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Züger, Theresa. "Reload Disobedience." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18622.
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Diese Arbeit verbindet zwei Perspektiven, nämlich den Blick auf die soziale Praxis des digitalen Ungehorsams mit dem anhaltenden Diskurs über zivilen Ungehorsam in der politischen Theorie. Digitaler Ungehorsam entwickelte sich im Verlauf der Evolution digitaler Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien in überraschendem Facettenreichtum: vom BTX Hack des Chaos Computer Clubs über den Widerstand der Cypherpunks für die weltweite Verbreitung von Verschlüsselung hin zu Anonymous, Aaron Swartz und Edward Snowden.
Reload Disobedience plädiert für eine Revision des dominierenden Verständnisses von zivilem Ungehorsam und stützt sich dabei auf Theorien von Hannah Arendt, Michael Walzer und Etienne Balibar. Viele Beispiele in der Geschichte des digitalen Ungehorsams werden diesem neuen Verständnis durchaus gerecht, doch gibt es gleichzeitig Faktoren, die weitere Fragen aufwerfen: Kann ziviler Ungehorsam anonym sein oder automatisiert durchgeführt werden? Wie verändert sich das kollektive Handeln, das maßgeblicher Teil der Tradition zivilen Ungehorsames ist, durch die globale Vernetzung? Um diese und andere Effekte digitalen Handelns zu verstehen, diskutiert die Autorin die Entscheidungen der digital Ungehorsamen sowie Möglichkeiten und Grenzen digitalen Handelns im Kontext demokratie-theoretischer Überlegungen. Eine Kernthese der Arbeit ist, dass ziviler Ungehorsam in digitalen Formen potentiell eine neue Direktheit des Politischen erzeugen kann. Gleichzeitig muss sich diese Praxis einer besonderen Unsicherheit sowie neuen Risiken und Herausforderungen stellen, um dem demokratischen Geist des zivilen Ungehorsams unter neuen Bedingungen gerecht zu werden.This work combines two perspectives, namely the social and activist history of digital forms of disobedience with the ongoing discourse around civil disobedience in political theory. In the course of the internet’s evolution, digital disobedience developed in a surprisingly multifaceted nature: From cases like the BTX Hack of the Chaos Computer Club, to the Cypherpunks and their effort to spread encryption, from Anonymous to Aaron Swartz or Edward Snowden. This work argues for a broader understanding of civil disobedience than the mainstream in political thinking suggests based on arguments from a radical democratic line of thinking, inspired by Hannah Arendt, Michael Walzer and Etienne Balibar. Many cases of digital disobedience meet the spirit of this new understanding, while at the same time their digital nature provokes a new set of questions as well. For instance the question, if civil disobedience may be anonymous or even automated. How does the internet change collective action which is often seen as a core element of the tradition of civil disobedience? The author discusses the choices and principles behind digitally disobedient action as well as the possibilities and limits of digital action in the context of democratic theory. She shows that civil disobedience in digital action even develops a new directness of encounter that adds a new potential to this delicate form of political action. Nevertheless, digital practices of civil disobedience are at the same time precarious and faced with new risks and challenges, like automation of and the risk of elitist tech-avant-gardes overriding the democratic spirit that civil disobedience is rooted in.
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Smith, William. "Justifying civil disobedience." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.399504.
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Moraro, Piero. "Civil disobedience and civic virtues." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2886.
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This thesis examines the concept of civil disobedience, and the role the latter can play in a democratic society. It aims to offer a moral justification for civil disobedience that departs from consequentialist or deontological considerations, and focuses instead on virtue ethics. By drawing attention to the notion of civic virtues, the thesis suggests that, under some circumstances, an act of civil disobedience is the very act displaying a virtuous disposition in the citizen who disobeys. Such disposition is interpreted in light of a duty each individual has to respect her fellow citizens as autonomous agents. This grounds, in turn, a moral obligation to respect the law. The central claim of the thesis is that the obligation towards the law is fulfilled not only through acts of obedience but also, under different circumstances, through acts of disobedience. The status of non-violence as a necessary component of civil disobedience is questioned, and it is argued that a degree of force or violence may be permissible in civil disobedience, when it is compatible with the duty to respect others’ autonomy. Subsequently, the thesis offers an analysis of ‘reasonableness’ as a civic virtue, and by comparing three different approaches to the issue of reasonable disagreement among democratic citizens, it defends the deliberative approach as the most suited for treating fellow citizens as autonomous agents. The last two chapters focus on the importance, for an act of civil disobedience, of the agent’s willingness to accept the legal consequences of her law-breaking behaviour. It is argued that a civil disobedient has an obligation to face the prospect of being punished for the breach of the law. However, in considering the behaviour of a virtuous civil disobedient who appears at her criminal trial, it is also claimed that she should plead not guilty and aim to persuade her fellow citizens that she does not deserve to be punished, because what she did does not constitute a criminal wrong. In doing so, this thesis depicts civil disobedience not as a merely permissible form of behaviour, but as a morally praiseworthy conduct within a democratic community.
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Brownlee, Kimberley. "The moral status of civil disobedience." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7cd0f25d-7550-41f6-a902-ab752e7d1026.
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This dissertation examines the moral character of civil disobedience. The discussion begins with a conceptual analysis of civil disobedience which eschews standard definitions in favour of a paradigm case approach, highlighting a parallel between the communicative aspects of civil disobedience and the communicative aspects of lawful punishment by the state. Foundations for a moral evaluation of civil disobedience are then laid down through, first, an examination of the nature of wrongdoing and justification, and second, a critique of contemporary defences of political obligation. The absence of political obligation, it is argued, does not immediately justify civil disobedience even in reprehensible regimes because, in all contexts, adherence to the law and disobedience of the law must be judged on the basis of their character and consequences. Various considerations relevant to the justifiability of civil disobedience are then examined before the discussion turns to the three principal claims defended in this thesis. The first is that people have a moral right to engage in civil disobedience irrespective of both the political regime and the merits of their cause. The second is that the reasons for which people engage in civil disobedience may be understood in terms of a pursuit of ideals. When motivated by a deep commitment to the genuine ideals of their society, disobedients may be said to demonstrate responsible citizenship. The third claim is that the law should treat disobedients differently from other offenders. When civil disobedience is morally justified, and sometimes when it is not, the law has reason to be lenient to its practitioners. In defending these claims, this discussion critiques not only the 'classical' narrow conception of civil disobedience as a public, non-violent, conscientious breach of law for which disobedients are willing to be punished, but also broader conceptions of civil disobedience which take a modest view of its justifiability and accord it limited status as a moral right.
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Håkansson, Linus. "Justification for Transnational Environmental Civil Disobedience." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184223.
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The following essay argues that Transnational Civil Disobedience may be justified when it is applied to questions relating to global climate change. Civil Disobedience as a politically motivated form of lawbreaking posits questions regarding political obligation and citizenship and such questions are amplified when applied to the transnational level.Furthermore, this essay focuses on the influential account of Civil Disobedience as it has been formulated by John Rawls. The writer argues that there are potential issues with this formulation when it is applied outside of the greater scope of Rawls’s work. Instead, the essay argues for a formulation of Civil Disobedience that includes a politicizing feature, and to view it as an extra institutional form of political discourse that is detached from notions of state belonging.Finally, it is argued that the All Affected Principle may be used as a necessary condition for justifying acts of Transnational Civil Disobedience. The nature of Global Climate change as an event that affects the human race as a whole, gives rise to the potential for non-citizens to claim a level of political agency in matters that affect them despite lacking formal representation.
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Whitchurch, Joseph B. "Is the civil disobedience of the "operation rescue phenomenon" an ethically or theologically legitimate evangelical option?" Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.
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Noriega, Christina R. "Rawlsian Foundations for Justification and Toleration of Civil Disobedience." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/232.
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Though ultimately seeking more just law, civil disobedience still entails the breaching of a law. For this reason, most theories hold that people who practice civil disobedience must be willing to accept the legal consequences of their actions. On the other hand, a nation that is truly committed to justice will recognize that its constitution and legal order may in some ways fall short of perfect justice. In this thesis, I defend Rawls’s theory of civil disobedience as unique in its capacity for justification and even government toleration. Appealing to a shared conception of justice, Rawlsian civil disobedients are able to ground their actions in the same principles to which the state is committed. I argue that Rawls’s shared conception of justice is further substantiated when read in the light of his later theory of the overlapping consensus of comprehensive doctrines. I ultimately conclude that civil disobedience construed in the Rawlsian sense ought to receive some degree of toleration by the state, and particularly by constitutional states which maintain a formal commitment to justice in the protection of rights and intentional design of government institutions.
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Züger, Theresa [Verfasser], Stefan [Gutachter] Münker, and Robin [Gutachter] Celikates. "Reload Disobedience / Theresa Züger ; Gutachter: Stefan Münker, Robin Celikates." Berlin : Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1185666702/34.
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Culberson, James Kevin. "Obedience and Disobedience in English Political Thought, 1528-1558." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278873/.
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English political thought from 1528 to 1558 was dominated by the question of obedience to civil authority. English Lutherans stressed the duty of obedience to the prince as the norm; however, if he commands that which is immoral one should passively disobey. The defenders of Henrician royal supremacy, while attempting to strengthen the power of the crown, used similar arguments to stress unquestioned obedience to the king. During Edward VI's reign this teaching of obedience was popularized from the pulpit. However, with the accession of Mary a new view regarding obedience gained prominence. Several important Marian exiles contended that the principle that God is to be obeyed rather than man entails the duty of Christians to resist idolatrous and evil rulers for the sake of the true Protestant religion.
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CHAN, Kwun Hong. "The emergence of civil disobedience movements in Hong Kong." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2014. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/12.
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Civil disobedience, as a specific means of protest, has drawn intellectual attention worldwide, but few scholars in Hong Kong have studied this means of protest in depth. Focusing on the reasons why civil disobedience movements have emerged in Hong Kong, this research has used a case study methodology. Semi-structured interviews have been conducted with people that participated in many of Hong Kong’s previous civil disobedience movements, from the Yau Ma Tei Boat People Incident of the 1970s, to the Anti-Public Order Ordinance demonstrations and Citizens’ Radio Incident of the early 2000s. In addition to describing how the emergence of specific civil disobedience movements happened, this research also explores the sociopolitical conditions from which civil disobedience movements have emerged in the Hong Kong context.
By interviewing key informants in each case (9 in total), a general pattern of the emergence of civil disobedience in Hong Kong has been found. Departing from the well-established studies on civil disobedience that have focused on the particular ideologies of participants or specific characteristics of movement leaders, this study contributes to the study of the sociopolitical conditions that led to emergence. All the cases studied point to the fact that the employment of civil disobedience as a protest means is a calculated response to delegitimizing effect, with the existence of civil society.
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Lawton, Alan. "The interpretation of political action : the case of civil disobedience." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/7815.
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Lunt, Dennis. "The Strains of Conscience: Justifying Civil Disobedience and Conscientious Objection." OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1131.
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Despite its ubiquity in debate over the justifiability of civil disobedience and conscientious objection, “conscience” remains an opaque concept. The attempt to define and employ it properly is not a purely academic exercise. The political language and behavior we associate with conscientiousness are empty to the point of being vulnerable to co-option by manifestly non-conscientious, violent, and reactionary movements. My argument is that the ease with which political actors adopt the language of conscience is due, not poor public understanding of the concept of “conscience,” but to the concept itself. In modern philosophical interpretations of conscience, such as that of Martin Luther and John Locke, the conscience is reified as a moral faculty or interior conversation of the individual. This is a departure from classical views of conscientiousness (for instance, Augustine’s), which emphasize the shared, fragile and habitual nature of conscience. Once “conscientiousness” is reified as “conscience,” it becomes difficult to characterize, except in negative terms, as an inner space free from tradition and force. My thesis is that the co-option of the language of conscience stems, in part, from the empty and conflicted characterization of philosophy in modern contract theory. One example of this conflicted characterization of conscience is the abortive project of distinguishing civil disobedience and conscientious objection. In law, politics, and philosophy, it is difficult to offer sound reasons for distinguishing these latter categories, despite frequent attempts to do so. The attempt fails on conceptual as well as practical grounds. I criticize two prominent treatments of civil disobedience and conscientious objection in evidence of this claim (John Rawls and Michael Walzer). When it comes to the language of conscience, modern American culture has committed the philosophic fallacy (John Dewey). We have substituted the clear divisions and images created by conscientious movements for the process that created them. I argue that “conscience” is best seen as a quality of healthy debate between adversaries—debates over problems so fundamental that they will be carried on in extra-legal and even illegal spheres. Conscience is a not a language that just any political actor can speak at will. It is a series of decisions that indicate to a public that we are not political enemies but political adversaries, seeking a political future together (Chantal Mouffe).
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Rocha, José Luis [Verfasser], and Anika [Akademischer Betreuer] Oettler. "The Disobedience of the Masses: Unauthorized Migration of Central Americans to the United States as an Act of Civil Disobedience / José Luis Rocha ; Betreuer: Anika Oettler." Marburg : Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1135385416/34.
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Daniel, Larsson. "Capabilities and Civil Disobedience : A comparative analysis of The Capability Approach." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-117885.
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This essay investigates whether Amartya Sen’s or Martha Nussbaum’s version of the capability approach is better suited to justify civil disobedience. The theoretical framework of my study is critical discourse analysis. This aims to establish the most significant conditions for the justification of civil disobedience. An interpretation of the conception of civil disobedience is presented. The investigation assumes that civil disobedience is justified when people advocate for a change in a policy or a law that limits the securing of basic capabilities. A major part of the essay is devoted to clarifying how the idea of basic capabilities relates to civil disobedience. I also emphasize the importance of human dignity as a universal value. I argue that this value is crucial to realizing why some capabilities are more basic than others. I show that Nussbaum is in a better position than Sen to explain when civil disobedience can be justified. This is because Sen lacks a framework of basic capabilities leaving it up to each nation to assess which capabilities ought to be secured.
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Leafgren, Sheri L. "Reuben's Fall: A Rhizomatic Analysis of Moments of Disobedience in Kindergarten." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1196370620.
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Turenne, Sophie. "Le juge face à la désobéissance civile en droits américain et françois comparés /." Paris : L.G.D.J, 2007. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/537542922.pdf.
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Delmas, Candice. "The duty to disobey." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32879.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
The dissertation investigates our moral obligations in the face of injustice. Contemporary political philosophers have largely neglected this issue, focusing instead on what they call the "problem of political obligation"; that is, whether subjects of just and nearly just societies have a moral duty to obey the law because it is the law. Philosophers fail to consider the obligations of citizens in polities with significant and pervasive injustice. They sometimes recognize that civil disobedience may be morally justified, but they never consider the possibility that it might be morally required. This failure to consider the possibility that one may have a duty to disobey unjust laws and resist injustice is surprising given that the paragons of civil disobedience-to wit, Henry D. Thoreau, Mohandas Gandhi, and Martin Luther King, Jr.-treated resistance to injustice as a matter of moral obligation. The dissertation shifts attention away from the orthodox question, Is there a moral duty to obey the law?, towards the morally urgent question, When is one morally required to disobey the law? Chapter 1 examines the literature on political obligation and civil disobedience, and elaborates on the dissertation's project and motivation. To inquire into citizens' obligations in the face of injustice, the dissertation employs the normative principles commonly used to ground a moral duty to obey the law. Chapters 2-5 are each devoted to one standard ground of political obligation, namely: the principle of fairness, the natural duty of justice, the Samaritan duty, and associative duties. Each chapter clarifies the normative principle under consideration, and develops an account of the duty to resist injustice and disobey the law based on that principle. Chapter 6 summarizes the resulting "multiple principle" theory of obligations in the face of injustice, and complements it with an account of second-order duties focused on overcoming obstacles to the perception of injustice and recognition of one's responsibilities.
2031-01-01
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Walton, Kevin. "Orders of reasons : making sense of obedience and disobedience to the law." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25285.
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The thesis studies certain forms of obedience and disobedience to the law. It looks at compliance that results from a belief in the law’s authority, then the behaviour or people who obey and disobey legal obligations for moral reasons and, finally, the phenomenon of civil disobedience. I examine these particular responses to the law because of the way in which they are normally understood. The leading theories of them are justified with reference to moral norms. I argue, however, that a philosopher can make sense of these practices without subjecting them to ‘moralistic’ analysis and suggest ‘pure’ alternatives to the dominant accounts. By doing so, I not only strive to improve comprehension of these instances of obedience and disobedience but also seek to demonstrate the superiority of the philosophical approach on which my alternative interpretations of them are based. My claims in this thesis, then, are both substantive and methodological: I describe various responses to the law as well as a means of understanding them.
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Berglund, Oscar Johan Blanco. "Contesting austerity through civil disobedience : the PAH and the Spanish housing crisis." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.715734.
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Da, Silva Maia Alexandre. "Renaissance desire and disobedience, eroticizing human curiosity and learning in Doctor Faustus." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0026/MQ50508.pdf.
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Kleinhans, Jan-Peter. "Why are Gandhi and Thoreau AFK? : In Search for Civil Disobedience online." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-204675.
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This thesis investigates if Distributed Denial-of-Service attacks constitute a valid form ofcivil disobedience online. For this purpose a multi-dimensional framework is established,drawing on Brownlee’s paradigm case and classical theory of civil disobedience. Threedifferent examples of DDoS attacks are then examined using this framework - the attacksfrom the Electronic Disturbance Theater in support of the Zapatista movement;Anonymous’ Operation Payback; Electrohippies’ attack against the World TradeOrganization. Following the framework, none of these DDoS attacks are able to constitute acivilly disobedient act online. The thesis then goes on and identifies four key issues, drawingon the results from the examples: The loss of 'individual presence', no inimitable feature ofDDoS attacks, impeding free speech and the danger of western imperialism. It concludes thatDDoS attacks cannot and should not be seen as a form of civil disobedience online. Thethesis further proposes that online actions, in order to be seen as civilly disobedient actsonline, need two additional features: An 'individual presence' of the protesters online tocompensate for the remoteness of cyberspace and an inimitable feature in order to berecognizable by society. Further research should investigate with this extended framework ifthere are valid forms of civil disobedience online.
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Da, Silva Maia Alexandre. "Renaissance desire and disobedience : eroticizing human curiosity and learning in Doctor Faustus." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21205.
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Focusing on the A-text (1604) version of Marlowe's Doctor Faustus , this study further assesses biographical information on the poet and intellectual currents of the Counter Reformation, so as to investigate the play's relation to emergent trends of individualism in the Renaissance, recovery of the pagan past, and intellectual aspirations that could readily collide with orthodoxy. Clearly reflecting anxieties of the period about individual deviance from social norms through intellectual overreaching, Doctor Faustus powerfully testifies to the potential dangers of human aspiration and the scholarly spirit of unbounded learning. While thus exploring the exotic temptations of forbidden knowledge, the play resurrects and interrogates traditional taboos which related intellectual appetite to wrongful lust. Marlowe stages an explosive conflict between the conservative tradition of intellectual inquiry, which distrusted the unorthodox scholarship and Neoplatonic magic that some widely influential thinkers promoted in the Italian Renaissance, and Faustus's own creative desires, ambitions, and imagination. The tension between proscribed and prescribed knowledge climaxes in the invocation of Helen of Troy. While Helen's significance is complex, we find that, in relation to the play's concern with dissent from orthodoxy, she focuses the power of intellectual longing to seduce and ravish the mind. Apart from being a superior play, Doctor Faustus encapsulates Marlowe's awareness of his period's uneasy perception of unconventional thinking, and urges the importance of challenging restrictions on how much one is permitted to know.
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Orbach, Dan. "Culture of Disobedience: Rebellion and Defiance in the Japanese Army, 1860-1931." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467476.
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Imperial Japanese soldiers were notorious for following their superiors to certain death. Their enemies in the Pacific War perceived their obedience as blind, and derided them as “cattle”. Yet the Japanese Army was arguably one of the most disobedient armies in the world. Officers repeatedly staged coups d’états, violent insurrections and political assassinations, while their associates defied orders given by both the government and high command, launched independent military operations against other countries, and in two notorious cases conspired to assassinate foreign leaders.
The purpose of this dissertation is to explain the culture of disobedience in the Japanese armed forces. It was a culture created by a series of seemingly innocent decisions, each reasonable in its own right, which led to a gradual weakening of the Japanese government’s control over its army and navy. The consequences were dire, as the armed forces dragged the government into more and more of China in the 1930s, and finally into the Pacific War. This dissertation sheds light on the underground culture of disobedience that became increasingly dominant in the Japanese armed forces, until it made the Pacific War possible.
Using primary sources in five languages, it follows the Army’s culture of disobedience from its inception. By analyzing more than ten important incidents from 1860 to 1931, it shows how some basic “bugs” programmed into the Japanese system in the 1870s, born out of genuine attempts to cope with a chaotic and shifting reality, contributed to the development of military disobedience. The culture of disobedience became increasingly entrenched, making it difficult for the Japanese civilian and military leadership to cope with disobedient officers without paying a significant political price. However, every time the government failed to address the problem, it became more acute. Finally, disobedient military officers were able to significantly influence foreign policy, pushing Japan further towards international aggression, limitless expansion, and conflict with China, Britain and the United States.History
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Smith, Rachel. "Beyond epistemic disobedience : the importance of humor in Fred Wilson's Mining the Museum." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/50307.
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In 1992, installation artist Fred Wilson collaborated with The Contemporary, and the Maryland Historical Society to mount Mining the Museum. The exhibition consisted of objects, selected, arranged and installed by Wilson, and the items he utilized were materials entirely from the museum’s collection. His arrangements appeared to be familiar museum displays, but the pairing of items in each case was subtly disjunctive, either visually or conceptually. Wilson highlighted these juxtapositions with several of his arrangements in order to call attention to the blind spots in the archive of the Maryland Historical Society, and the systemic racism in the authorized historical narrative.
The unconventional selection and disparate arrangement of items functioned as an intervention into museum practices. Instead of privileging predominantly white, male histories, Wilson installed and arranged objects that spoke to a history of racism, and the exclusion of African-American and Native American communities. I will argue that the power of the exhibition was in Wilson’s humorous arrangement of the museum’s archive. Mining the Museum capitalized on the slippages inherent in the structure of a joke in order to present to the viewer an alternative, and ultimately fluid history. His strategic deployment of humor, his jokes at the expense of white, Western institutions and ideologies, constituted what art historian Walter Mignolo calls an epistemically disobedient gesture.
This thesis examines several of the installation in Mining the Museum and argues that their juxtaposition of elements constituted a tendentious joke. I also argue that Wilson’s use of humor in his intervention at the Maryland Historical Society places demands on the viewer’s subjectivity. Following a Freudian analysis of the structure of the joke, I argue that Wilson’s installations had the potential to cast the viewer as either victim of the joke, or witness to it. The demand that the jokes placed on the subjectivity of the viewer represents a decolonial intervention in the Maryland Historical Society, and suggests the potential for humor as a disobedient rhetorical tool for upsetting the coloniality of the museum institution.Arts, Faculty of
Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of
Graduate
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Samuel, John. "Through Foxe's eyes : women's godliness and disobedience in John Foxe's Acts and Monuments." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709309.
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Mannironi, Giacomo. "Libri disonesti : education and disobedience in the eighteenth-century Venetian novel (1753-1769)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/71050/.
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The dissertation centres on representations of disobedience in four defining Venetian novels published between 1753 and 1769: La filosofessa italiana; L’avventuriere, L’omicida irreprensibile and I zingani. The research sees disobedience as embodying cultural changes that occurred in Venetian society during the eighteenth century, in particular among the élite. Disobedience is understood as any behaviour demonstrated against figures of secular authority (as in the parent-child relationship). It is, however, instrumental to interpretation of the text at multiple levels. First, it functions as a narratological device that triggers the development of the plot; second, it informs the didactic aims of the novel, by giving examples of behaviour performed by figures of authority, or subordinates. Third, it embodies changes experienced by readers in their contemporary life, offering a way to mediate conflicts through fiction. The dissertation investigates this function in relation to the élite, a heterogeneous group of high-income individuals from different classes. This group is identified as a privileged addressee of the novel. The dissertation investigates the centrality of Venetian élites from two different angles. In the first part, the analysis focuses on publishing activities, cultural consumption, and the development of the Venetian book market. It shows how the emergence of the novel is closely related to the economic transformation of the market, and the role played by the urban élite, that had become a target audience for new cultural products such as the novel. The relationship between literary representation and Venetian élites is further demonstrated through the analysis of the four novels. Alongside the analysis of disobedience from a literary perspective, the thesis adopts the topos to highlight cultural and social issues involving Venetian élites, such as the clash between generations; the reshaping of education; and the shift in social attitudes which transfers value from status to to wealth. The research argues that, through the representation of disobedience, novels set limits of acceptable behaviours, mediating between individual needs and social requirements, and suggesting possible solutions to existing conflicts. The dissertation stands at the crossroads of history (in particular Venetian history), literary criticism, and history of the book. This interdisciplinary approach makes an original contribution to the literary debate on the eighteenth century Italian novel and offers an innovative perspective from which to look at the emergence and development of this genre in the eighteenth century.
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Henry, Lorena A. "The disobedience of a Christian man sin and free will in Marlowe's Doctor Faustus." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/4566.
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Sauter, Molly (Molly Rebecca). "Distributed denial of service actions and the challenge of civil disobedience on the Internet." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/81079.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Comparative Media Studies, 2013.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. Vita.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-145).
This thesis examines the history, development, theory, and practice of distributed denial of service actions as a tactic of political activism. DDOS actions have been used in online political activism since the early 1990s, though the tactic has recently attracted significant public attention with the actions of Anonymous and Operation Payback in December 2010. Guiding this work is the overarching question of how civil disobedience and disruptive activism can be practiced in the current online space. The internet acts as a vital arena of communication, self expression, and interpersonal organizing. When there is a message to convey, words to get out, people to organize, many will turn to the internet as the zone of that activity. Online, people sign petitions, investigate stories and rumors, amplify links and videos, donate money, and show their support for causes in a variety of ways. But as familiar and widely accepted activist tools-petitions, fundraisers, mass letter-writing, call-in campaigns and others-find equivalent practices in the online space, is there also room for the tactics of disruption and civil disobedience that are equally familiar from the realm of street marches, occupations, and sit-ins? This thesis grounds activist DDOS historically, focusing on early deployments of the tactic as well as modern instances to trace its development over time, both in theory and in practice. Through that examination, as well as tool design and development, participant identity, and state and corporate responses, this thesis presents an account of the development and current state of activist DDOS actions. It ends by presenting an analytical framework for the analysis of activist DDOS actions.
by Molly Sauter.
S.M.
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Du, Bois Morné. "Towards an Architecture of Civil Disobedience to Reclaim Informal Settlements Right to the City." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78605.
Full textAbstract:
Informal settlements sit at the transition between numerous dimensions of globalisation and political decisions. Although poverty plays a big role in the manifestations of informal settlements, it is more complex due to the human tendency to find resolution with living in the city. The problem when looking at the “solution” for informal settlements is by blaming the growth of it on simplistic “problems” because of political and civil state tendencies. Global governance promotes human rights yet on the other side of the spectrum aim to decrease informality and poverty causing a stigma of unworthiness towards people living in these settlements (Huchzermeyer 2011). Thus, this project aims to investigate the impact architecture has on informal urbanism and the legal boundaries surrounding it. Plastic View, an informal settlement situated amid the affluent eastern suburbs of Pretoria, South Africa, is presented as an example of how these policies that have been misinterpreted over a span of more than a decade, with little to no evidence of architectural engagement. Civil disobedience tests the statute and forms part of constitutionalism moving towards the process of effecting and affecting the law through any extra-legal action. The division between interior and exterior law is the foundations of all law (Finchett-Maddock & Lambert 2013). Architecture can be the best expression of the law and its organized system. Expression through urban development and spatial planning of informal settlements that will reconfigure the law by putting these settlements on the grid of property rights (Finchett-Maddock & Lambert 2013). Architecture becomes the physical embodiment of law (Karim 2018). Acting as the private realm the adjacent Moreleta NG church has initiated various socially engaged programmes which aims to uplift the community of Plastic view. Through the use of various design principles this project's architectural intentions is to activate the South Eastern boundary through seaming together both the private and public realm.
Through the use of intimate and open public spaces, permeable inclusive spatial layouts allow for new opportunities for civil discourse between various social realms. By activating and occupying these various spaces, exclusive socio-legal and socio-spatial boundaries can be broken down.Mini Dissertation (MArch (Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Architecture
MArch (Prof)
Unrestricted
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Mawson, Stephanie Joy. "Between Loyalty and Disobedience: The Limits of Spanish Domination in the Seventeenth Century Pacific." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/11475.
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This thesis retells the history of the Spanish project of empire in the Pacific in the seventeenth century from the perspective of the agents of empire – principally Spanish and indigenous soldiers responsible for consolidating Spanish control over indigenous populations. Refocusing on who laboured for empire and what motivated them challenges many of the most prevalent assumptions about the nature of Spanish imperialism in the Pacific. Drawn from the multiethnic lower classes of the empire, ordinary soldiers serving in the presidios of the Philippines are shown to be for the most part unfree and unwilling participants in empire construction. A focus on the widespread participation of indigenous Filipinos in projects of conquest and defence challenges the traditional myths of the conquered-conqueror dichotomy which are still hallmarks of nationalist Filipino historiography. The prism of loyalty and disobedience helps show how both Spanish and Filipino communities oscillated between integration and resistance to empire. Although indigenous loyalty was essential to the ongoing survival of the Spanish presence in the region, the process of expanding Spanish power was curtailed by almost constant rebellion, resistance and contestation across the breadth of the archipelago. Meanwhile, conditions of deprivation, isolation and unfreedom drove Spanish soldiers to desertion and mutiny, destabilising the project of empire in their own way. A major conclusion of this thesis is that the Spanish presence in the seventeenth century Pacific was highly precarious; it was tenuous rather than hegemonic, facing almost constant conflict and contestation from both within and without. This conclusion deviates from the traditional depiction of a hegemonic empire. Extensive new archival research helps to retell this history of empire, focussing in particular on breaking down the barriers that have traditionally separated Filipinos and Spaniards within their own histories of empire.
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Allen, Michael. "Civil Disobedience in Global Perspective: Decency and Dissent over Borders, Inequities, and Government Secrecy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/118.
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Introduction: A Global practice of civil disobedience -- Decency, the right to disobey, and non-domination -- Undocumented disobedients as a special class of civil disobedients -- Institutionalizing the human right of the undocumented to be domestic political participants -- Unfair terms of global cooperation and the fair equality of liberty between peoples -- Executive prerogative and disobedient disclosure of government secrets -- Disobedience as an expression of global solidarity and redefining disobedience in a global perspective.
This book explores a hitherto unexamined possibility of justifiable disobedience opened up by John Rawls' Law of Peoples. This is the possibility of disobedience justified by appeal to standards of decency that are shared by peoples who do not otherwise share commitments to the same principles of justice, and whose societies are organized according to very different basic social institutions. Justified by appeal to shared decency standards, disobedience by diverse state and non-state actors indeed challenge injustices in the international system of states. The book considers three case studies: disobedience by the undocumented, disobedient challenges to global economic inequities, and the disobedient disclosure of government secrets. It proposes a substantial analytical redefinition of civil disobedience in a global perspective, identifying the creation of global solidarity relations as its goal.https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1124/thumbnail.jpg
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Long, Kathleen. "Proclaiming truth through nonviolent dissent working to close the U.S. Army School of the Americas /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.
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Tiwari, Lalan. "Democracy and dissent a case study of the Bihar movement, 1974-75 /." Delhi, India : Mittal Publications, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18971880.html.
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Robin, Melanie J. "Democratic pursuit of environmental justice through activism: Rural landowners, civil disobedience, and the perception of influence." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28229.
Full textAbstract:
The rural revolution, as coined by the Ontario Landowners' Association (OLA), has gained considerable momentum in the past five years. Its activism in the pursuit of environmental justice, initiated by the perception of a government too intrusive into rural affairs, has evolved both externally and internally of governmental decision making structures. The association has moved from primarily using purposeful illegality, such as demonstrations, to active involvement in provincial politics. In this context, the qualitative research presented in this thesis is guided by three research objectives: (1) to develop a conceptual framework of environmental justice; (2) to examine the utility of the components of this conceptual framework within the rural revolution context; and, (3) to explore the perceptions of key stakeholders regarding the Ontario Landowner Associations' influence on rural public policy efforts to attain environmental justice. These three research objectives seek ultimately to address the central research purpose: To explore the concept of activism as a tenet of environmental justice by examining the case study of the OLA. The primary focus of the central research purpose, therefore, is on the traits of the OLA, or associated research themes, that have the potential to influence public policy content, its implementation, and its acceptance in rural Ontario. These associated research themes are: the OLA's targeted issues, the OLA's mission, leadership, activism forms, barriers and facilitators to activism, membership, and any additional insights. Four stakeholder groups sensitive to environmental public policy directed at rural communities have been consulted. They are provincial and municipal elected politicians (architects of policy), managers and planners of provincial ministries (implementers of policy), rural and agricultural commodity and interest groups (recipients of policy), and the Ontario Landowners' Association (challengers of policy). A conceptual framework of environmental justice has been proposed and is presented here. Moreover, the perceptions revealed by the respondents allow for an examination of the utility of the environmental justice 'instruments' and 'barriers and facilitators' sections of the conceptual framework. Research results show that the OLA's influence on rural public policy is perceived to be based on the organization's credibility, which is in turn perceived as dependent upon a combination of the associated research themes. It is hypothesized that these findings not only pertain to the OLA, but have determined the variables responsible for the perception of an effective activism group in general. Furthermore, this research has reiterated the importance of perception studies. These reflections may well transcend the OLA case study and may prove meaningful for all stakeholder groups in the understanding of activism seeking to sustain or reclaim environmental justice. These reflections may also facilitate mutual respect for different points of view and differing contributions to environmental management.
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Jamison, Matthew C. "Weakness, expansion and disobedience : the beginning of Russian expansion into the heart of Central Asia, 1864-1865." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.440717.
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Shaikh, Sonia. "Catching Flies with www.honey.com: The Revised Definition of Civil Disobedience Due to the Effect of Social Networks." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/297740.
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Whether it is Gandhi’s 1940‘s campaign for independence from the British Empire, or the Civil Rights movement of the 1960’s in America, civil disobedience has long been the modus operandi for inspiring legal systems to enact change. It has been met with both applause and heckling for though it may be composed of moral intentions, it has also assumed a stance, which is contrary to the body of power at the time. The interpretation of civil disobedience itself has long been the center of controversy’s limelight. What differentiates an ordinary breach of law from an act of civil disobedience? What features compile civil disobedience? Is civil disobedience morally justified or is it nothing more than a euphemism for anarchy? The introduction and popularization of information technology and social media--including Twitter, Facebook, email, and so forth -- have come to affect not only the term’s common interpretation, but also the various issues that branch off from the core of civil disobedience. The purpose of this thesis includes compiling the various understandings of civil disobedience and establishing a conclusive definition that is both compelling and corresponding towards present day circumstances, whilst answering the questions that may often arise in its regard.
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Murgatroyd, Richard. "The popular politics of the poll tax : an active citizenship of the left?" Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4852.
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The Community Charge (poll tax) was seen by both its supporters and opponents alike as an attempt to promote the British New Right's concept of responsible active citizenship in local politics. The reaction of different groups of citizens to the tax is explored through a detailed case study of events in the London Borough of Ealing, an archetypal London suburb. Here, as in most urban areas, organised anti-poll tax protestors clashed with MPs, councillors and the local magistracy, who played a large role in enforcing the measure. It shows how the protestors attempted to mobilise a 'moral community' built around the idea of 'fair' taxation and promote a campaign of civil disobedience to force abolition. This in turn compelled local actors to make principled choices about the enforcement of a law of which many of them strongly disapproved. The protestors' tactics seemed to strike a popular chord and at least a fifth of all Ealing charge-payers (and eight million people nationally) failed to pay the tax in 1990/91. However, the detailed evidence also suggests that non-payment can best be seen as a mass expression of bloody mindedness, rather than a concerted and organised campaign of civil disobedience. Nevertheless the protests had important implications for the practise of left-wing citizenship in contemporary Britain and served to highlight growing divisions between the mainstream and radical Left. Previously published academic accounts have addressed the 'high' politics of the poll tax. The thesis explores instead the 'popular' politics of the poll tax crisis in a suitably local setting and so redresses an imbalance in the literature. It therefore makes an original contribution to knowledge and understanding of the relationship between conventional means of political participation, radical popular protest movements and competing concepts of citizenship.
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Mccreery, Gregory Richard. "Violence and Disagreement: From the Commonsense View to Political Kinds of Violence and Violent Nonviolence." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6542.
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This dissertation argues that there is an agreed upon commonsense view of violence, but beyond this view, definitions for kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally, politically ideological, given that the political itself is an essentially contested concept defined in relation to ideologies that oppose one another. The first chapter outlines definitions for a commonsense view of violence produced by Greene and Brennan. This chapter argues that there are incontestable instances of violence that are almost universally agreed upon, such as when an adult intentionally smashes a child’s head against a table, purposefully causing harm. It is also claimed that, because political, ideological distinctions between kinds of violence arise from the creation of moral equivalences to the commonsense view of violence, political ideology is the source of disagreement. The second chapter argues that the concept of violence and of the political are essentially contested concepts. Gallie’s criteria for what counts as an essentially contested concept are utilized in order to argue that violence is an essentially contested concept at the level of the political, though not at the level of the commonsense view of violence. In fact, the paradigmatic cases that the commonsense view of violence pertains to serve as the core cases that are then interpreted as kinds of violence at the ideological level. To define violence as altogether wrong, or to define kinds of violence as acceptable and others as wrong is itself a politically ideological move to make, such as when liberalism defines its own uses of violence as justified and legitimate, and its enemy’s violence as unjustifiable and illegitimate. The World Health Organization and Bufacchi’s definitions for violence are presented, as are the definition for terroristic violence defined by Nagel. Erlenbusch’s critique of a liberal view, such as that of Nagel and the World Health Organization, is addressed as a reflection on the fact that, beyond the commonsense view of violence, violence is an essentially contested concept for which an ideologically, politically non-neutral definition is unlikely. The third chapter outlines numerous definitions produced by various philosophers, historians, and theorists, such as Machiavelli, Arendt, Hobbes, Kant, Treitschke, Weber, Bakunin, Sorel, Žižek, and Benjamin. The definitions produced by each demonstrates that person’s political ideological assumptions. Their definitions demonstrate an ongoing disagreement, in the sense of Rancière’s formulation for what counts as a disagreement in that each theorist defines kinds of violence under the yoke of their own political ideology. They all might agree that a single act is violent, under the commonsense view of violence, but they disagree concerning what kind of violence it is. So, though they may point to the same events and actions as examples of violence, what they mean fundamentally differs, and this means that they disagree. Their disagreement arises due to their respective political ideologies. This disagreement shows that there is no neutral justification for the neutrality of a state, particularly if a neutral state must defend itself. The state is instead defined in historically contextual terms of how the state relates to kinds of violence, and the distinctions between kinds of violence are not themselves politically, ideologically neutral. So, the concept of violence, beyond the commonsense view, is an essentially contested concept for which a non-neutral definition is unlikely. Beyond the commonsense view, political ideology is inextricably bound up within distinctions between kinds of violence. The fourth chapter then examines arguments on the question of whether nonviolence counts as a kind of violence. If distinctions between kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally defined, and nonviolence is defined as distinct from violence, then it follows that nonviolence is an essentially contested concept for which no non-neutral definition is possible, at least beyond a commonsense view of nonviolence. A commonsense view of nonviolence is defined as the assumption that nonviolence is not violent in the way that the commonsense view defines violence. That is, nonviolence occurs when there is no action or event that most people would define as a violent one. Definitions for nonviolence, civil disobedience, nonviolent political actions, and nonviolent direct actions are then outlined. These definitions aim at showing that the doctrine of nonviolence does not merely refer to nonviolent acts, but to a strategy that is a means to defeating violence. Given that what counts as the nonviolence that defeats violence is ideologically a matter of disagreement, nonviolence, in this sense, can count as a kind of violence. The fifth chapter concludes, raising questions concerning how violence can be valued, the degree to which a state cannot neutrally justify its neutrality, and the degree to which, beyond the commonsense view of violence, there ever could be agreement concerning what counts as kinds of violence.
1 In this dissertation, I draw on a number of ideas/passages that appeared earlier in my paper “The Efficacy of Scapegoating and Revolutionary Violence," in Philosophy, Culture, and Traditions: A Journal of the World Union of Catholic Philosophical Societies, ed. William Sweet, 10(2014), 203-219. I am grateful to the editors of the journal for permission to draw on this material here.
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Jackman, Alexander. "Virtue, Honour and Mischief: The Role of Youthful Disobedience in Civic Humanism and Masculinity in the Florentine Renaissance." Thesis, Department of History, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18251.
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This thesis explores the subversive world of male youths in Florence between the mid-fourteenth century and 1530. Whereas historians have emphasised the conservative foundations of Renaissance ‘virtue’ and ‘honour’ – values such as piety, thrift, self-restraint and political participation – this thesis evokes the ways in which unorthodox means of civic engagement were tolerated, and indeed celebrated, when perpetrated by young males for the benefit of the city. Through public ridicule, unauthorised violence and extra-marital sexuality, young males asserted themselves within the Florentine Republic, and this thesis highlights how that culture’s laudation of such dissident behaviour reflected its interpretation of civic humanism.
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Daku-Mante, Jacqueline G. "An analysis of civil disobedience with specific reference to the role of the United Democratic Front in South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/43307.
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The main objective of this study is to analyse the concept of civil disobedience by
providing an overview of its historical development; its objectives and strategies, and
how this was applied in South Africa by the United Democratic Front in the 1980s.
The sub-objectives were to determine if civil disobedience as a concept is going
through, or has gone through any notable changes since its inception; to assess the
extent to which United Democratic Front policies and strategies were in accordance
with civil disobedience; and to briefly compare manifestations of civil disobedience in
South Africa in the pre-1994 period, with some manifestations in the post-1994
period.
The study included an assessment of the Defiance Campaign, analysing its impact
and demise. It focused on the ANC strategy of mass action and assessed the role of
the Pan African Congress. It outlined the formation of the UDF, assessing its vision,
broad principles, organisation and objectives.
Certain assumptions were assessed in the concluding chapters, namely that civil
disobedience has developed into a broader concept than the original concept of
passive resistance; that the policies and strategies of the United Democratic Front
initially resembled some aspects of civil disobedience but eventually deviated from
this due to a change in strategy; and that some contemporary manifestations of civil
disobedience in South Africa resemble certain methods used in the 1980s, but the
objectives differ.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
lk2014
Political Sciences
MA
Unrestricted
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Obernesser, Scott. "Searching For the Wild: The Changing Post-War Conceptions of Environmentalism and Gender." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1269281040.
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WARNER, BRIAN AUSTIN. "SHAKING DIGITAL FISTS: THE SHAPE OF TACTICS OF INTERNET-MEDIATED SOCIAL MOVEMENT GROUPS." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186061141.
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Jatoba, Maria do Socorro da Silva. "Socrates e o problema da desobediencia civil : um estudo da Apologia e do Criton de Platão." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280132.
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Orientador: Alcides Hector Rodriguez BenoitTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humana
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Resumo: Trata-se de examinar, nesta tese, o problema da desobediência civil a partir de um confronto entre a Apologia e o Criton. Isto porque nas duas obras encontramos diferentes e contrárias maneiras de apresentar a questão. Na primeira, não apenas considera-se a possibilidade da desobediência às ordens humanas quando estas ferirem determinações e preceitos divinos, como também uma afirmação de sua necessidade, isto é, de ser preciso, sob certas circunstàncias, desobedecer. Na Segunda, encontramos a questão sem qualquer possibilidade de admissão da desobediência, uma vez que se concentra sobre a obediência legal, isto é, sobre a necessidade incondicional de obediência às leis. Nosso trabalho parte de uma análise da Antigone de Sófocles e se detém, logo depois, sobre a Apologia e o Criton
Abstract: This is about the question of obedience and disobedience in Ancient Greece. We have investigated the question since Sofocles' Antigone and Plato's Apology to Plato's Criton. It is a very important question to know when and in which condition one is avaible to disobedience the law. We think this question is posed by Plato in his Criton. By the other side, the Apology seems to be completely certainly about the necessity to disobey sometimes. Firstly, when the human laws are in opposite with the divine laws. It is the theme of Sofocles' Antigone. She disobey the human laws to obey the divine laws
Doutorado
Doutor em Filosofia
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Bolonhini, Junior Roberto. "Uma nova visão fático-social da posse." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/6086.
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Previous issue date: 2013-03-06This thesis demonstrates the social function of ownership from a new perspective phatic-social. At first we try to study the essential elements possessory where the phenomenon was structured throughout history; later, we do a study of the Tridimensional Theory of Law by Miguel Reale at the vision of Maria Helena Diniz, as well as the principle of human dignity enshrined in the charter. Then, the possession is studied socially and economically in the theories of Antonio Hernandez Gil, Perozzi and Saleilles comparing these scholars thought the thoughts of Jhering and Savigny. After this study dogmatic, is set to address the issue possessory actually factual-evaluative Brazilian and necessity of pursuing a real possession qualified for their functionalization, we emphasize the invasions and occupations of areas were not fulfill its function, made by popular movements in order civil disobedience and fulfill the social function of ownership; criticizes also the structure agrarian-urban Brazilian real estate, which favors the few over the many as a legacy of the colonial structure of exploitation, it is also a comparative study with alien legislation, demonstrating the adoption of constitutions in social function of property, but also the constitutional legislation which regulates the possession. We suggest a new theory, called the theory of social consciousness and their reflections on possessory title, lege ferenda suggestions are made, as well as changes in Brazilian law, thus seeking a new way of exercising possessory social function, unlike than was previously proposed by the doctrine
A presente tese demonstra a função social da posse a partir de uma nova perspectiva fático-social. Num primeiro momento, busca-se estudar os elementos possessórios essenciais em que o fenômeno se estruturou ao longo da história. Posteriormente, faz-se um estudo da teoria tridimensionalista de Miguel Reale na visão de Maria Helena Diniz, como também, do princípio da dignidade humana consagrado na carta constitucional. Em seguida, a posse é estudada socialmente e economicamente à luz das teorias de Antonio Hernandez Gil, Perozzi e Saleilles, comparando o pensamento desses doutrinadores aos pensamentos de Ihering e Savigny. Após este estudo dogmático, passa-se a enfrentar a questão possessória na realidade fático-valorativa brasileira e na necessidade do exercício de uma posse qualificada para sua real funcionalização. Enfatiza-se as invasões e ocupações das áreas desfuncionalizadas, feitas por movimentos populares como forma de desobediência civil e cumprimento da função social da posse; critica-se ainda, a estrutura agrário-urbana imobiliária brasileira, que privilegia poucos em detrimento de muitos como uma herança da estrutura colonial de exploração; faz-se ainda, um estudo comparado com a legislação alienígena, especialmente demonstrando a adoção nas constituições da função social da propriedade, como também, da legislação infraconstitucional que disciplina a posse. Sugere-se uma nova teoria, denominada teoria da consciência social possessória e seus reflexos no direito de propriedade, sugestões de lege ferenda são feitas, como também alterações na legislação brasileira, buscando-se assim uma nova maneira de exercício da função social possessória, diversamente do que até então foi proposto pela doutrina
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Alves, Helio Ricardo do Couto. "Obrigação política e cooperação." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-25052007-154324/.
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A obrigação política é interpretada como um problema de cooperação. Inicialmente rejeita-se a idéia de que a cooperação sempre emerge do equilíbrio de ações autointeressadas. Discutindo alguns dos mais conhecidos princípios morais para a obrigação política são rejeitadas princípios verticais, como a gratidão e o consentimento, e alguns princípios horizontais, como dever natural e deveres associativos. Defende-se, por fim a equidade como um princípio moral capaz de dar sentido à obrigação política entendida como requisito de uma sociedade entendida como um empreendimento cooperativo.Political obligation is treated as a cooperation problem. At first, an account that cooperation always emerges as equilibrium of self-interested actions is rejected. Discussing some of most popular moral principles of political obligations, we reject vertical principles, as gratitude and consent, and some horizontal principles, like associative and natural duty, that are not centered in the idea of society as cooperation. Finally, the principle of fairness is defended as the most adequate moral principle to make sense of political obligation as requisite of a society understood as a cooperative venture.
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Meade, Phillip L. "Civil disobedience as a pro-life tactic a consensus approach to its justification and parameters as drawn from three contemporary evangelical thinkers /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.
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Ekman, Leila. "Fyra lärares föreställningar om oordning i klassrummet : en studie om lärares förväntningar och elevers behov och motivation." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-6006.
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The purpose of this study was to examine how four teachers with different teaching experiences treat and think about insubordination in school. The study emphasizes on questions like: When and why does disorder occur? How do the teachers manage disorderly conduct in the classroom? and Could there be a conflict between the teacher’s expectations and management, and the needs and motivation of the pupil? It was evident through interviews with these four teachers that their statements could be divided into similar themes which subsequently could be put into the motivational structure of Abraham H. Maslow. The conclusion of the study was that teachers may possibly have a better chance of managing disorder in their classroom if they are aware of the connection between disorderly conduct and a person’s needs and motivation.
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Cooke, Stephen. "The ethics of animal liberation." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-ethics-of-animal-liberation(574fc6b4-3e8a-483b-a919-97433dfb83ed).html.
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This thesis addresses the moral permissibility of illegal acts of animal liberation in the form of civil disobedience, acts of rescue, and acts of sabotage. Animal liberation movements have been the subject of much media and political attention, with particular focus on use liberationist strategies of intimidation, vandalism, and harassment. Governments have mobilised state apparatus in surveillance, infiltration, and investigation, and have characterising radical activism as 'terrorism'. The variety of illegal activities aimed at preventing harm to non-human animals, particularly those involving violence towards property or persons, have often been classified together under the term 'animal liberation' and assumed to be wrong. I argue that the assumption of wrongness is questionable because it fails to give significant weight to the justification for acts of animal liberation. I pose the question as to whether and what illegal practices of animal liberation are ethically justifiable. I begin by arguing that non-human animals are worthy of moral consideration for their own sake, because their sentience above a basic level, particularly their capacity to suffer, gives moral agents reasons to acknowledge and respect their goods. Following this, I defend the claim that liberal democratic states that fail to treat animals living within them with respect are unjust. This injustice provides a justification for civil disobedience on behalf of non-human animals. Following this, I argue that beings worthy of moral consideration are owed positive duties of aid and easy rescue and I extend third-party intervention theory to non-human animals under threat from humans. I explore the limits to the duties of aid and intervention, using principles drawn from those of humanitarian intervention to identify duty bearers, and I weigh those duties against duties to fellow citizens and the state.
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Skorucak, Thomas. "Le courage des gouvernés : une éthique de la vérité et de la désobéissance - à partir de Michel Foucault et Hannah Arendt." Thesis, Paris Est, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PESC0024/document.
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L'analyse des différents commentaires de "Was ist Aufklärung ?" par Michel Foucault permet de retracer l'émergence d'une conception d'un courage des gouvernés, entre désobéissance et désassujettissement. Un courage dénué de tout psychologisme, mais qui s'affirmerait comme une attitude, une reformulation du rapport que chacun entretient avec soi-même ; un courage qui ne serait plus pensé sur le mode d'une conquête de l'autonomie, confiné aux espaces aménagés de l'obéissance ; un courage enfin qui ne serait pas une vertu de l'occasion, mais une élaboration quotidienne et patiente de soi par soi. Notre premier pas sur la voie du courage consisterait alors en un travail de déprise de soi, et de refus de l'emprise du pouvoir sur la conduite de nos existences. Or, au cœur des problématiques de gouvernement, la vérité apparaît comme le vecteur essentiel du pouvoir. Les procès de Socrate et de Galilée, ainsi que les mythes qui les entourent, laissent entrevoir la manière dont le vrai s'est progressivement imposé comme source unique de l'autorité grâce au platonisme tout d'abord, puis par l'intermédiaire du christianisme. La vérité s'est ainsi vue augmentée d'une dimension nouvelle, « kratogénétique », qui désigne la capacité d'un énoncé à produire des effets de pouvoir dans une configuration stratégique donnée. L'étude des procès de Nuremberg et celui d'Eichmann mettent en lumière l'insuffisance des traditions héroïques, hoplitiques et chrétiennes du courage à produire un appareil conceptuel qui permettrait au sujet de s'affirmer face au pouvoir de sujétion de la vérité et à la démultiplication et la diversification des régimes d'obéissance. L'urgence de notre modernité est de s'extirper du cauchemar de la docilité. C'est pourquoi nous avons dans un dernier temps choisi de faire dialoguer Hannah Arendt et Michel Foucault, à partir de leur relecture critique des concepts machiavéliens tout d'abord, puis en comparant la manière dont ils ont l'un et l'autre ont opéré un retour à l'Antiquité, et à la figure tutélaire de Socrate en particulier : revenir au sujet préchrétien afin de penser un courage sans référence à aucune transcendance, comme fidélité à soi-même et à la manifestation en soi-même de la pluralité humaine, ou comme technique de soi et stylistique de l'existenceStudying Michel Foucault's commentaries on Kant's "Was ist Aufklärung?" allows to witness the emerging conception of a courage specific to the governed, between disobedience and de-subjection. A courage barren of any psychology, but conceived as an attitude, i.e. a reflection of someone's relationship to its self ; a courage that can't be summed-up as a conquest of autonomy, confined to cautiously designed spaces of obedience ; a courage that isn't an occasional virtue, but a daily routine of exercises by yourself and on yourself. Thus, our first step on the path to courage would translate to an abandonment of our former self, and a refusal of the power's grip on our very existences. Then, at the heart of governing techniques, truth appears as power's essential conduit. Socrates' and Galileo's trials, as well as the myths surrounding them, unveil the way truth progressively became the unique source of authority ; thanks to Platonism at first, then through Christianity. Truth gained a new dimension in the process, which we call "kratogenetic" as it points to the capacity of any proposition to generate effects of power in any given strategic configuration. Our study of the Nuremberg and Eichmann's trials exposes the inability of the heroic, hoplitic and Christian traditions of courage to produce a set of concepts that could allow the subject to assert itself in the face of the subjecting power of truth, and the multiplication and diversification of obedience regimes. The emergency of our time is to extricate ourselves from the nightmare of docility. That is why we have decided at last to initiate a dialog between Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault, from their critical reworking of Machiavelli's concepts at first, then comparing the way they each got back to the Antiquity in general, and to Socrates as a father-figure in particular : a way to get back to a pre-Christianity subject, in order to conceive a courage without any reference to any transcendence ; a courage conceived either as a loyalty to ourselves and to the manifestation within ourselves of mankind's plurality, or as a technique of the self and a stylization of our existence
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Lorca, Macchiavelli Cassandra. "Vita Havet : Whiteness and Otherness - Plaza De Mayo and Konstfack." Thesis, Konstfack, Inredningsarkitektur & Möbeldesign, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:konstfack:diva-7129.
Full textAbstract:
This text is written as a masterexam within an important Art institution in Stockholm as Konstfack, where the researcher has been studying interior and furniture design for the last five years. Therefore, it is the result of the knowledge accumulated during that period of time, in combination with the socio-cultural baggage that characterizes her identity and positioning towards the world. There are many ways of defining architecture and design. Also, within the concept of architecture, there are plenty of branches. This study is, as said before, a sum of the interpretation of how to use the education in order to socially contribute to a sustainable and more egalitarian world. As the writers' background profoundly influences her point of view, it seems essential to exhibit it for the reader. Her parents came to Sweden as political refugees from Chile and Argentina during the military dictatorships that had taken over the democratic governments in those countries during the '70s. They, as well as the researcher, are by definition, either Swedish or "white". Even as born in Sweden and having Swedish citizenship, the law does not define the writer as Swedish. This fact has featured the formation of her identity as "not white," and in that way excluded from the dominating "ethnicity". Initially, the aim of the study contextualises by the description of the experiences and knowledge that have guided the author through her education at Konstfack. As a result, there arise perspectives that criticize excluding power structures and how they reproduce through architecture and spatial design. Experiences, reflections, and knowledge that emerged through the described education at Konstfack led further into the exploration of the concepts inclusive-excluding design, activism, social and political architecture, postcolonial perspectives, and decolonizing processes. The study's theoretical part presents various practitioners that have inspired and empowered this project. Further, a more in-depth analysis of the institution responsible for the writer's education for the last five years results in unfolding problems and issues to give the reader an understanding of the chosen strategies to follow, starting with "manipulating manipulation". The fifth chapter consists of the study's method part, where the researcher describes the methods and strategies used. The results are presented based on spatial interventions, used as a tool to activate dialogues about shared spaces, here called common spaces. The reactions caused by the interventions are also a ground for analysis. Keywords: white supremacy, subversive interventions, disruptive aesthetics, activism, civil disobedience, architecture