Journal articles on the topic 'Dissenters, Religious – Italy – History'

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1

Mack, Phyllis. "Religious Dissenters in Enlightenment England." History Workshop Journal 49, no. 1 (2000): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/2000.49.1.

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2

Lewis, Simon. "The Reception of Thomas Delaune's Plea for the Non-Conformists in England and America, 1684–1870." Church History 91, no. 1 (March 2022): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002869.

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AbstractIn a 1683 sermon, Benjamin Calamy, an Anglican priest, claimed that the separation of Dissenters from the Church of England was unjustifiable. Thomas Delaune, a London Baptist schoolmaster, responded in A Plea for the Non-Conformists (1684), which compared seventeenth-century Dissenters to sixteenth-century Reformers who had escaped from the “Church of Rome.” The Restoration authorities judged the book to be a seditious libel, for which Delaune was arrested, tried, and imprisoned in Newgate, where he was soon joined by his poverty-stricken wife and two children. By 1685, the whole family had perished in Newgate. This tragic story guaranteed Delaune's status as a martyr for generations of Nonconformists. Indeed, the Plea achieved amongst Dissenters the reputation of an “unanswerable” text. Its enduring appeal transcended denominational and geographical boundaries. This paper explores the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century reception of the Plea, which Dissenters, both in England and America, repurposed for various politico-theological circumstances. Throughout the eighteenth century, Dissenters invoked the Plea against perceived cases of episcopal tyranny. By the pluralistic nineteenth century, however, this external, episcopal threat had largely been replaced with an internal one, prompting Dissenters to deploy the Plea against corruption and lethargy within their own denominations.
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3

Seed, John. "Gentlemen Dissenters: The Social and Political Meanings of Rational Dissent in the 1770s and 1780s." Historical Journal 28, no. 2 (June 1985): 299–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003125.

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Conventional wisdom has long maintained that eighteenth-century religious dissent was a significant source of opposition to the Hanoverian status quo. For Trevelyan, for instance, dissenters were ‘vigilant champions of liberty and critics of government’. The high political visibility of rational dissenters in oppositional movements in the 1770s and 1780s – in opposition to the American war, the Test and Corporation Acts, slavery and the slave trade, the existing electoral system – has been particularly noted. However in recent years the political significance of religious dissent has been questioned. Roy Porter warns that the zeal for reform among dissenters should not be overestimated: ‘Not till the 1780s, and then only amongst a hothead minority, did Nonconformity show a potential for political radicalism.’ John Brewer has argued that the dissenting group associated with Hollis, Price, Priestley and ‘the small, snug, dissenting coterie of Newington Green’ marks one tradition of political opposition in the eighteenth century. But, largely confined to intellectual critique, remarkably uninvolved in the day-to-day cut-and-thrust of political action even evincing a patrician alarm at popular direct action, its contribution to political change was far less significant than the Wilkite movement.
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4

HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER. "‘Theological Wars’: ‘Socinians’ v. ‘Antinomians’ in Restoration England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 2 (March 3, 2016): 325–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914002085.

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This article examines changes in content and tone in some polemical exchanges between Anglican conformists and Nonconformists in the reign of Charles ii. In response to the Dissenters' pleas for comprehension and/or toleration because of shared Protestant beliefs, some conformists accused them of holding an antinomian doctrine of justification that undermined morality and political order – and Dissenters retorted with accusations of Socinianism. The disputes were complicated by divisions over justification within rather than between Anglican and Nonconformist groups, and by the late 1670s the perceived threats from papists brought renewed emphasis on common ground
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PATRICK HORNBECK, J. "Theologies of Sexuality in English ‘Lollardy’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 1 (January 2009): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046908005988.

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Using the records of heresy trials as well as the vernacular texts composed by English dissenters during the period 1381–1521, this article chronicles the development of Wycliffite and Lollard views about sexuality and lay and clerical marriage. John Wyclif's Latin writings reveal that he both professed caution about clerical marriage and articulated a culturally traditional theology of sexuality. Whereas his hesitation at the prospect of a married clergy gave way to enthusiasm among later dissenters, his ideas about lay sexuality resonated with dissenting and mainstream writers alike. The evidence calls further into doubt the view that Lollardy was an innovative movement with respect to issues of gender and sexuality.
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Ramsbottom, John D. "Presbyterians and ‘Partial Conformity’ in the Restoration Church of England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 2 (April 1992): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000907.

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In the early eighteenth century, the legacy of conflict among English Protestants found an outlet in the controversy over ‘occasional conformity’. During the years 1702–4, Tory backbenchers in the House of Commons introduced a series of bills designed to strengthen the Corporation and Test Acts (1661, 1673), which had required all officials of local government and holders of Crown appointments to adhere to the established Church of England. Since the passage of these legal tests, Protestant Nonconformists seeking office had circumvented their intent by taking communion in an Anglican parish as seldom as once a year, while attending meetings of their fellow dissenters for worship. So long as they procured a certificate of conformity from the minister, they were eligible for government positions, and dissenters had gained control of several parliamentary boroughs.
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7

Coffey, John. "Responses to Religious Dissenters and Refugees: Lessons from Early Modern History." Review of Faith & International Affairs 20, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2022.2031047.

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8

RIVERS, ISABEL. "Responses to Hume on Religion by Anglicans and Dissenters." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 4 (October 2001): 675–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046901008648.

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David Hume's attacks on religion posed particular problems of method and approach for those who undertook to reply to them. This article is concerned with the responses of two main groups from the mid-eighteenth century to the early nineteenth: a number of Anglicans and Episcopalians, and a smaller group of rational Dissenters. The responses of some of these are well known, but those of others have not hitherto been investigated. The essay charts a definite shift from wit and ridicule to reasoned and mannerly response as the appropriate way to deal with infidelity. Most respondents assumed that Hume could be adequately refuted by rehearsing old arguments; however, a small but significant number maintained that his infidelity was of positive value for the future of Christianity.
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9

Kaplan, Benjamin J. "Diplomacy and Domestic Devotion: Embassy Chapels and the Toleration of Religious Dissent in Early Modern Europe." Journal of Early Modern History 6, no. 4 (2002): 341–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006502x00185.

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AbstractIn the wake of Europe's religious wars, it became accepted that embassies could include chapels where forms of Christianity illegal in the host country could be practiced. In theory, only ambassadors and their entourage had the right to worship in such chapels, but in practice the latter became bases for full-fledged congregations of native religious dissenters. Constructed out of residential space, the chapels belonged to a broader category of edifice, the "clandestine church." They helped give birth to the modern doctrine of "extraterritoriality."
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Bottoni, Rossella, and Cristiana Cianitto. "The Legal Treatment of Religious Dissent in Western Europe: A Comparative View." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 24, no. 1 (January 2022): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x21000636.

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This article examines the legal treatment of religious dissent from a comparative perspective, by focusing on the legal evolution from intolerance to toleration, and from toleration to emancipation in France, Italy, Norway and the United Kingdom. Historically, in Europe, only people professing the official religion were regarded as full members of the political community. Those who professed another religion were expelled, persecuted, discriminated or – in the best cases – merely tolerated. Over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in different degrees and forms according to the country concerned, European states started separating citizenship from religious belonging – a fundamental step in the process of secularisation of law in Europe. This development led to the emancipation of religious dissenters through the recognition of both the principle of equality of all citizens before the law, regardless of one's religion or belief, and the individual right to freedom of religion and belief.
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Brown, Jonathan AC. "Faithful Dissenters: Sunni Skepticism about the Miracles of Saints." Journal of Sufi Studies 1, no. 2 (2012): 123–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341238.

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Abstract Belief in the miracles of saints (karāmāt al-awliyāʾ) is a requirement in Sunni Islam. Challenges to this position are generally seen as limited to Islamic modernists affected by Western historical criticism. This article demonstrates that there have actually been leading Sunni Muslim scholars from the fourth/tenth century until the modern period who held positions regarding the miracles of saints that were much more skeptical than the mainstream Sunni stance. These ‘faithful dissenters’ were motivated by both theological and social concerns, and the methodologies they presented for sifting true from false miracle claims were based entirely on indigenous Islamic epistemological and textual criticism.
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Panchenko, Alexander. "“Old Sects” in a New Light: How to Study Russian Religious Dissent, 1700–1900." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 3 (2020): 7–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-3-7-37.

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The introductory paper to the thematic block deals with fundamental issues of present day historical, anthropological, and religious studies of the so called “old Russian sects” of the 18th and 19th centuries. Russian religious dissenters of this period could be hardly viewed as homogeneous or integrated religious culture both historically and socially. However, the study of these movements as well as their representation in various discursive and ideological contexts can tell us a lot about religion in Russia of the “Synodal period”. The paper discusses key aspects of Russian sectarianism in terms of sensational forms, media regimes, moral economies, history of confessionalization and charismatic leadership in popular religious culture.
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Kunert, Jeannine, and Alexander van der Haven. "Jews and Christians United : The 1701 Prosecution of Oliger Paulli and his Dutch Printers." Studia Rosenthaliana: Journal of the History, Culture and Heritage of the Jews in the Netherlands 46, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/sr2020.1-2.004.kune.

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Abstract Numerous religious texts were printed that would have been censored, elsewhere including Jewish religious texts. Yet freedom had its limits. In August 1701, Amsterdam’s judiciary council ordered the books authored by the Danish visionary Oliger Paulli, who advocated for a new religion uniting Jews and Christians, to be destroyed. In addition, the council sentenced Paulli to twelve years, imprisonment and later to permanent banishment, while two of his printers received hefty fines for printing his books. While earlier accounts have explained Paulli’s arrest by pointing to his heretical ideas, Paulli had publicly been advocating his views without causing scandal for years. The present chapter explores an alternate reason for his arrest, focusing on his printing connections that year, which caused Amsterdam’s authorities to associate Paulli with some of Amsterdam’s most outspoken religious dissenters and critics of religious authority.
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14

Hannak, Kristine, and Andrew Weeks. "Sebastian Franck, Johann Arndt, and the Varieties of Religious Dissent." Daphnis 48, no. 1-2 (March 19, 2020): 319–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04801005.

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Sebastian Franck and Johann Arndt must be included among those dissenters inspired by the Lutheran Reformation who pursued reforming objectives that went beyond theology and devotion. Franck and Arndt are contrasting figures who reveal the breadth of the movement. The former was a radical and rebel whose studies included history and humanism; the latter turned to Paracelsus and strove to work within Lutheran institutions and retain the pastoral authority which Franck cast aside. Both rejected theological dispute and religiously motivated violence; and both were decisively attracted to the same mystical texts. Both exercised remarkable influence in their day and belatedly in different later periods.
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15

MOORE, R. LAURENCE. "CHARTING THE CIRCUITOUS ROUTE TOWARD RELIGIOUS LIBERTY." Modern Intellectual History 2, no. 1 (April 2005): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244304000344.

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Arguably, with respect to religious practice, the United States Constitution sought to metamorphose what had been restricted practices of religious toleration into what we more commonly and with more generous spirit call religious tolerance. The provisions of toleration laws, making legal concessions under the aegis of an official religion, were better than burning heretics at the stake, a practice that after the bloody Thirty Years War in Europe (1618–48) usually caused more trouble than it was worth. Still they extended only a grudging permission to “dissenters.” The category “dissenter” did not include all religious minorities, and it placed the tolerated minorities at a disadvantage in almost all civil capacities. Religious toleration before the end of the eighteenth century gave some religious believers license to be wrong, but it carried no pledge of respect.
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EARLE, JONATHON L. "DREAMS AND POLITICAL IMAGINATION IN COLONIAL BUGANDA." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000694.

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AbstractThis article explores the intellectual history of dreaming practices in the eastern African kingdom of Buganda. Whereas Muslim dissenters used their dreams to challenge colonial authority following the kingdom's late nineteenth-century religious wars, political historians such as Apolo Kaggwa removed the political practice of dreaming from Buganda's official histories to deplete the visionary archives from which dissenters continued to draw. Kaggwa's strategy, though, could only be pressed so far. Recently unearthed vernacular sources show that Christian activists, such as Erieza Bwete and Eridadi Mulira, continued to marshal their dreams and literacy to imagine competing visions of Buganda's colonial monarchy. Earlier scholars had argued that modernity and literacy would displace the political function of dreams. This article, by contrast, proposes that sleeping visions took on new, more complicated meanings throughout the twentieth century. Literacy offered new technologies to expound upon the political implications of dreams and a vast repository of symbols to enrich interpretative performances.
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17

Matar, Nabil I. "John Locke and the Jews." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 1 (January 1993): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900010198.

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In 1813, a century after the death of John Locke, an anonymous pamphleteer in London, writing under the pseudonym of ‘Abraham, saac and Jacob’, complained about the restrictions which were placed on the Jews. In The Lamentations of the Children of Israel representing the Hardships they suffer from the Penal Laws, the author recalled John Locke as a defender of the Jews, and quoted one of the philosopher's favourable comparisons between Jews and Gentiles. The author evidently felt that Locke's advocacy of toleration for dissenters in the second half of the seventeenth century could be applied to the Jews of nineteenth–century England: having argued in defence of non–Anglicans, Locke was believed to have argued for non–Christians too.
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RIVERS, ISABEL. "THE FIRST EVANGELICAL TRACT SOCIETY." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005899.

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The study of how popular religious publishing operated in Britain in the eighteenth century has been neglected. Recent work on such publishing in the nineteenth century ignores the important eighteenth-century tract distribution societies that were the predecessors of the much larger nineteenth-century ones. This article provides a detailed account of the work of a society that is now little known, despite the wealth of surviving evidence: the Society for Promoting Religious Knowledge among the Poor, founded in 1750, which should properly be considered the first of the evangelical tract societies. It was founded by dissenters, but included many Anglicans among its members; its object was to promote experimental religion by distributing Bibles and cheap tracts to the poor. Its surviving records provide unusually detailed evidence of the choice, numbers, distribution, and reception of these books. Analysis of this particular Society throws light more generally on non-commercial popular publishing, the reading experiences of the poor, and the development of evangelical religion in the eighteenth century.
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SEHAT, DAVID. "A MAINLINE MOMENT: THE AMERICAN PROTESTANT ESTABLISHMENT REVISITED." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 3 (October 10, 2014): 735–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000274.

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William R. Hutchison had a complaint. Though he was a dean of American religious history and a gatekeeper of the field at Harvard, Hutchison could not shake the feeling that the discipline was going in the wrong direction. In 1989, when he wrote an introduction to his edited volume, Between the Times, his fellow religion scholars were busy examining trans-denominational movements like revivalism, smaller religious practices like voodoo in New York, and “dissenters and other outsiders” to the mainstream. But their efforts had ignored what Hutchison considered the most important subject of all, the Protestant denominations that had guided American life since the American Revolution.
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Urdank, Albion M. "Religion and Reproduction among English Dissenters: Gloucestershire Baptists in the Demographic Revolution." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 3 (July 1991): 511–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017151.

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The growth of English Nonconformity during the era of the demographic revolution (circa 1750–1850) has long been regarded as an impediment to the reconstruction of reproductive behavior. Historical demographers have relied heavily on Church of England registers of baptisms, burials, and marriages, while treating Protestant dissenters from the Church of England secondarily, as a factor of underestimation in the Anglican record. Such treatment suggests that religious culture played no independent role in determining population growth. This assumption seems problematic, however, considering the central role that social historians have assigned evangelical dissent to the emergence of modern English society and the somewhat greater place that religion has occupied in demographic studies of populations in continental Europe, the United States, and the third world.
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MacGregor, Kirk R. "Hubmaier’s Death and the Threat of a Free State Church." Church History and Religious Culture 91, no. 3-4 (2011): 321–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712411-1x609360.

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This piece reevaluates the events surrounding the 1528 execution of Anabaptist leader Balthasar Hubmaier by Ferdinand I of Austria in order to accurately assess Hubmaier’s place in the development of early modern church-state relations. Rather than the commonly suggested motive of practicing rebaptism, the evidence indicates that Hubmaier was arrested and executed for his establishment in Waldshut and Nikolsburg of “free state churches,” a unique sixteenth-century historical modality of believers’ churches financially administered by local governments which protected dissenters, including Jews, from persecution. The first early modern advocate of freedom of thought, Hubmaier insisted that the obedience Christians owed to government was exclusively socio-political and not religious in nature, a redefinition which not merely affected the relationship between lay subjects and any given state but also extended to the relationship between lower and higher magistrates. Such developments threatened the ability of the Habsburg church-state amalgam to enforce obedience to the Catholic faith, prompting its charges of sedition against Hubmaier.
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Walker, Peter W. "The Bishop Controversy, the Imperial Crisis, and Religious Radicalism in New England, 1763-74: By arrangement with the Colonial Society of Massachusetts the Editors of the New England Quarterly are pleased to publish the winning essay of the 2016 Walter Muir Whitehill Prize in Early American History." New England Quarterly 90, no. 3 (September 2017): 306–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00623.

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This essay re-examines the “bishop controversy”, a dispute between Anglicans and Dissenters in the decade preceding the American Revolution. The controversy, it argues, was part of the imperial crisis caused by the Seven Years' War and the government's toleration of French Catholics in Quebec. This perspective highlights the Church of England's limited role in the empire and the unacknowledged radicalism of loyalist Anglicans.
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Bozeman, Theodore Dwight. "John Clarke and the Complications of Liberty." Church History 75, no. 1 (March 2006): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700088338.

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In the historiography of English and American Baptist movements there is no more familiar convention than this: Baptists early and late championed freedom of the religious conscience, rejected the use of force in spiritual affairs, and, either expressly or by implication, accepted the corollary of religious pluralism. With few exceptions, modern scholars have either assumed or implied by the logic of their arguments that the historic Baptist commitment to religious liberty was not only strong but categoric. By implication also, it did not evolve but arose full blown in the initial Anglo-American Baptist insurgency itself in the seventeenth century. To take one example: in a chapter-length treatment of the “struggle for religious liberty,” a currently authoritative history of American Baptists affirms that colonial Baptists “led other dissenters in championing the cause of religious liberty” and the separation of church and state. Then as later, the advocacy of freedom “for persons of all faiths—or no faith” was their “genius.“ Genius—here is the key claim. Liberty of religious choice and practice is joined to conversion or adult baptism as a principle of the faith both original and definitive. Baptist intoleration in any form becomes a virtual oxymoron.
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Taylor, Stephen. "William Warburton and the Alliance of Church and State." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 2 (April 1992): 271–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000919.

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In January 1736 an anonymous pamphlet appeared under the title,The Alliance between Church and State, or the Necessity of an Established Religion, and a Test Law demonstrated. Its author was William Warburton, a well-to-do but still comparatively obscure country clergyman. Although this was only his second publication in the field of divinity, he was already revealing the taste for controversy which was to characterise his literary career. TheAllianceappeared at the height of the campaign by the Protestant dissenters to repeal the Test Act of 1673, and only weeks before the defeat, on 12 March 1736, of a motion for its repeal in the House of Commons. Clearly intending his work as a contribution to this debate Warburton was concerned less with giving an account of the relationship between Church and State than with providing a coherent and forceful justification both of the establishment of the Church of England and of the defence of that establishment by the Test Act. In the preface he claimed to treat the subject ‘abstractedly’.
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Jacob, W. M. "The Impact of Legislative Reform on Baptisms, Marriages and Burials 1836–52, with particular reference to London." Studies in Church History 59 (June 2023): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2023.11.

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This article considers, with particular reference to London, the impact of legislation during the second quarter of the nineteenth century on the churches’ practice of rites of passage in relation to births, marriages and deaths. It investigates the religious, political and social reasons for legislation relating to these rites which many contemporaries and subsequent historians considered an attack on the Church of England and evidence of advancing secularization. It shows that despite significant constitutional, social and religious changes during these years, religiously motivated politicians, sympathetic to the established church, achieved legislation introducing general registration of births, marriages and deaths, and providing for more satisfactory burial of London's rapidly growing population in the context of a high death rate. While satisfying some grievances of religious Dissenters, this protected the established church's interests, and evidence suggests that a high proportion of London's population continued to access its rites of passage for baptism, marriage and burial.
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Judd, Steven C. "Ghaylan al-Dimashqi: The Isolation of a Heretic in Islamic Historiography." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1999): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800054003.

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The meaning and significance of accusations of heresy are difficult to ascertain, regardless of the religious setting or historical milieu in which they appear. Scholars studying medieval European religious history have described heresy as opposition to the Christian church's doctrinal authority, emphasizing that heretics were not only religious but also political dissenters. They questioned church doctrine per se, but also, perhaps more significantly, challenged the church's authority to determine doctrine. In early Islamic history, concepts of heresy and orthodoxy are somewhat more difficult to define. After the Rashidun, there was no dominant religious voice in the community. Instead, a variety of opposing parties struggled for the right to define doctrine. In such circumstances, there could be no orthodoxy, since none had sufficient moral authority or coercive power to impose their views to the exclusion of all others. Consequently, there could be no heresy either, because heretics are simply those whom the dominant religious authority deems to be outside the bounds of orthodoxy. Only after proponents of a particular set of views gained sufficient power to impose their views on others could heterodoxy become heresy.
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Sacerdoti, Giorgio. "Italy: The new religious status of Jews." Patterns of Prejudice 21, no. 2 (June 1987): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1987.9969905.

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28

Sundin, Jan. "Sinful Sex: Legal Prosecution of Extramarital Sex in Preindustrial Sweden." Social Science History 16, no. 1 (1992): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021398.

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There is no Doubt that Sweden, at least from the middle of the seventeenth century to the end of the eighteenth century, belonged to the European countries where legal control of extramarital sex was most extensive. First of all, there was a difference between Protestant and Catholic countries, not in principle but in emphasis and form. The Spanish Inquisition was, for instance, mainly interested in whether people thought that a certain behavior was a sin or not. Religious confessions proved that the sinner realized that he had done something wrong, and he could therefore be treated with a certain mildness afterwards (Benassar et al. 1979; Henningsen et al. 1986). Protestantism, at least in Sweden, tended to be more interested in people's actual behavior, usually leaving the internal spiritual life of the sinner aside. This dichotomy between thought and behavior was of course not total in practice, but it tells us something important about the difference between Catholic and Protestant attitudes towards religious control. Religious homogeneity also explains some of the success of Swedish orthodox Protestantism in creating a system of tight control. There was no escape for dissenters except emigration, since the creed was protected by the civil state.
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MIDGLEY, CLARE. "TRANSOCEANIC COMMEMORATION AND CONNECTIONS BETWEEN BENGALI BRAHMOS AND BRITISH AND AMERICAN UNITARIANS." Historical Journal 54, no. 3 (July 29, 2011): 773–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000239.

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ABSTRACTThis article traces the history of the commemoration in Britain, India, and America of leading Bengali religious and social reformer, Rammohun Roy, from his death in Britain in 1833 through to the publication of the first substantial account of his life and work in 1900. It reveals the vital part that commemorative processes played in creating a sense of imagined community among liberal religious groups who were in the vanguard of social reform movements in India, Britain, and the United States. The groups under consideration are the Brahmo Samaj, an organization founded by Roy to reform Hinduism, and Unitarians, Protestant dissenters who rejected the orthodox Christian doctrine of the Holy Trinity and the evangelical approach to missionary work. Bridging the study of transatlantic and imperial networks, the article explores a culture of commemoration that emphasized affinity rather than difference between groups whose members were unequally positioned in colonial discourse as on opposite sides of the colonizer–colonized, Hindu–Christian, and East–West divides. It exposes the commemoration of Roy as a complex and contested process, creating both ‘localized’ and ‘globalized’ collective memories. These reveal the possibilities for, and limitations on, cross-cultural interchange in an age of global Christian mission and British imperial power.
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Beltrami, Lia. "Religious Film and Video in Italy." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 17, no. 4 (October 1997): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689700261011.

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Quatrini, Francesco. "Adam Boreel and Galenus Abrahamsz. Against constraint of consciences: seventeenth-century dissenters in favor of religious toleration." History of European Ideas 44, no. 8 (August 15, 2018): 1127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2018.1509224.

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ADAMSON, WALTER L. "Fascism and Political Religion in Italy: A Reassessment." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000519.

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AbstractThis article challenges the currently dominant understanding of Italian Fascism as a ‘political religion’, arguing that this view depends upon an outdated model of secularisation and treats Fascism's sacralisation of politics in isolation from church–state relations, the Catholic Church itself and popular religious experience in Italy. Based upon an historiographical review and analysis of what we now know about secularisation and these other religious phenomena, the article suggests that only when we grasp Italian Fascist political religion in relation to secularisation properly understood, and treat it in the context of religious experience and its history as a whole can the nature of Italian Fascism be adequately grasped.
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33

Podmore, Colin. "William Holland's Short Account of the Beginnings of Moravian Work in England (1745)." Journal of Moravian History 22, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.22.1.0054.

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ABSTRACT William Holland's Short Account describes church life in the City of London in the 1730s with special reference to the religious societies and their connections with Wesley's “Oxford Methodists.” He shows how the Moravian Peter Böhler's preaching cross-fertilized these networks' High-Church Anglicanism with the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith alone and thereby sparked the English Evangelical Revival. Recounting the early life of the resulting Fetter Lane Society, which served as the Revival's London headquarters, Holland emphasizes the frequent visits to and from the Moravian congregations in Germany and the Netherlands. All of this was intended to support his argument that the English Anglican members of Zinzendorf's Brüdergemeine, while accepting the Lutheran doctrine of justification, were neither Dissenters nor “Old Lutherans” (the name Zinzendorf had invented for them in order to distance the Moravian tradition from them). Rather, they had joined the Moravian Church on the understanding that in doing so they were not separating themselves from England's established church but joining a “sister church” in a form of “double belonging.” This text thus illuminates not only the early history of the Moravian Church in England but also Anglican church life in 1730s London and the origins of Wesleyan Methodism.
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Mather, F. C. "Georgian Churchmanship Reconsidered: Some Variations in Anglican Public Worship 1714–1830." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 2 (April 1985): 255–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900038744.

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Current evaluation of the Church of England under the first four Georges follows in the main the assessment made by Norman Sykes in his monumental Church and State in England in the Eighteenth Century, published in 1934. According to that view the Church, which was lastingly cleared of the universal slackness previously imputed to it, exhibited a pervasive Latitudinarianism sympathetically portrayed by Sykes as ‘practical Christianity’, an emphasis on cdnduct and good works to the neglect of ‘organised churchmanship’ and the ‘mystical element’ in religion. R. W. Greaves detected similar features in the concept of ‘moderation’: suspicion of popery and friendship towards dissenters, a cult of plainness in theological explanation and a very general contempt of whatever was medieval. Historians have been willing to acknowledge as exceptions to this ‘mild’ quality of Anglican churchmanship the early Methodists and ‘small Evangelical and High Church minorities’, but only the two former have been taken seriously. Piety of a more traditional kind - rubrical, sacramental, Catholic - has been identified, only to be discounted. The Establishment has been seen in the light of the judgement recently summarised by Dr Anthony Russell: ‘Certainly the temper of the eighteenth century which favoured reason above all else, and was deeply suspicious of mysticism and the emotions, was against any form of sacramentalism.’
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35

BHATIA, GAUTAM. "Freedom from community: Individual rights, group life, state authority and religious freedom under the Indian Constitution." Global Constitutionalism 5, no. 3 (November 2016): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381716000228.

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Abstract:The religious freedom clauses of the Indian Constitution attempt to mediate between the competing claims of individuals, religious groups and the state, in a manner that is born out of specific historical circumstances. This article examines the controversial questions of whether, and to what extent, the Constitution grants individuals (specifically, dissenters) rights against the religious communities to which they belong. Taking as its point of departure a landmark Supreme Court judgment that struck down an anti-excommunication law, the article argues that the Indian Constitution is committed to an ‘anti-exclusion principle’: that is, group rights and group integrity are guaranteed to the extent – and only to the extent – that religious groups do not block individuals’ access to the basic public goods required to sustain a dignified life. Moreover – and unlike most other Constitutions – an individual may vindicate this right directly against her community in a court of law, by invoking the Constitution. This remedy is justified both philosophically, and in the specific context of Indian history. In this manner, Indian constitutionalism offers a novel and innovative solution to the perennial problem of balancing individual rights to religious freedom against the claims of community.
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36

Ditchfield, Simon. "Sanctity in Early Modern Italy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 1 (January 1996): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900018662.

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37

Barrington, Robert. "Two houses both alike in dignity: Reginald Pole and Edmund Harvell." Historical Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 895–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024699.

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ABSTRACTIn the period 1520–50 there was a large English community in the Veneto. This has traditionally been associated with the household of Reginald Pole, who is believed to have dispensed learning and patronage to those who went to the University of Padua in search of a continental education. However, an examination of both primary and secondary sources for the life of Pole suggests that he was only one of a number of reference points for young English scholars and travellers. Of equal, and perhaps greater, importance was the household of Edmund Harvell, a merchant who became English ambassador to the Republic. His household was philo-protestant in tone, and linked to Venetian dissenters and literary circles. These two central figures presented English scholars with the chance to experience the varying strands of Venetian political and religious philosophy at a time of great intellectual vitality. Men such as Richard Morison and Thomas Starkey returned home to write books about English government and society. When their work is set against the Venetian milieu of Harvell and Pole, we can gain a greater understanding of those Venetian influences which underpinned English political thought in the Tudor period and beyond.
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38

Weinreich, Spencer J. "Sums Theological: Doing Theology with the London Bills of Mortality, 1603–1666." Church History 90, no. 4 (December 2021): 799–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002833.

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AbstractFrom 1603 until the mid-nineteenth century, weekly bills of mortality were printed and published in London, providing detailed statistics on births, deaths, and plague fatalities for each parish. This article analyzes the currency of the bills and their numbers in English religious thought during and after the four great plague epidemics London experienced in the course of the seventeenth century (1603–1604, 1625–1626, 1636, and 1665–1666). A broad survey of sermons, pamphlets, treatises, poems, and dialogues from these years reveals not only the bills’ ubiquity as an index of divine punishments, but the new kinds of intellectual work made possible by a multiplicity of numbers keyed to times and places. Claims about the moral, doctrinal, and political meanings behind the plague could now be made with an unprecedented specificity and sophistication, seized upon by High Church Anglicans, Puritans, and Dissenters alike. As an episode in the history of empirical theology, the bills’ ecclesiastical reception vindicates theology's central place in the epistemological transformations of the early modern period, as well as the influence of new kinds of empirical data on the parameters of religious thought.
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Zieme, Johann Anton. "The De haeresibus et synodis of Germanos I of Constantinople as a Source on Early Byzantine Heresies? Prospects of a Critical Edition." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 493–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.25.

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A new, critical edition of the 8th-century treatise De haeresibus et synodis (CPG 8020) by Patriarch Germanus I of Constantinople is in progress; it will provide new insights, especially into the large extent of sources that were copied or paraphrased. The article takes a close look at three chapters that could be considered as sources for different Christian heresies (Manichaeism, Montanism and Christological dissenters) in 8th-century Byzantium and some of the first new text- and sourcecritical findings. The accounts on Manichaeism and Montanism are based on older, lost sources and can therefore not be consulted as historical sources on these heresies in the Early Byzantine age. The account of the Ecumenical Councils involved in the Christological controversies attributes faith formulas to Councils that did not actually issue them and thus must be dismissed as a historical source on the course of these controversies as well. Nevertheless all three chapters, like the rest of the treatise, testify to the views of an Early Byzantine theologian on heresies and Church Councils and to how he reached his views. This scope for further study is deduced from the character of the text itself and thus especially appropriate.
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40

Davis, Derek H. "John A. Ragosta . Wellspring of Liberty: How Virginia's Religious Dissenters Helped Win the American Revolution and Secured Religious Liberty . New York : Oxford University Press . 2010 . Pp. viii, 261. $34.95." American Historical Review 116, no. 2 (April 2011): 443–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.2.443.

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41

C. Martino, Simone. "POLITICS AND RELIGION IN ITALY: A CATHOLIC HISTORY." POLITICS AND RELIGION IN EUROPE 9, no. 2 (December 27, 2015): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0902233m.

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The paper looks at the historical and contemporary role of Catholic Church in Italian politics. Over the last sixty years Catholicism has played an important role in Italian society. The paper identify three ways in which Catholicism interacts with Italian public life: as a peculiar version of “civil religion”, through Catholic inspirited political parties and the Church intervening directly in specific public debates. After identifies the change of political role of the Catholic Church in the last decades the paper recognize the main challenges for this particular relationship in the next future
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42

Tronzo, William. "Arabs and Normans in Sicily and Southern Italy." Al-Masāq 23, no. 1 (April 2011): 74–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2011.552952.

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43

OVERELL, M. A. "An English Friendship and Italian Reform: Richard Morison and Michael Throckmorton, 1532–1538." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 3 (June 21, 2006): 478–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906007342.

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This study sets the history of a friendship in the context of religious reform in Italy in the 1530s. Richard Morison and Michael Throckmorton were friends at the University of Padua but gradually became foes. In 1536 Morison returned to England to become Cromwell's propagandist and later Throckmorton began his dramatic career as Pole's agent. In Italy, however, both these young humanists had links with a group of reformers later called ‘spirituali’. Morison met them through contacts with Edmund Harvel and Bishop Cosimo Gheri. The discovery of Throckmorton's inventory shows that he owned books associated with Italian reform, including banned publications containing writings of the Northern Reformers. The rift between them was caused by political reformation in England, not religion in Italy.
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44

Hardman, Keith J. "The Dissenters, vol. 2, The Expansion of Evangelical Nonconformity. By Michael R. Watts. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. xxi + 911 pp." Church History 66, no. 2 (June 1997): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170727.

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45

Platt, Angela. "Pain as a Spiritual Barometer of Health: A Sign of Divine Love, 1780–1850." Studies in Church History 58 (June 2022): 196–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2022.10.

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A popular nineteenth-century spiritual barometer displays the steps one might take in the Christian life to bring oneself closer to either ‘glory’ or ‘perdition’. Near the top of the barometer, nearing ‘glory’ is the bearing of painful tribulations, connected to the cross of Christ. Whilst pain was undeniably an undesired presence in life, it was also a hallmark of spiritual progress. The denouement of Christian health, therefore, was often to be in pain. Looking at pain narratives of six evangelical Dissenters, this article explores how pain was perceived by these individuals through the lens of the atonement. As the atonement was a loving aspect of God's providence, so too was pain in the Christian life a quotidian display of divine love. The meaning and purpose of pain was sanctification, understood as a retributive, though mainly redemptive, implement of God's fatherly love. Whilst sharing a common framework of atonement, case studies from different denominations display nuanced differences in their pain narratives: the Baptists and Congregationalists examined here emphasized the sin that required the atonement, whereas the Quakers emphasized suffering with or alongside Christ.
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46

Maghenzani, Simone. "The Protestant Reformation in Counter-Reformation Italy, c. 1550–1660: An Overview of New Evidence." Church History 83, no. 3 (July 31, 2014): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000560.

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This article aims to open up and overview some key questions surrounding the Italian Reformation. It argues that the Italian Reformation cannot be viewed as a closed book after the conclusion of the Council of Trent; instead there emerged new forms of engagement between Italy and Protestantism, both within and outside the peninsula. In particular, this article considers Protestant propaganda: the efforts by communities of exiles, especially the Genevan Italian congregation, in printing materials to send into Italy, and also sending personnel at critical junctures, all extremely sensitive to political and religious contexts. The French Wars of Religion provided an immediate model for what could be attempted in Italy, and so addressed sometimes delicate issues such as nicodemism and martyrdom, while also providing practical advice and support to Protestants in Italy. As such, this article shows that Italy was not partitioned by some religious “Iron Curtain” from the rest of Europe, but rather was still viewed as a potential battleground for international Calvinism.
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White, Veronica Maria. ":Art and the Religious Image in El Greco’s Italy." Sixteenth Century Journal 46, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 769–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj4603160.

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48

Heath, Christopher. "Italy and Early Medieval Europe: Papers for Chris Wickham." Al-Masāq 33, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2021.1877423.

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49

Chamedes, Giuliana. "The Vatican and Mussolini’s Italy, written by Lucia Ceci." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 3 (March 26, 2018): 496–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00503007-14.

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Preston, Jo Anne. "“He lives as a Master”: Seventeenth-Century Masculinity, Gendered Teaching, and Careers of New England Schoolmasters." History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 3 (2003): 350–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2003.tb00126.x.

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You that are men and thoughts of manhood know,Be Just now to the Man who made you so.Martyr'd by Scholars the stabbed Cassian dies,And falls to cursed Lads a Sacrafice.Not so my Cheever; Not by Scholars slain,But Praised and Lov'd, and wished to Life again.Cotton Mather, 1708In New England, as in the country as a whole, teaching began as a male occupation. The earliest schoolmasters taught in small settlements of religious dissenters who had migrated to the wilderness of New England in the seventeenth century. The gendered meaning of teaching accompanied the social practice of hiring male teachers. Puritan minister Cotton Mather, in his passionate elegy for seventeenth-century New England schoolmaster Ezekiel Cheever, attests to the settlers' belief in the manliness of teachers. To Mather and other English settlers, the very term schoolmaster denoted masculine qualities. In Mather's own words: “He lives as a Master, the Term, which has been for above three thousand years, assign'd to the Life of a Man.” For Mather, teachers were not only male but embodied a particular vision of the masculine as well. Mather's vision of the ideal teacher, as having a specific kind of masculinity, was not unique to him. Drawing on English and Puritan traditions, the early New England colonists embraced an image of the ideal teacher that incorporated masculine virtues.
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