albanians, 1.34 million Macedonians and 1.22 million “Yugoslavs,” as well as a variety of other minorities.Slovenia has a population of 1.94 million, 90 percent of whom are ethnic Slovenes. There are small minorities of ethnic Serbs, Croats and Hungarians.
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Drapac, Vesna. "The End of Yugoslavia." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002089.
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Francine Friedman, The Bosnian Muslims: Denial of a Nation (Colorado: Westview Press, 1996), 288 pp., $35.00, ISBN 0-8133-2096-8. Eric D. Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: Nationalism and the Destruction of Alternatives (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), 230 pp., $17.95, ISBN 0-271-01958-1. Lorraine M. Lees, Keeping Tito Afloat: The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997), 246 pp., $40, ISBN 0-271-01629-9. Reneo Lukic and Allen Lynch, Europe from the Balkans to the Urals: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press and Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Monographs, 1996), 436 pp., £35.00, ISBN 0-19-829200-7. Viktor Meier, Yugoslavia: A History of its Demise, trans. Sabrina Petra Ramet (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 279 pp., £16.99, ISBN 0-415-18596-3. Aleksandar Pavkovic, The Fragmentation of Yugoslavia: Nationalism and War in the Balkans, 2nd edn (London and New York: Macmillan and St. Martin's Press, 2000), 243 pp., £42.50, ISBN 0-312-23084-2. Sabrina Petra Ramet, Balkan Babel: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to Ethnic War, 2nd edn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), 354 pp., $30.00, ISBN 0-8133-2559-5. Richard H. Ullman, ed., The World and Yugoslavia's Wars (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1996), 230 pp., $18.95, ISBN 0-87609-191-5. Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1995), 536 pp., $16.95, ISBN 0-8157-9513-0.
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Filić, Goran Patrick. "Critique of Instrumentalist and Primordialist Theories." Političke perspektive 11, no. 2 (March 9, 2022): 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.11.2.04.
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Beyond the mainstream conflict in former Yugoslavia, an incomplete research exists on the micro-military ethnic alliances and micro-conflicts on the local and regional levels particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article attempts to fill this knowledge gap through the examination of the theoretical frameworks, instrumentalism and primordialism as the two most frequently used frameworks in explaining the Yugoslav disintegration. In terms of instrumentalism, the article expands on the overreaching assumptions on the account of elitist capacity to instrumentilize ethnic violence in multiethnic societies. Article adds to the existing literature that instrumentalism can and often does inadvertently neglect identifying instances where the elitist’s instrumentalisation of the masses did not materialize. Conversely, primordialism an approach that fell out of favor and an unfit framework in regards to Yugoslav dissolution, was substantially and eagerly applied as an explanans, particularly in the first stages of the war. In principle, the primordialism erroneously characterized theYugoslav dissolution as the ancient ethnic grievances coming to the surface in the absence of strong central government and the primordialist never bothered to further that analysis. Hence, this article will go beyond the basic primordialistassumption, it confirms that primordialism, the genetically based argument, cannot adequately tackle conflicts in multiethnic societies as seen in Yugoslavia however, and omitted from the literature, the article posits that the approach has an inexplicably staunch and protracting capacity to linger and spread through the pores of society as a mechanism often utilized by nationalists elites to manipulate and sustain their radical views. This capacity in principle effectively protracts hostilities as attested in all former Yugoslav republics.
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Čepič, Zdenko. "Titoizem in konec Jugoslavije." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 2 (November 9, 2016): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.2.09.
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Although the second Yugoslavia was often called Tito’s Yugoslavia in political parlance, the term Titoism was rarely used for its political regime and the structure of its government at the time. The term was closely connected to the person of Josip Broz Tito. The connection was based both on the name and on the fact that the term applied to events that happened during Tito’s rule. It is simply an eponym in the true sense of the word. On one hand, Titoism was the principle on which the second Yugoslavia was based, and on the other it was a method of governing. Titoism can also describe the Yugoslav type of socialism and its characteristic features, as well as the country in general. Titoism is not so much an ideology, but rather a practice. It is the government's means. Titoism is Yugoslavia as a country after World War II, it is the structure of the state administration, i.e. the federal government, and the principle on which it is based, i.e. the recognition of the nation’s right of self-determination, including the right to secede, as well as the country’s political system – the workers’ self-management. Everything that can be understood as Titoism was representative of the second Yugoslavia. On one hand, Titoism was the means for the country’s rise, its creation and development (progression), but on the other hand, Titoism already contained the seed of the country’s dissolution, its demise and the disintegration of the whole system known as Titoism. Of what was actually the end of the second Yugoslavia.
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Vladimirovič, Nikiforov. "In discord or lockstep: In anticipation of the thirtieth anniversary of the dissolution of Yugoslavia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34862.
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This paper gives a recapitulation of the Yugoslav crisis and considers the role of western states in the breaking up of Yugoslavia (SFRY and SRY). The author is of the opinion that the transformation of Serbian society began with the "antibureaucratic revolution" and that it concluded with the "bulldozer revolution" on October 5, 2000. The fall of Milosevic marked the final collapse of the entire political course he led during the Yugoslav crisis. The principal defeat of Serbian politics was the state split with Montenegro in 2006, while the de facto loss of Kosovo took place before the rise of Milosevic with the forced evictions of Serbs from this region. Nevertheless, the loss of Kosovo, which unilaterally declared its independence in 2008, is perceived as more painful in the national consciousness. Parallel to this, the main achievement of the Serbs during these troubled times was the creation of the Republic of Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose broad autonomy was given international recognition in 1995 after the Dayton Agreement. Tito's Yugoslavia and the states that appeared on its ruins, all their differences notwithstanding, developed and continued to evolve within the framework of general law, which applies to all the countries that occupy the vast region of Central, South-East and East Europe. Serbia is not an exception, although the process of its transformation, for the mentioned reasons, is slower and more painful than that of many of its neighbors.
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Dzihic, Vedran. "Comments on Gerard Toal's ‘“Republika Srpska will have a referendum': The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik”." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.754746.
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The history of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a history of referenda. The referendum as a tool to shape the political fate and future of a particular society has seemingly always been an integral part of the Bosnian past. The first two referenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the beginning of the so-called “democratic era” following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia marked the beginning of a period of war and violence in the country. The referendum in November 1991, organized by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and asking participants about the status of BiH within the Yugoslav federation, was the first step toward the formation of Republika Srpska (RS). On the other side, the referendum in March 1992 about the question of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia, which was attended by Bosnian Muslims and Croats and boycotted by the Serbs, plunged Bosnia into war.
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Komori, Hiromi. "Tsukimura, Taro, ed., Yugoslavia after the Dissolution." Russian and East European Studies 2017, no. 46 (2017): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jarees.2017.121.
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Ginieczki, Taylor. "Constructions of Identity and War: A Reciprocal Relationship in Former Yugoslavia." Oregon Undergraduate Research Journal 17, no. 1 (August 2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/ourj/17.1.3.
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This article investigates the reciprocal relationship between identity and conflict, focusing the inquiry on the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia and the resulting Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. A brief history of nationalist sentiment under communist rule in Yugoslavia is first displayed to contextualize the scope of research. The focus then shifts to how constructions of ethnonationalist identity became the basis of brutal ethnic conflict. Identity as the root of conflict is first discussed theoretically from an international relations perspective, citing the breakdown of a multinational state and the subsequent security dilemma. It is then grounded empirically in real-world evidence, illustrating how power imbalances between the republics and powerful ethnonationalist rhetoric led the region to war. The research then transitions to the secondary and complementary component of the thesis: how conflict shapes identity. The discussion cites incongruent narratives of war among the former republics as well as the tarnished international image of former Yugoslavia. Through a display of relevant evidence and literature, this argument strives to illustrate the power of identity in conflict, unity, and the nation. Further research could address how the weaponization of ethnicity could be avoided and reversed in favor of a stronger sense of collective identity around shared sociopolitical values and ideals.
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Accetto, Matej. "On Law and Politics in the Federal Balance: Lessons from Yugoslavia." Review of Central and East European Law 32, no. 2 (2007): 191–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598807x165622.
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AbstractIn trying to build a supranational polity while paying heed to member states' autonomy concerns, modern supranational 'projects' such as the European Union find themselves where others have been before. This article explores a surprising but pertinent 'ancestor' that, albeit in sharply different societal arrangements, had grappled with the same challenges of balancing integration and autonomy: the former Yugoslavia.The author starts by tracking the development of Yugoslav federalism through its several constitutional incarnations: from the meager federal features of the 1946 Constitution and the similarly centralistic constitutional developments in the 1950s and the 1960s to a stronger federalization of Yugoslavia that culminated with the 1974 Constitution. After a general outline of the constitutional development, the article focuses on the relationship between law and politics in maintaining the federal balance, highlighting the role of the federal Constitutional Court in achieving a proper balance between the centrifugal and the centripetal forces in the federation. Finally, the main theories on the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the role of the federal Constitutional Court are briefly analyzed.In the conclusion, the author attempts to draw out the lessons that the Yugoslav experience may offer contemporary polities faced with the same challenges, focusing on the role of the judicature and the relationship between law and politics in safeguarding the federal bargain.
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Jakimovska, Ilina. "Laugh, not war: Humor, satire and the dissolution of Yugoslavia." ЕтноАнтропоЗум/EthnoAnthropoZoom 20 (2020): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.37620/eaz2020197j.
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Ramet, Sabrina P. "The Dissolution of Yugoslavia: Competing Narratives of Resentment and Blame." Comparative Southeast European Studies 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 26–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2007-550104.
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Sekulić, Duško, Garth Massey, and Randy Hodson. "Ethnic intolerance and ethnic conflict in the dissolution of Yugoslavia." Ethnic and Racial Studies 29, no. 5 (September 2006): 797–827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870600814247.
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Grdešić, Marko. "Public Opinion, the Working Class and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia." Revija za sociologiju 43, no. 2 (2014): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5613/rzs.43.2.3.
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Djurdjev, Branislav S. "Border effects on household dissolution in the Banat Region, Yugoslavia." GeoJournal 35, no. 4 (April 1995): 409–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00824346.
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Archer, Rory. "The Shape of Populism. Serbia before the Dissolution of Yugoslavia." Südosteuropa 68, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0032.
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Čepič, Zdenko. "Before that: The Formation of Slovenian Statehood prior to its Independence." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 3 (December 5, 2016): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.3.10.
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In his article, the author discusses the formation of Slovenia in the “short” 20th century as the predecessor of the independent and sovereign Republic of Slovenia. The establishment of the Republic of Slovenia as an independent and sovereign state is considered a dissolution or the opposite of the unification into the Yugoslav state in 1918 and 1943/45. The break-up was legally and politically based in self-determination, a principle on which the Yugoslav state was formed and on the grounds of which the Republic of Slovenia severed its political and legal ties with Yugoslavia. The author thoroughly examines the three instances in which self-determination was exercised as a way in which the Slovenians either entered the Yugoslav state (1918, 1943/45) or departed from it (1990/91). Although the principle of self-determination was asserted by a different entity in each of these instances, their purpose and substance are connected in terms of cause as each previous instance served as a prerequisite for the success of the next. Especially without the second instance of self-determination, which served as the basis for the second Yugoslavia (1943/45–1991), it would be impossible to achieve the third self-determination, which led to the formation of the independent and sovereign state of Slovenia in 1991.
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Kennedy, Thomas. "Using Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to predict the outcome of the dissolution of states: factors that lead to internal conflict and civil war." Open Political Science 3, no. 1 (March 9, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2020-0001.
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AbstractDuring the process of the dissolution of countries, there exist multiple critical junctures that lead to the partition of the territory, where the different groups cannot find a consensus on who rules and how to organize the government. The outcome of these crossroad decisions and political dynamics, who are often set-up centuries ago, either lead to conflict or relative peace between the nations and peoples who express opprobrium towards each other. The most recent cases of the divorce of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia have many similitudes and are therefore appropriate to attempt to theoretically analyze the essential difference between these two types of partitions. The Yugoslav situation led to War between the nations of Croatia, Bosnia, Slovenia and Serbia, with an estimated 140,000 citizens of the former Yugoslav Republics killed, while the Czechoslovak case led to an innocuous settlement of differences and the creation of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, who joined the European Union ten years later and saw zero casualties.It is worthwhile to study the relationship between the dissolution of states and conflict using the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav cases for three main reasons. First, the similitude of the two instances enables one to identify variables that bring the outcome of having either peaceful relations or conflict between divorcing nations. Second, it is possible to compare the opposing disposition of variables with other countries that faced dissolution at one moment in history. Third, the sources and research for the two events are extensive, but very seldom put into conflict, since the causes for dissolution in both instances seem patent and explicit, contrasting significantly in scope and depth. This paper may be an occasion to disprove the notion that unworkable forces were at play here and demonstrate that the situation could have skewed in either direction, even though those structural forces are what lay the groundwork of the situation devolving into conflict.
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Medić, Jasmin. "The influence of war in Croatia to events in Bosanska krajina during 1991." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 364–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.364.
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The author analyzes the impact of war events in Croatia on national relations in the Bosnian Krajina in 1991. The Serbian autonomous region of Krajina (later the Republic of Srpska Krajina) in Croatia and the Autonomous Region of Krajina (ARK) in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first to form autonomous areas according to the ethnic principle in the process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia as formal-legal successors of the communities of municipalities. The narrow military and political cooperation, the issue of mobilizing the population of the Bosnian Krajina in the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and the problem of refugees, significantly influenced national relations in this part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Pavlovic, Marko. "The entire lifetime of Yugoslavia in two state forms." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 146 (2014): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1446009p.
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According to the generally accepted viewpoint, the Yugoslav state, for seven decades of its lifetime (1918-1991), has gone through around seven forms of government (centralization, dictatorship, deconcentration/decentralization, three or four forms of communist federation, monarchy and republic). This paper, however, shows that the entire life of the Yugoslav state passed in only two forms - the form of regional state (1921-1939) and the form of real union (1946-1991). By the Vidovdan (1921) and September Constitution (1931), the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was organized as a regional state. During its lifetime as a competitive model, there was a project of a real union, shaped in the Constitution draft of ?the Croatian Community? (1921). It was preceded by the concepts of a real union from the ?Geneva Agreement? and ?Zagreb Instructions? (Naputci). It was followed by the constitutional programme of the Montenegrin federalists and the Croatian demands for the return to ?the starting point? (1918), which meant that ?historical individualities? had to decide on the transfer of some affairs to the state center. With the communist regime (1945), a real union was established and, changing a few forms (?Soviets?, ?producers?, ?self-managers?, ?delegates?), it lasted until the dissolution of the state in 1991. With the Constitution of 1974, the Yugoslav state was completely established as the Austro-Hungarian Empire, but instead of two it has six members with communist monarch.
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Trifunovska, Snezana. "The International Involvement in the Former Yugoslavia's Dissolution and Peace Settlement." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 517–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408522.
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Why do Balkan wars start and why do they finish? We know that in all Balkan wars there are significant internal factors, among them the various nationalities of the former Yugoslavia who are seeking to establish, consolidate or otherwise enhance their new nation states. However, one should not discount external factors present in the Balkans, such as the interests of other states, in particular imperial interests.
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Janev, Igor. "Relationalist View on the Dissolution of Former Yugoslavia and Emergent New States." Advances in Politics and Economics 3, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): p35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v3n2p35.
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Times After a logic-based foundation of Dialectic Relationism, as a holistic doctrine and a comprehensive systemic-dialectic methodology, in which the relations between the elements (units) constituting a system play the dominant role in its behavior, and even determine the very existence of the elements (units), we demonstrate its applicability to the political arena of international interactions of states and, in particular, to the dissolution of complex state entities and the emergence of new states. Then, we examine in more detail the processes leading to the dissolution of Former Yugoslavia and the emergence of new states following its break up. We elucidate the role of both internal and external factors in the dissolussion process and the role of international relations and environment in the political recognition of the new states. This Relationism concept provides a general framework for description and understanding of socio-political processes and regimes in individual states and international system as a whole.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The new international legal order and new states in the Balkans." Medjunarodni problemi 58, no. 3 (2006): 272–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0603272d.
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In this study the author attaches a great importance to the theoretical examination of the concept of the New International Legal Order that was embodied in the last decades of the 20th century. The starting point for that reflection is the dissolution of the SFR Yugoslavia that illustrates one of the fundamental legal precedents. Reminding that the basic principle for the post-modern State behavior must be the one that includes minimal disturbance of the existing international legal relations, the author stresses that "the Yugoslav case" was customized in the way to respond to the new reality where the principle of effectiveness played an essential role in valuation of the statehood. It could also be one of the greatest catalysts for all further 'development rules' of international law.
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Zvijer, Nemanja. "Movie treatment of social past in "post-Yugoslavia"." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 11 (2016): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1611021z.
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The break-up of socialist Yugoslavia caused, among other things, the dissolution of a common past of people who lived on that territory. Newly independent states were needed a new past for creating a new collective identities. This need caused a powerful wave of reinterpretation of history but also the specific attitude towards the recent socialist past. As these processes have had a relatively wide scale, that also reflected on popular culture, what can be seen in the case of films, as one of the most important segments of popular culture. In this regard, it will be considered the ways in which treated socialist past in terms of criticism or nostalgia in films made during the last decade of the twentieth century in the countries formed after the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia.
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Prokić, Uroš. "Marko Grdešić. The Shape of Populism: Serbia before the Dissolution of Yugoslavia." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 1 (May 6, 2021): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45010009.
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Sekulic, Dusko. "The Creation and Dissolution of the Multinational State: The Case of Yugoslavia." Nations and Nationalism 3, no. 2 (July 1997): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1997.00165.x.
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Praznik, Katja. "Artists as Workers." Social Text 38, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 83–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-8352259.
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This article offers a contribution to the political economy of creative labor in socialist Yugoslavia, tracing the emergence of a socialist entrepreneur from the shell of an art worker. It discusses shifts in economic policies that restructured the economic and material conditions of art workers from models based on welfare in the early socialist period to a freelance and self-employment labor model implemented during the last decade of Yugoslav socialism. Linking socialist political economy with the study of art, the article analyzes legal regulation and rare artists’ interventions concerning the material conditions for artistic labor to animate the political critique of relationship between art and labor. The study of Yugoslav art workers’ demise reveals the detrimental effects of the bourgeois ideology of autonomy and creativity. Informed by feminist critique of reproductive labor, the argument is based on an analogy between housework and artistic labor to uncover mutual mechanisms of naturalization and economic disavowal of these types of labor. The author demonstrates that, unlike the ways in which reproductive labor is devalued, the exceptionality of creative work and the unique status of artists, which socialism maintained and glorified, made their form of labor vulnerable to exploitation and disavowal. The dissolution of labor identity of artists pitched creativity and subsistence against each other and became significant for neoliberal exploitation of artistic labor after the violent destruction of socialist Yugoslavia in 1991. Separating art from subsistence in the interest of articulating the value of artistic autonomy reintroduced false dichotomies and situated art at the heart of twenty-first-century forms of capitalist exploitation.
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Hosman, Laura, and Philip N. Howard. "Telecom Policy Across the Former Yugoslavia: Incentives, Challenges, and Lessons Learned." Journal of Information Policy 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.4.2014.67.
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Abstract What is the recipe for good information policy? Hosman and Howard address this in an emerging economy context through case studies of six states that arose following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. These new nations pursued differing information policy paths that led to diverse outcomes. The authors find, in general, conventional positive outcomes supporting policies for privatization, liberalization, and competition; but at the same time discover many counterintuitive outcomes based on each country's unique circumstances. General rules are good, but in specific cases alternative paths can also lead to success.
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PhDr. Matej Mindár, PhD. "Constitutional-legal framework for the establishment of an independent Slovak Republic on January 1, 1993." 14th GCBSS Proceeding 2022 14, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gcbssproceeding.2022.2(48).
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The dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic into two separate states (the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic) is still an example of the peaceful peaceful separation of Czechs and Slovaks for other nations seeking independence. Compared to the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, this process in Central Europe took place without a single drop of blood. When writing this article, we will use the content analysis method. The aim of our article is to show what constitutional and legal processes were most important in the dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic. We will show that the most crucial Czecho-Slovak institution was the Federal Assembly. In our conclusions, based on the Czech-Slovak example, we will also offer possible solutions to other nations striving for their independence. Keywords: Federal assembly, Czech Republic, Slovak republic, constitutional law about dissolution Czech and Slovak Federal Republic
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Simić, Bojan. "GRANICE SRBIJE U VIĐENjIMA SRPSKE RADIKALNE STRANKE PRE I NAKON DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.301s.
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The Serbian Radical Party was formed in February 1940 by former Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia Milan Stojadinović. The foundation of a new party was triggered by Cvetković–Maček’s Agreement and establishment of Banovina Hrvatska. In its program, Serbian Radical Party did not specify the borders of Serbia but the stood firmly on the position that Serbian interests in Yugoslavia were threatened by this agreement. The party called for unity of all Serbs within Yugoslavia, denying any possibility of division of Bosnia that was considered Serbian. After Stojadinovićʼs arrest activities of the party weaken and completely ceased to exist after the German occupation in the spring 1941.During the Fifties Serbian Radical Party shortly renewed its existence abroad. This was connected with Stojadinović’s actions in Argentina and his negotiations with Ante Pavelić, former leader of the Independent State of Croatia. Both politicians advocated for dissolution of Yugoslavia. There are some sources claiming that the agreement was made about the borders that separate future independent states, Serbia and Croatia. However, this second hand information is more rumor than a fact. In the aftermath of his adventure with Pavelić, and clash with some Serbian politician in exile, Stojadinović lost interest in the party. In 1961 after the death of its founder Serbian Radical Party ceased to exist.
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Hametz, Maura. "Pamela Ballinger. History in Exile: Memory and Identity at the Borders of the Balkans. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 1 (January 2005): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505220108.
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Using anthropological, historical, and political science approaches, Pamela Ballinger demonstrates how memory shapes Istrian understandings of Italian identity. World War II and the events of 1945, specifically the creation of the Free Territory of Trieste and the division of the upper Adriatic territory into Allied and Yugoslav administered zones, form the backdrop for the study that concentrates on the crystallization of collective memory for Istrian esuli (exiles who settled in Trieste) and rimasti (those who remained in Yugoslavia). Grounded in the literature re-evaluating the impact of the Cold War, her work skillfully weaves a narrative that uncovers competing visions as well as common tropes in Istrian visions of ‘Italianness’ constructed in the climate of state formation and dissolution since World War I. Ballinger's major contribution is her analysis of the “multi-directionality” of identity formation (p. 45) that has implications far beyond the Istrian case.
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Bilgic, Ali. "Exploring ‘What's Good about Security’: Politics of Security during the Dissolution of Yugoslavia." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 16, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 260–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2014.910390.
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Tomsich, Francisco. "The “Yugoeslavia” Folder." Acta Academiae Artium Vilnensis 105, no. 105 (February 10, 2022): 295–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.37522/aaav.105.2022.114.
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In 2018, the Uruguayan-Slovene artist Francisco Tomsich launched the artistic research project Give my regards to those you connect, an exploration on connections and dialogues between artists from the former Yugoslavia and the River Plate region corresponding through the Mail Art network from the late 1960s onward. The research’s point of departure was a list of postal addresses from artists in Serbia prepared prior to the dissolution of Yugoslavia by the Uruguayan artist Clemente Padín and expanded in 2019 by Tomsich through the study of the “Yugoeslavia” folder at the General Archive of the University of the Republic of Uruguay. This paper traces the project’s development in Uruguay and Serbia in 2019 and summarises some of its achievements while describing the author’s approach to artistic research and the key issues of method, archive, comparative art histories, institutional context and failure.
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Schneebaum, Steven M. "Kurić and Others v. Slovenia & Kurić and Others v. Slovenia (Just Satisfaction) (Eur. Ct. H.R.)." International Legal Materials 53, no. 6 (December 2014): 1073–160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.53.6.1073.
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The dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) brought in its wake massive bloodshed, as well as human rights violations not seen on the European continent since the end of the Second World War. It probed the boundaries of contemporary international law in numerous ways, including providing the first “field tests” of the doctrine of “responsibility to protect,” which may turn out to be the biggest challenge to the notion of state sovereignty posed in centuries.