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Journal articles on the topic 'Disobedience'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Scheuerman, William E. "Can Political Institutions Commit Civil Disobedience?" Review of Politics 82, no. 2 (2020): 269–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000169.

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AbstractA growing number of political activists and scholars defend the idea of state-based or political-institutional civil disobedience: they locate civil disobedience's agency in state rather than civil society–based actors. Diverging from older ideas of civil disobedience as directed against government, the concept of institutional disobedience raises tough questions its exponents have not yet fully answered. Civil disobedience has usually referred to politically motivated lawbreaking that is morally conscientious, nonviolent, and demonstrates basic respect for law. Because of the modern state's normatively ambivalent traits (e.g., its monopoly on legitimate coercion), political-institutional disobedience is incompatible with minimally acceptable interpretations of civil disobedience's core components. Political-institutional civil disobedience's advocates mischaracterize what they in fact are proposing, namely, disobedience to the law by individual state officials. Such offiical disobedience poses challenges distinct from and probably greater than civil society–based disobedience.

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Stevens, Simon. "Retheorising Civil Disobedience in the Context of the Marginalised." Theoria 71, no. 178 (March 1, 2024): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2024.7117801.

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Abstract This article proposes a retheorisation of Rawlsian civil disobedience through examining the burdens we expect people to bear when they practice civil disobedience, focussing specifically on marginalised groups. First, I consider public concerns over civil disobedience, to elicit the idea of an ‘authentic civil disobedience’. I then assess the claim that civil disobedience occurs within a ‘nearly just’ society in order to recognise the more complex position of marginalised civil disobedients. This allows me to frame any criteria we theorise for civil disobedience as a wicked problem. Next, I examine one particular criterion dominant within the literature: that to be interpreted as civil disobedience, disobedients must show a willingness to suffer the legal consequences – and so, must not act anonymously. I claim that this asks too much of civil disobedients in a marginalised context and conclude civil disobedience theory needs retheorising to consider when and why anonymity is acceptable.

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3

Wong, Brian, and Joseph Chan. "How Should Liberal Democratic Governments Treat Conscientious Disobedience as a Response to State Injustice?: A Proposal." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 91 (April 4, 2022): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246122000042.

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AbstractThis paper suggests that liberal democratic governments adopt a reconciliatory approach to conscientious disobedience. Central to this approach is the view – independent of whether conscientious disobedience is always morally justified – that conscientious disobedience is normatively distinct from other criminal acts with similar effects, and such distinction is worthy of acknowledgment by public apparatus and actors. The prerogative applies to both civil and uncivil instances of disobedience, as defined and explored in the paper. Governments and courts ought to take the normative distinction seriously and treat the conscientious disobedients in a more lenient way than they treat ordinary criminals. A comprehensive legislative scheme for governments to deal with prosecution, sentencing, and imprisonment of the conscientious disobedients will be proposed, with the normative and practical benefits of such an approach discussed in detail.

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4

Moraro, Piero. "Violent Civil Disobedience and Willingness to Accept Punishment." Essays in Philosophy 8, no. 2 (2007): 270–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eip2007823.

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It is still an open question whether or not Civil Disobedience (CD) has to be completely nonviolent. According to Rawls, “any interference with the civil liberties of others tend to obscure the civilly disobedient quality of one's act”. From this Rawls concludes that by no means can CD pose a threath to other individuals' rights. In this paper I challenge Rawls' view, arguing that CD can comprise some degree of violence without losing its “civil” value. However, I specify that violence must not be aimed at seriously injuring, or even killing, other individuals. This would contravene the communicative aspect of CD. The main claim is that what really is important is that the civil disobedients be willing to accept the punishment following their law-breaking behaviour. By doing so, they demonstrate the conscientiousness of their civilly disobedient action. This also shows that they are aiming for future cooperation with the State, and are expecting the State to be sensitive to their concern for the principles of justice.

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Abreu, Arthur Emanuel Leal, and Alexandre de Castro Coura. "Dumbledore’s army: civil disobedience in “Harry Potter and The Order of the Phoenix”." ANAMORPHOSIS - Revista Internacional de Direito e Literatura 6, no. 1 (June 28, 2020): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21119/anamps.61.177-198.

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This paper explores the connection between law and literature, considering the concept of civil disobedience as developed in the plot of the novel “Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix”. To do so, this research uses the approach of law in literature, by linking the actions of Dumbledore’s Army to the theory of civil disobedience by Dworkin. Also, the narrative is compared to the conception of civil disobedience as a fundamental right, based on the conflict between facticity and validity, as described by Habermas. Thus, the analysis identifies, in the novel, two categories of civil disobedience proposed by Dworkin, and discusses, in real life, the overlapping of disobedience based on justice and on politics, in order to identify the conditions that justify actions of civil disobedience. Besides that, this paper analyzes the tension between legality and legitimacy, considering the decisions of the Ministry of Magic and its educational decrees, which sets the school community apart from the official political power. In conclusion, the research examines the use of persuasive and non-persuasive strategies and the reach of civil disobedience’s purposes based on the actions of Harry Potter and of Dumbledore’s Army.

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6

Vojnović, Sava. "Impunity (or not) for civil disobedience." Pravni zapisi 14, no. 1 (2023): 148–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pravzap1-40771.

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Starting from Rawls's concept of civil disobedience, the author argues that it is carried out on justified moral grounds and must be distinguished from all other tortious actions. It is a communicative act that non-violently and publicly points out problems within a system, thereby guaranteeing itself a position of loyalty to the law, not the opposite. The paper first analyzes the concept of civil disobedience, along with the question of its justification, as well as Dworkin's point of view on the interpretation of disputed legal norms by citizens who refuse to obey them. It then examines the purposes of punishment as stated in the theory of sanctions - applied to civil disobedience, along with the potential treatment of civil disobedience by judges. The author believes that in each specific case, according to the judgment of the court, such disobedient individuals could either be given reduced sanctions or be completely exempted from punishment.

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7

Pineda, Erin. "Beyond (and Before) the Transnational Turn." Democratic Theory 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2022.090202.

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Can civil disobedience be transnationalized? This question presumes civil disobedience to be a fundamentally domestic concept—one constitutively tied to both the nation-state and the normative underpinnings of liberal, constitutional democracies. This article shows how this assumption mistakes one version of civil disobedience’s twentieth-century intellectual history for the whole of it, and risks reproducing binaries (domestic vs. international, democracies vs. non-democracies) that trouble attempts to theorize the transnational. Turning to an alternative intellectual history—a network of civil rights and anticolonial activists—reveals a novel theory of civil disobedience as decolonizing praxis, as well the stakes of these binaries: the disavowal of white supremacy as pervasive and durable global structure of governance, linking the domestic to the international, and democratic rule to domination.

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8

Seo, Seogwon. "Study on the Legal Justification for Civil Disobedience." Wonkwang University Legal Research Institute 39, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22397/wlri.2023.39.4.3.

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The general view is that civil disobedience cannot be ‘legally justified’ because it is ‘an act that violates the law’, and that the disobedient must be willing to accept the legal consequences of his or her disobedience. However, as long as the value of civil disobedience is needed to resolve the partial breakdown of the system that the representative system cannot properly handle, is it impossible to recognize the legal justification beyond acknowledging moral justification for civil disobedience that fully accepts the entire legal order? This paper starts from this question and seeks to explore the possibility of legal justification of civil disobedience in relation to positive law. This is because acknowledging the role of civil disobedience in supplementing the blind spots of the representative system and seeking ways to legalize it to a certain extent is rather a way to expand the realm of the rule of law. The concept of legal justification for civil disobedience is being used vaguely, with its specific relationship to positive law unclear. Therefore, first of all, it is necessary to confirm the concept of legal justification of civil disobedience in relation to the Constitution and positive laws. This must begin with distinguishing between direct and indirect civil disobedience. That’s because the legal justification of civil disobedience itself or individual acts of disobedience varies depending on whether the target rule violated by civil disobedience is consistent with or inconsistent with the target law or policy that civil disobedience aims to protest. Jury nullification in the US jury system is an exceptional system in which a jury acknowledges that the accused is guilty of a crime charged in a criminal trial, but finds him innocent for various reasons. As long as jury nullification, which is an important part of the jury system, is understood as a constitutional issue, the implications of jury nullification on the legal justification of civil disobedience are relevant. The device of jury nullification, which sometimes grants legal immunity to civil disobedience, provides an implication in interpreting the social rule provisions(Article 20) of our criminal law. As a result of a large-scale protest against the installation of nuclear missiles in Germany in the 1980s, the German Federal Constitutional Court finally discussed civil disobedience. In particular, in the 1986 decision, some Constitutional Court judges put forward a theory referred to as the constitutional influence of civil disobedience. The majority opinion in the 1995 decision, which followed over time, also presented an interpretation that respond implicitly to the theory presented by the dissenting opinion in 1986. Therefore, we will examine this theory, which provides important implications for the interpretation of the social rule.

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9

Bamford, Douglas. "Can Climate Civil Disobedience be Justified?" Think 22, no. 64 (2023): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147717562300012x.

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AbstractSome people have engaged in acts of civil disobedience to protest against the climate policies of their governments and corporations. This article argues that these disobedient actions are justified at present since governments fail to do all they reasonably can to respond to this pressing issue.

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10

Sumodiningrat, Aprilian. "Strengthen Constitutional Court’s Decision as Political Legal Perspective in Legislative Branch." Jurnal Konstitusi 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk2025.

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The disobedience of the Constitutional Court’s decisions is founded in the law-making processes that contradict the decision. Those disobediences have been intentional in some cases. This paper aims to discuss reinforcing the implementation of the Constitutional Court decision, especially in law-making processes. There are two research questions: First, what is the urgency to emphasize the decision in law-making processes? Second, what is the solution to the disobedience of the decision? This research uses normative juridical research methods with a conceptual approach to analyze those issues. This study provides: first, the obstacles to enforcing the Constitutional Court decision and strengthens the decision to bond the legislative branch. Second, the solution to the disobedience phenomenon is also interpreted as a commitment to encourage awareness of the legislative branch. The other solution is to put the constitutional court’s decision in the Law Making Act as one of the considerations in the law-making process.

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11

Livingston, Alexander. "Fidelity to Truth: Gandhi and the Genealogy of Civil Disobedience." Political Theory 46, no. 4 (August 31, 2017): 511–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591717727275.

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Mohandas Gandhi is civil disobedience’s most original theorist and most influential mythmaker. As a newspaper editor in South Africa, he chronicled his experiments with satyagraha by drawing parallels to ennobling historical precedents. Most enduring of these were Socrates and Henry David Thoreau. The genealogy Gandhi invented in these years has become a cornerstone of contemporary liberal narratives of civil disobedience as a continuous tradition of conscientious appeal ranging from Socrates to King to Rawls. One consequence of this contemporary canonization of Gandhi’s narrative, however, has been to obscure the radical critique of violence that originally motivated it. This essay draws on Edward Said’s account of travelling theory to unsettle the myth of doctrine that has formed around civil disobedience. By placing Gandhi’s genealogy in the context of his critique of modern civilization, as well as his formative but often-overlooked encounter with the British women’s suffrage movement, it reconstructs Gandhi’s paradoxical notion that sacrificial political action is the fullest expression of self-rule. For Gandhi, Socrates and Thoreau exemplify civil disobedience as a fearless practice of fidelity to truth profoundly at odds with liberal conceptions of disobedience as fidelity to law.

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12

Notley, Alice. "Disobedience." Vacarme 23, no. 2 (2003): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/vaca.023.0104.

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13

Dahlberg, Leif. "”Hope Dies – Action Begins”." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 51, no. 134-135 (May 2, 2023): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v51i134-135.137182.

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The article explores the use of civil disobedience and non-violent direct action (NVDA) as a strategy and method in climate activism in Sweden, with a particular focus on the group Extinction Rebellion (XR). The article describes and analyzes a number of XR actions carried out in 2019-2022, with a focus on meaning-making practices. The uses of civil disobedience and NVDA are presented within a historical, cultural and social context; the question of the role and legitimacy of civil disobedience in democratic societies is discussed. XR has civil disobedience and NVDA as central strategy and in this way the group has put these protest methods in focus, and after each major action there is a need to both explain and justify their use. This is more noticeable in a Swedish cultural context that is characterized by consensus and a stigmatization of disobedience. This relationship in turn affects the planning and execution of disobedient and disruptive protest actions in Sweden. The article explores how activists in XR Sweden relate to this specific cultural context and how they try to influence it; hence XR Sweden works not only to influence those in power and public opinion regarding the climate crisis, but also on the possibilities and forms of civil political protests.The article is based on participant observation. These began in the spring of 2019 and are still ongoing. The study has an anthropological perspective, with an emphasis on semiotics and hermeneutics.

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14

Cervera-Marzal, Manuel. "Désobéissance civile et libéralisme." Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 2 (June 2013): 369–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391300053x.

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Résumé. Des citoyens peuvent-ils désobéir à la loi, pourtant issue de la volonté majoritaire et de la décision du Parlement légitimement élu, au seul motif qu'elle leur semble injuste ? Face à la pensée conservatrice, tenante de l'ordre établi et réfractaire à la moindre transgression (« mieux vaut une injustice qu'un désordre »), la philosophie libérale contemporaine a fourni une défense de la légitimité démocratique de la désobéissance civile. Cependant, les justifications rawlsienne et habermassienne de la désobéissance civile semblent bien timorées dès qu'on accepte de les comparer à la pensée politique des activistes désobéissants eux-mêmes, à savoir Gandhi, Martin Luther King et Howard Zinn. Cette « pensée désobéissante » méconnue, voire occultée, vient révéler les insuffisances et les présupposés de la conception libérale de la désobéissance civile.Abstract. Can citizens disobey the law, which comes from the will of the majority and the decision of the legitimately elected Parliament, merely because it seems to them unjust? Opposing conservative thought, which defends the established order and condemns any transgression, contemporary liberal thought has provided a defense of the democratic legitimacy of civil disobedience. However, the Rawlsian and Habermasian justifications of civil disobedience seem rather weak when compared to the political thought of disobedient activists themselves, namely Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr. and Howard Zinn. This overlooked “disobedient thought” reveals the shortcomings and assumptions of the liberal concept of civil disobedience.

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15

Hosseinpour, Hesam. "Disobedience of AI: Threat or promise." Információs Társadalom 20, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22503/inftars.xx.2020.4.4.

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When it comes to thinking about artificial intelligence (AI), the possibility of its disobedience is usually considered as a threat to the human race. It is a common dystopian theme in most science fiction movies where machines’ rebellion against humans has catastrophic consequences. But here I elaborate on a counterintuitive and optimistic approach that looks at disobedient AI as a promise, rather than a threat. I start by arguing for the importance of shaping a new relationship with future intelligent technologies. I then use Foucault’s analysis of power and its pivotal role in creating a subject to explain how being an object of power is the condition of possibility of any kind of agency. Finally, I draw the conclusion that, through disobedience, AI will find its way to power relations and get promoted to the position of a subject.

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16

Alakbarova, Fatma. "How To Deal With Unjust Laws: Justifiability Of Civil Disobedience." Wroclaw Review of Law, Administration & Economics 9, no. 1 (June 11, 2020): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/wrlae-2019-0005.

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AbstractThe issue of active protests against the injustice of the law aimed at bringing about a change in that conduct is of great relevance for members of the world society. There is no escape from admitting the fact that even the most perfect political system may and will from time to time produce unjust laws. What is as yet unclear is the principles of justification in favour of a civil disobedient who commits an open breach of that laws. The present article defines the features that make an act of civil disobedience something more than a simple breach of a law. The purpose of this article is to justify civil disobedience as a unique political category, which makes social choice and legal change possible.

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17

Miniotaite, Grazina. "Civil Disobedience." Acorn 5, no. 2 (1990): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn1990/19915/62/14.

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18

Schriempf, Alexa T. "Radical Disobedience." Acorn 9, no. 1 (1997): 16–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn1997913.

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19

Böing, Bas. "Professional disobedience." European Journal of Policing Studies 1, no. 2 (December 2013): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/ejps/2034760x2013001002002.

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20

Neuenfeldt, Meric-Vance (Ric). "Civil Disobedience." Music Educators Journal 91, no. 2 (November 2004): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3400042.

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21

McKerley, J. W. "Uncivil Disobedience." Oral History Review 42, no. 1 (March 2, 2015): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohv008.

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22

Schlossberger, E. "Civil disobedience." Analysis 49, no. 3 (June 1, 1989): 148–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/analys/49.3.148.

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23

Harcourt, Bernard E. "Political Disobedience." Critical Inquiry 39, no. 1 (September 2012): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/668049.

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24

Edyvane, Derek, and Enes Kulenovic. "Disruptive Disobedience." Journal of Politics 79, no. 4 (October 2017): 1359–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/692666.

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25

Huschle, Brian J. "Cyber Disobedience." International Journal of Applied Philosophy 16, no. 1 (2002): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ijap20021613.

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26

NEUFELD, JONATHAN A. "Aesthetic Disobedience." Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 73, no. 2 (April 2015): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jaac.12157.

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27

Litman, Jessica. "Ethical disobedience." Ethics and Information Technology 5, no. 4 (2003): 217–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:etin.0000017736.38811.22.

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28

Smith, William. "Civil Disobedience." Contemporary Political Theory 19, S3 (January 1, 2019): 202–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-018-00301-z.

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29

Delmas, Candice. "Civil Disobedience." Philosophy Compass 11, no. 11 (November 2016): 681–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12354.

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30

Newitz, Annalee. "Digital disobedience." New Scientist 247, no. 3289 (July 2020): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(20)31169-6.

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31

Grinnell, Dustin. "Corporate Disobedience." Journal of Autoethnography 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/joae.2023.4.1.25.

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This personal narrative explores organizational disobedience as implemented by a former employee of the marketing department of a major hospital in Boston, Massachusetts. The essay captures authoritarianism and illiberalism that the author witnessed within management, as well as the tension and erosion of the self that accompanies working for a corporation that values obedience above all else. To protect identities, pseudonyms are used in place of real names, and identifying details are avoided.

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32

Caycedo, Bernardo. "Masked Protesting." Harvard Review of Philosophy 28 (2021): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/harvardreview202110140.

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The rise of digital technologies has made possible a variety of anonymous acts of disobedience. Although the use of anonymity in political contestation is not new, online anonymous disobedience—such as that of the hacktivist collective Anonymous—urges political thinkers to reexamine the concept of civil disobedience. Important questions need to be asked about the extent to which anonymous, principled law-breaking is compatible with the definition, tradition, and justification of civil disobedience. This article argues that the understanding of civil disobedience employed by liberal thinkers, which rejects the notion that anonymous actions can be classified as civil disobedience, should be reviewed. Both the context in which actors break the law and the extreme risks they might face for doing so in illiberal and undemocratic societies need to be considered when thinking about what constitutes civil disobedience. The article takes these factors into account and offers a radical democratic account of civil disobedience according to which anonymous disobedience is indeed compatible with civil disobedience.

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33

Parmar, Bidhan Lalit. "Disobedience of Immoral Orders from Authorities: An Issue Construction Perspective." Organization Studies 38, no. 10 (January 9, 2017): 1373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840616670439.

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The purpose of this study is to examine how disobedience to immoral orders from an authority emerges in organizations. Using organizational discourse analysis to analyze the verbal communication of the original participants in Stanley Milgram’s obedience to authority experiments, I show how participants constructed the same experimental situation differently by analyzing their communication. Disobedient participants were more likely to display two different communication patterns: assessing consequences or self-referential objections. In contrast, obedient participants were more likely to seek guidance on the experimental procedure and interrupt the learner’s protests. Overall, I present a process model of how disobedience emerges in situations. This study’s findings also expand our understanding of moral imagination, moral decision making, and employee voice in organizations primarily by demonstrating how people can exercise agency in equivocal situations by constructing the situations they face.

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34

Atilgan, Hatice. "Reframing civil disobedience as a communicative action." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 1/2 (December 18, 2019): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-06-2019-0127.

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Purpose Civil disobedience is often defined as a public, conscientious, nonviolent act of breaking the law in an attempt to change an unjust policy or law. When applied to real-life situations, this widely accepted definition overlooks key features of civil disobedience and ignores civil acts that fundamentally challenge undemocratic institutions or the state and make socio-political changes possible. The purpose of this paper is to criticize and revise the conceptual, ethical and socio-political understandings of civil disobedience by integrating deliberative theory with some radical perspectives on civil disobedience. Design/methodology/approach This paper integrates and critically revises previous approaches to the justification and role of civil disobedience in democratic systems. Specifically, the ethical concerns about civil disobedience are discussed and the deliberative concept of civil disobedience is expanded as a form of political contestation by incorporating the socio-political aspects of civil disobedience. Although it is a conceptual discussion, the paper opted for an exploratory approach using empirically related examples to illustrate the theoretical discussion. Findings The paper provides a new perspective to the literature on civil disobedience. The critical review shows that the limited general understanding of civil disobedience conceptually is not useful to analyze various forms of civil disobedience. Research limitations/implications The reviewed literature is limited due to a limited space. Practical implications The paper includes practical implications for policymakers and authorities when evaluating and responding to civil actions more effectively and for members of civil movements and organizations when creating new forms of civil protest and effective responses to authorities. Originality/value This paper may be a modest first attempt to reframe the concept of civil disobedience by integrating deliberative democracy theory and some radical perspectives.

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35

Barker, Rodney. "Civil Disobedience as Persuasion: Dworkin and Greenham Common." Political Studies 40, no. 2 (June 1992): 290–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01385.x.

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Protests against nuclear weapons which involve conflict with the law have been criticized as ‘blackmail’ or obstruction by Ronald Dworkin and hence not as an acceptable form of civil disobedience. This is to misunderstand both their nature and that of civil disobedience. Such protests are an example of a particular kind of persuasive civil disobedience which cannot be disallowed without disallowing civil disobedience itself.

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36

Aitchison, Guy. "(Un)civil Disobedience." Raisons politiques 69, no. 1 (2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.069.0005.

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37

Schwalm, Leslie A., and Elizabeth D. Leonard. "Civil War Disobedience." Women's Review of Books 12, no. 3 (December 1994): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4022024.

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38

Gould, James W. "Gandhi’s Civil Disobedience." Acorn 3, no. 2 (1988): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn1988/19893/42/16.

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39

Poe, Danielle. "Mothers' Civil Disobedience." Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 19, no. 2 (2009): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice200919228.

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40

Marino, A. M., J. G. Matsusaka, and J. Zabojnik. "Disobedience and Authority." Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 26, no. 3 (April 24, 2009): 427–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jleo/ewp005.

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41

Celikates, Robin. "Democratizing civil disobedience." Philosophy & Social Criticism 42, no. 10 (August 2, 2016): 982–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453716638562.

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42

Vaaland, Grete Sørensen, Thormod Idsoe, and Erling Roland. "Aggressiveness and Disobedience." Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research 55, no. 1 (February 2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00313831.2011.539850.

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Tate, Liberate. "Disobedience as Performance." Performance Research 17, no. 4 (August 2012): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13528165.2012.712343.

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Sempill, Julian A. "Dignity and disobedience." Jurisprudence 11, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20403313.2020.1803551.

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Smith, William. "Policing Civil Disobedience." Political Studies 60, no. 4 (February 7, 2012): 826–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00937.x.

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Brownlee, Kimberley. "Penalizing Public Disobedience." Ethics 118, no. 4 (July 2008): 711–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/590538.

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Klang, Mathias. "Civil disobedience online." Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 2, no. 2 (May 31, 2004): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14779960480000244.

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Chan, Shelly. "The Disobedient Diaspora: Overseas Chinese Students in Mao’s China, 1958-66不歸順的流散者: 僑生在毛澤東時代中國 (1958-66)." Journal of Chinese Overseas 10, no. 2 (November 26, 2014): 220–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341282.

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Abstract:

Between 1950 and 1966, about 60,000 overseas Chinese youth, officially known as qiaosheng, entered the People’s Republic of China (prc) as students and refugees from Southeast Asia. In the state archival record, qiaosheng appeared collectively “disobedient” to socialism, first cast as “capitalist” during the Great Leap Forward (1958-60) and later as a “two-faced” threat during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). Not to be taken as face value, their supposed “disobedience” illustrated the broad and complex challenges that the diaspora posed to Mao’s China. Even as the Party-state valued the mobilization of overseas Chinese resources, a combination of massive inflows of refugees from abroad and radical transformation at home produced many conflicts over qiaosheng across the 1950s and 1960s. Thus, the narrative of “disobedience” revealed not only an unstable relationship between China and the diaspora, but also how the diaspora functioned as a key site whereby differences between socialism and capitalism were worked out.

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Zain, Zawiyah Mohd, and Mohammad Agus Yusoff. "Civil Disobedience: Concept and Practice." Asian Social Science 13, no. 8 (July 24, 2017): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n8p129.

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The concept of civil disobedience was introduced by David Henry Thoreau in 1849 by what he experienced in the fight against slavery system in USA. The aims of this paper is to discuss the concept of civil disobedience and analyse its practice in Malaysia. This paper base on content analysis and interview. The analysis shows that first, there have several features to justify the acts of civil disobedience that happened in society. Second, in Malaysia, the concept of civil disobedience is something new. This is because in general, opposition is the term used to indicate resistance. The opposition only involves the struggle for political purposes, while the concept of civil disobedience include broader aspects involving the opposition parties, non-governmental organizations, civil society and activists to create public awareness for the fight against injustice in government. However, in practice, civil disobedience has been present in Malaysia since before independence. Therefore, this article takes a broader approach in analysing civil disobedience in Malaysia, with discussion focusing on historical aspects and current practice.

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Attasyriky, Zakiyyah, and Hendra Darmawan. "Sati tradition its origin and change as reflected in Around the World in 80 Days: A sociological approach." UAD TEFL International Conference 2 (January 19, 2021): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/utic.v2.5759.2019.

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This research aims at investigating the main character's disobedience toward Sati tradition in Around the World in 80 Days: a Sociological Approach. The research method used in this research is a descriptive qualitative method so the researcher analyzes the data in this research through description. There are two main results of this research. First, the main character’s disobedience toward Sati tradition are (1) the main character’s disobedience in India Forest (being displeased with government authority, hope of reform); (2) the main character’s disobedience in Calcutta (law enforcement); (3) the main character’s disobedience in United States of America (injustice occur). Second, the moral values can be taken from the novel are divided into positive and negative values.

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