Journal articles on the topic 'Discursive agenda'

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1

Hale, Adrian. "Gender bender agenda: Dame Edna, k. d. lang and Ivana Trump." European Journal of Humour Research 4, no. 3 (October 15, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2016.4.3.hale.

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This paper asserts that we accept or reject humorous texts discursively on the basis of what we perceive as authorial agendas. This “authorial agenda spotting” is activated by discursive “triggers”, which identify, filter, reject, endorse, or otherwise subjectively interpret the discourse of a textual author. This study was prompted by observing the negative reception of a humorous text by a predominantly Muslim postgraduate student cohort who signalled cultural identity and social cohesion by rejecting a text which subverted gender performance according to their discursive expectations. The study sought to compare this triggered effect with the reception of the same text by a distinctly pre-disposed audience comprised of same-sex-attracted bloggers. This reception in turn was contrasted with the reception of the text by mainstream media reviewers. The text itself seems to spark these discursive triggers in all three audiences. It is taken from “The Dame Edna Treatment” (2007), a TV-media entertainment programme, which features the celebrity guests k. d. lang and Ivana Trump being “interviewed” by the Australian comedian Barry Humphries in character as “Dame Edna”.
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Arora, Dolly. "‘Governance’ as Agenda: The Discursive Shift." Indian Journal of Public Administration 44, no. 3 (July 1998): 385–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119980314.

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Davy, John. "Discursive reflections on a research agenda for clinical supervision." Psychology and Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice 75, no. 2 (June 2002): 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1348/147608302169661.

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Malysheva, Olga, and Natalia Ryabchenko. "Hashtags as structural elements of digital socio-political agenda: folksonomy analysis." SHS Web of Conferences 88 (2020): 01025. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20208801025.

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The situation of the recent months, associated with constitutional transformational changes and struggle with coronavirus spread, showed that civic communications outperform the government as regards the speed, directions and the scale of discursive fields generation. The digital socio-political agenda forms new socio-cognitive patterns of civic behavior, which leads to the development of constructive or destructive socio-political practices. The government needs innovational approaches and complex methods to conduct timely predictive analysis of socio-political sentiment. It is necessary to develop computational linguistics that allows for Data Science and relational sociology methods, as well as linguo-discursive analysis to be used in order to assess the current state of the digital socio-political agenda and identify the transformational vector of social action in the offline space. The article reports the results of the study of ‘Коронавирус’ digital socio-political agenda that was conducted through the use of graph visualization method, folksonomy and linguo-discursive analysis. The empirical base for the study comprises a bulk of network data retrieved from Twitter via API. The findings of the study prove that ‘Коронавирус’ digital socio-political agenda has significantly transformed and expanded within a 5 months’ period, with COVID-19 topic receiving twice as much attention from online users.
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DOUVEN, IGOR, and JAN-WILLEM ROMEIJN. "THE DISCURSIVE DILEMMA AS A LOTTERY PARADOX." Economics and Philosophy 23, no. 3 (November 2007): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267107001502.

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List and Pettit have stated an impossibility theorem about the aggregation of individual opinion states. Building on recent work on the lottery paradox, this paper offers a variation on that result. The present result places different constraints on the voting agenda and the domain of profiles, but it covers a larger class of voting rules, which need not satisfy the proposition-wise independence of votes.
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Phillips, Ryan J. "Frames as Boundaries: Rhetorical Framing Analysis and the Confines of Public Discourse in Online News Coverage of Vegan Parenting." Journal of Communication Inquiry 43, no. 2 (November 22, 2018): 152–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859918814821.

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This article examines the boundary work of frames and the methodological significance of understanding this work when conducting rhetorical framing analysis. While the boundary properties of frames have been theorized by scholars, there remains a lack of clear engagement with how to effectively address these discursive boundaries methodically. I argue that agenda-dismissal, which makes use of both prolepses and blind spots, ought to be addressed in addition to agenda-setting and agenda-extension when conducting rhetorical framing analysis. A case study is provided in which the rhetorical framing of vegan parenting in online news media is analyzed and critiqued for confining the issue within a dominant health-based frame. Strategies for dismantling discursive boundaries and reframing public issues are also considered within the context of the case study.
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Ala-Uddin, Mohammad. "‘Sustainable’ Discourse: A Critical Analysis of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development." Asia Pacific Media Educator 29, no. 2 (December 2019): 214–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1326365x19881515.

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Sustainability is a catchphrase in contemporary theory and practice of international development. It has become an epicentre of development debate following the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015 by the United Nations (UN). Many view the new set of goals as a significant step in the field of development, but scholars and practitioners still grapple with reaching a consensus on a common definition of sustainability. This article problematizes the notion and theoretical underpinning of sustainability. The author focusses on the discursive practices that played a dominant role in shaping the conception of sustainability, especially within the formation of the SDGs. Using the three-dimensional analytical framework of discourse studies outlined by Fairclough (1995, Critical discourse analysis, Boston, MA: Addison Wesley), the author interprets the text of the SDGs at micro level (discourse), meso level (discursive practices) and macro level (discursive events).
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O’Brien, Wendy. "Australia’s Digital Policy Agenda." International Journal of Children’s Rights 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 748–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02204004.

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Children’s engagement with online technologies may seem second nature, yet the impact that the Internet has on their lives is shaped by a powerful public policy agenda that largely overlooks children’s interests. Australia’s digital policy framework is dominated by discourses of safety and risk on the one hand and, on the other, neoliberal arguments about the possibilities for economic growth offered by e-commerce. In the midst of such powerful discourses it is difficult for children’s voices to be heard. This paper offers a close textual analysis of the Australian public policy context for regulating cyberspace. Finding a discursive duopoly that overlooks children’s interests, the author identifies two key features of a rights-based approach to challenge the dominant narratives currently serving the interests of the private sector and the State.
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Lauria, Daniela. "Discursive practices control in Spanish language." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2021, no. 267-268 (March 1, 2021): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2020-0059.

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Abstract Control mechanisms for written, spoken, and multimodal discursive practices are, in my view, a priority item on today’s strategy agenda for a socially conscious approach to language in the peripheral countries of the global economic system. After describing and analyzing certain procedures for discursive regulation in Spanish language, and adopting the critical focus that glottopolitics provides, I zero in on the effects of this regulation and the subjectivities it shapes. Discursive restraints stem from several, often interconnected, sources: market dynamics, the search for greater productivity in the technologizing of the word, digital platforms, and as a condition for the approval of country loans by international economic organizations. The aim is to emphasize how discursive control reproduces the established social order and thus reinforces linguistic inequality.
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Aquino, Filipe. "Convocações ecológicas: o meio ambiente nas campanhas presidenciais brasileiras." Sociologia: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 40 (2020): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/08723419/soc40a4.

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This article analyzes, from a sociological and semiotic point of view, the discursive constructions of the three most voted Brazilian presidential candidates, in the 2010 and 2014 elections, to understand how each discursive agenda was constructed and their choice of themes and figures who built their political personas. This investigation examined all the approaches about the environment understanding the idea of economic development communicated in the Brazilian Electoral Propagandas. It became evident with the different discursive operations that there is a low interest in ecological issues and sustainable development.
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Baloğlu, Uğur. "Trolls, Pressure and Agenda: The discursive fight on Twitter in Turkey." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (October 21, 2021): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4213.

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Censorship, banning, and imprisonment are different methods used to suppress dissenting voices in traditional media and have now evolved into a new form with bot and troll accounts in the digital media age in Turkey. Is it possible to construct a bloc with counter-trolls against the escalating political pressure on the media in the post-truth era? Are counter-trolls capable of setting the agenda? This article discusses the possibility of constructing a bloc against the escalating political pressure in Turkey on the media through counter-trolls in the context of communicative rationality. First, it observes the ruling party’s troll politics strategy on Twitter, then examines the counter-discourses against political pressure today; thereafter it analyzes the discourse in hashtags on the agenda of the Boğaziçi University protests. Firstly, 18,000 tweets are examined to understand the suppress-communication strategy of the AK Party trolls. Secondly, the agenda-setting capacity of counter-trolls is observed between January 1, 2020, and February 5, 2021, and 18,000 tweets regarding Boğaziçi protests are examined to analyze the communication strategy of the counter-trolls. The study shows that the populist government instrumentalizes communication in social media, and Twitter does not have enough potential for the Gramscian counter-hegemony, but the organized actions and discourses have the potential to create public opinion.
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Corson, David J. "Discursive bias and ideology in the administration of minority group interests." Language in Society 22, no. 2 (June 1993): 165–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500017097.

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ABSTRACTThis study suggests how easily distorted communication can arise in formal administrative discourse when the interests of those with some stake in the matter under discussion are not represented among the participants. After discussing the nature of power and its exercise in administrative settings, the article presents three episodes of discourse analysis. Members of a Board of Trustees were highly successful in debating and reaching suitable conclusions when the agenda items concerned their own close interests; they were able to create a discursive context that was relatively free of distorting ideologies, and which allowed participants to judge the sincerity, truth, justifiability, and meaningfulness of what was said. However, when the meeting agenda broached the affairs of an out-group with no known patronage on the Board, distortions in communication and small injustices became common; the out-group's interests were compromised. The article generalizes from the use of discursive power in this instance to the treatment of other culturally different minorities whose views and interests are not well represented among administrators and policy makers. It recommends how discursive power could be exercised more fairly in social institutions, and in public administration generally. (Discourse, power, minority groups, ideology, educational administration)
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Reilly, Niamh. "How Ending Impunity for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence Overwhelmed the UN Women, Peace, and Security Agenda: A Discursive Genealogy." Violence Against Women 24, no. 6 (July 2, 2017): 631–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801217716340.

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The recent unprecedented focus on ending impunity for conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is positive in many respects. However, it has narrowed the scope of Security Council Resolution 1325 and the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda it established in 2000. Through a critical discursive genealogy of the interrelation of two UN agendas—protection of civilians in armed conflict and women, peace, and security—the author traces how CRSV emerged as the defining issue of the latter while the transformative imperative of making women’s participation central to every UN endeavor for peace and security has failed to gain traction.
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14

Schührer, Sabine. "Identifying policy entrepreneurs of public sector accounting agenda setting in Australia." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 31, no. 4 (May 21, 2018): 1067–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-02-2016-2401.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to improve Kingdon’s (1984, 2011) concept of policy entrepreneurs (PE) with regard to the theoretical development of the definition and identification and level of agency by supplementing it with elements of Schmidt’s (2008, 2010, 2011, 2012) sentient agents. The improved concept of discursive policy entrepreneurs (DPEs) is then applied in an in-depth case study about the agenda setting process of micro and macro whole-of-government accounting in Australia in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Design/methodology/approach Based on the concept of DPEs, a series of operationalised characteristics and proxies are developed to identify them and describe their behaviour. These are then applied in the case study. The two main data sources are semi-structured in-depth interviews and archival documents. Findings The findings show that the focus on DPEs’ discursive and coordination activities is critical for identifying and investigating the key actors of the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP)/Government Finance Statistics (GFS) harmonisation agenda setting process. The study also finds that the two relevant decision-making bodies, the Financial Reporting Council and the Australian Accounting Standards Board, lost control over their agendas due to the actions of DPEs. Research limitations/implications The improved concepts of DPEs will allow researchers to better identify the main agents of policy change and differentiate them from other supporters of policy ideas. Due to the qualitative nature of the study, the findings are not necessarily generalisable. Practical implications The findings from this study can help participants of agenda setting processes to gain a better understanding of the actions and behaviours of DPEs. This might allow standard setting bodies to mitigate against undue influences by DPEs. Originality/value This study is the first study that uses Schmidt’s concept of the sentient agent to address the limitations of Kingdon’s concept of PE and develops and applies characteristics to identify PEs and their actions. It is also the only study to date that investigates the GAAP/GFS harmonisation agenda setting process.
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Lozovsky, B. N., and J. S. Nokhrina. "Small Media as an Experience of Discursive Media Resistance." Izvestia Ural Federal University Journal Series 1. Issues in Education, Science and Culture 27, no. 1 (2021): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv1.2021.27.1.006.

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The article focuses on the modern phenomenon of the Russian media space — so called “small media”. The authors define, analyze different causes, suggest possible typology, describe the economics and the audience of such media. They also give special attention to the peculiarities of constructing the practices of journalistic discourse (based on the experience of 10 Russian small media). With the help of content analysis, intent analysis and expert interviews, specific characteristics of this type of media are revealed, which significantly differ from traditional media, especially in forming their own agenda, choosing topics and genres, broadcasting their own meanings, and relationships with the audience.
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Schulz, Sebastian. "The Discursive Construction of Innovation Policy in Peripheralising Estonia." European Spatial Research and Policy 24, no. 2 (January 30, 2018): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/esrp-2017-0010.

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An innovation-driven agenda in regional development policy has emerged in the European Union against the backdrop of peripheralisation, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Using a discursive analytical framework, the article investigates the ways in which peripheralisation is manifested through language, practices and power-rationalities in Estonian innovation policy discourse. The analysis is footed on key strategic policy documents and semistructured expert interviews. Findings suggest that Estonian innovation policy’s main narrative of the ‘knowledge-based economy’ accepts growing disparities on sub-national level in order to overcome peripherality at European scale and narrows the range of policy solutions perceived as suitable.
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Leifeld, Philip. "Policy Debates and Discourse Network Analysis: A Research Agenda." Politics and Governance 8, no. 2 (June 2, 2020): 180–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.3249.

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Discourse network analysis (DNA) is a combination of network analysis and qualitative content analysis. DNA has been applied to various policy processes and debates to show how policy actors are related at the discursive level, complementing coordination relations among them that are often analysed in the application of the policy networks approach. This editorial takes stock of the theoretical and methodological research frontiers in DNA and summarises the contributions of the eleven articles in the thematic issue on “Policy Debates and Discourse Network Analysis” in <em>Politics and Governance</em>.
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Horowitz, Ava D., and Laura Kilby. "Thinking out loud: A discourse analysis of ‘thinking’ during talk radio interactions." Text & Talk 39, no. 6 (November 26, 2019): 699–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2019-0235.

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Abstract Early work in discursive psychology highlighted the rhetorical strength of devices that serve to establish matters as objective facts. More recently, there has been increasing interest within this discipline concerning mental state invocations (e.g. imagining; knowing; intending), which typically convey speaker subjectivity. Elsewhere, linguists have examined the social business enabled by speakers’ deployment of cognitive verbs, a prime example of which deals with overt references to thinking. The current article sets out to extend the work on thinking by synthesizing research from discursive psychology, linguistics, and conversation analysis in order to undertake an integrated analysis of thinking. In our examination of a UK talk radio corpus, comprising data from 11 talk radio shows, we demonstrate three discursive functions of deploying a thinking device: setting an intersubjective agenda; doing opinion; and managing ‘facts’. An integrated approach allows us to examine the rhetorical strength of these subjectivizing maneuvers, and contribute to the existing body of work concerning the discursive deployment of thinking and mental state terms.
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Nahdi, Khirjan, Muhamad Juaini, Hamzani Wathoni, Danang Prio Utomo, Muhammad Sururuddin, Aswasulasikin, Samsul Lutfi, Muh Fahrurozi, and Muh Taufiq. "Critical Discourse of Discursive Pluralism and Inclusivism of Islamic Leadership in the Local-National Context." International Journal of Qualitative Research 1, no. 1 (July 14, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.47540/ijqr.v1i1.292.

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This study aims to find the value of pluralism and inclusivism in the discursive leadership of Islam. The data was collected through the recording of documents from the discursive leader of the Islamic organization Nahdlatul Wathan (abbreviated NW), as well as the governor of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB abbreviated), Indonesia, namely Mr. Guru Bajang (abbreviated as TGB). Data is in the form of thought texts, statements, TGB actions, and other parties' statements as discursive. TGB is positioned as a discursive storyteller as well as a guide in its transformation. Data were analyzed according to the communication function in functional grammar and Critical Discourse Analysis component analysis. Through this study, it was found that the discretion of the TGB was related to optimism, alignment of Islamic values, safeguarding the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, caring for diversity, and building the nation as a discursive common property and needs as a plural society and transformed inclusively. As an ideational communication function, discursive becomes TGB aspirational form of contextual dynamism, as an instrument of accelerating interpersonal development agenda, and textual future historical responsibility. The five discursive TGB in this study belong and jointly guide the dynamics of the future. TGB as a storyteller has a reciprocal relation to the five discourses and has shown results through development progress in the context of NTB and Indonesia.
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Shriwise, Amanda, Alexander E. Kentikelenis, and David Stuckler. "Universal Social Protection." Sociology of Development 6, no. 1 (2020): 116–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2020.6.1.116.

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Many intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) now place a high priority on universal social protection as a means for achieving sustainable development. Is this shift toward universal social protection just talk, or does it signify a more substantial emphasis on welfare within development policy? We present a theoretical framework for understanding discursive changes in global policy as rebranding, fads, trends, or paradigm shifts. We then conduct a comparative, semi-structured review of official language related to social protection used by six key IGOs (International Labour Organization, International Monetary Fund, United Nations Children’s Fund, United Nations Development Programme, World Bank, and World Health Organization) across five dimensions of social protection (labor market, health, family, housing, and education) before the introduction of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Then, employing the framework, we analyze the findings of this review to determine the significance of the discursive shift toward universal social protection in the context of the 2030 Agenda. We document that, at present, universal social protection is an influential policy trend that has shaped how IGOs understand and act on social issues. These findings inform theoretical debates on the relationship between discursive and substantive policy change and contribute to a growing literature on transnational social protection. They also have implications for efforts across agencies and sectors to enhance social protection and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.
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Fisher Onar, Nora. "Constructing Turkey Inc.: The Discursive Anatomy of a Domestic and Foreign Policy Agenda." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2011): 463–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2011.639984.

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Moini, Giulio. "How participation has become a hegemonic discursive resource: towards an interpretivist research agenda." Critical Policy Studies 5, no. 2 (July 2011): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19460171.2011.576524.

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Grančayová, Michaela, and Aliaksei Kazharski. "‘The Slovakebab’: Anti-Islam Agenda in Slovak Parliamentary Elections and Beyond." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-259.

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The article examines discursive framing of Muslims during the 2020 Slovak parliamentary campaign, putting it in the broader context of the four-year period since the previous 2016 elections, which took place in the shadow of the European migration crisis. We adopt a social constructivist framework to argue that, despite very low numbers of Muslims in Slovakia, Islam remains a politically divisive issue. Competing discourses strive to redefine Islam for their own political purposes, making use of politicized symbols such as the ‘kebab’ or the ‘minaret’ in the process. This makes Islam a floating signifier of Slovak politics to which multiple meanings can be attached. In the absence of actual problems with Muslim minority integration, axiological conflicts over Islam can be seen as representing broader struggles between more culturally conservative and liberal-multiculturalist forces.
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Assimakopoulos, Stavros. "Interpretation, relevance and the ideological effects of discursive practice." Pragmatics and Cognition 28, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 394–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/pc.21015.ass.

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Abstract Research in Critical Discourse Studies has for long recognised the central role that both direct and indirect communicative strategies play in the reproduction of social inequality, but a main proponent of this approach has expressed scepticism with regard to the contribution that theories of pragmatics which specifically focus on speaker intentions can make to its agenda. This paper sets out to examine how relevance theory’s theoretical machinery can be applied to the critical discussion of ideology in discourse, by offering insights that overcome the limitations imposed by this concentration of its precursors on speaker intentions. More specifically, I discuss how the cognitive perspective that relevance theory adopts can inform our understanding of the way in which ideological effects automatically arise during spontaneous utterance interpretation. After accounting for the derivation of these effects, I briefly suggest how it can additionally be taken to underlie the propagation of ideologies through discursive practice.
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Tür, Özlem, and Mehmet Akif Kumral. "Paradoxes in Turkey’s Syria policy: Analyzing the critical episode of agenda building." New Perspectives on Turkey 55 (November 2016): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2016.24.

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AbstractThis article explores the discursive reasons behind the paradoxes in Turkey’s foreign policy since the onset of the Syria crisis. By looking at representation of Turkey’s Syria policy in two prominent pro-government newspapers, Star and Yeni Şafak, the authors highlight the significance of the February 2012 episode, after which Ankara experienced deep discursive dilemmas for three reasons: the uncertain portrayal of the dyadic context, the ambiguous framing of third-party roles, and ambivalent agenda building. Despite the shadow of imminent civil war, Turkey’s foreign policy elite refrained from framing the real risks arising within Syria. Idealistic-normative calls appealed to massacre rhetoric in order to legitimize humanitarian intervention. However, the geopolitical framing of third-party roles did not assist in the building of diplomatic ground for international intervention. Quite the contrary, it led to the shaping of public opinion toward realistic-utilitarian interference. Swinging between intervention and interference, Ankara pushed itself toward a liminal position. Even though the Turkish government’s rhetorical ambivalence helped to sway anti-war domestic public opinion, it did not help to control the spiraling of Syria into civil war. That is to say, the ambivalent agenda building in the critical February 2012 episode perpetuated paradoxes in Turkey’s Syria policy and left lingering implications for the transformation of the Syrian crisis in the years to come.
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Lauer, Helen. "Scientific Consensus, Doctrinal Paradox and Discursive Dilemma." Thought and Practice 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/tp.v8i1.2.

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Global ignorance about Africa continues to sustain inappropriate global interventions to resolve public health crises, often with disastrous consequences. To explain why this continues to happen, I marshal two theorems that predict basic statistical properties, called ‘the doctrinal paradox’ and ‘the discursive dilemma’, which underlie scientific consensus formation and evidence-based decision making on a global scale. These mathematical results illuminate the epistemic and material injustices committed by the protocols of medical research conducted at the highest level of global knowledge production in the service of international humanitarian aid for Africans. These social choice theorems reveal that a global scientific consensus projecting claims and proposing policies about Africa’s disease burden is likely to yield a low degree of reliability, in that the probability of its accuracy is less than chance. The solution to this anomaly is to remove from the global scientific agenda the statistically unrealisable demand of satisfying too many multinational corporate and foreign governments’ priorities as equally entitled to benefit from the knowledge produced to improve Africa’s public health sector. Instead, foreign funding targeted to support medical science and policy in Africa should be directed by those specialists in situ who are most familiar with their own national health challenges and potential solutions, rather than relying upon foreign decision makers to interpret Africa’s emergency public health care needs. Keywords Doctrinal paradox, discursive dilemma, scientific consensus, epistemic trust, global health ethics, group agency
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Ivković, Marjan, Tamara Petrović Trifunović, and Srđan Prodanović. "The Hybrid Discourse of the Serbian Antibureaucratic Revolution." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 4 (July 2019): 597–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.40.

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AbstractThis article investigates the discursive logic of the antibureaucratic revolution through discourse analysis of three Serbian dailies: Politika, Borba, and Večernje Novosti. We conceptualize this discursive logic as a “hybrid discourse,” employed by Slobodan Milošević’s faction of the political elite and by prominent Serbian press outlets in their discussions and reporting on the diverse Serbian protest movements of the day. The core of the hybrid discourse, as our analysis demonstrates, consisted of the symbolic interweaving of different types of citizens’ discontent in order to present them as one single demand for societal “reform” that resonated with the agenda of the Serbian political elite. We argue that the hybrid discourse and the antibureaucratic revolution itself had a structural role related to the crisis of systemic legitimacy in Yugoslavia. The hybrid discourse performed the operation of what we term the “reversing of the symbolic fixing of antagonism between the ordinary actors’ discontents and the structurally inevitable reforms,” introducing instead the discursive fusion of the two vocabularies.
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Frederiks, Martha. "“Microcosm” of the Global South." Exchange 48, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 313–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341538.

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Abstract This article investigates the discursive triangulation of migrant Christianity in Europe, European Christianity and Christianity in the ‘global South’ in certain world Christianity discourses, with particular attention for the representation and discursive functionality of migrant Christianity within this triangulation. It argues that this triangulation is brought into play to underscore the binary of the vibrancy and growth of Christianity in the ‘global South’ on the one hand and the decline and decay of European Christianity on the other, and that both the selective representation of migrant Christianity and its discursive functionality within triangulation aim to reinforce this binary. The article also argues that this binary forms the fulcrum of a particular conceptualization of world Christianity as a postcolonial project, theorized by Lamin Sanneh, and shows how this postcolonial agenda fashions the representation of migrant Christianity in Europe. The article concludes with a discussion of some of the problematic presuppositions of this construct.
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Pirlot, Alice. "The Vagueness of Tax Fairness: A Discursive Analysis of the Commission’s ‘Fair Tax Agenda’." Intertax 48, Issue 4 (April 1, 2020): 402–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2020036.

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Unless treaties are read in very liberal terms, the European Union (EU) is not competent for defining the construct of a fair tax system and determining who should pay taxes and in which proportion within the EuropeanUnion.Yet, the European Commission has increasingly been using references to tax fairness in its tax policy discourse. This raises questions on the future of EU tax law, the commission’s role in responding to European citizens’ concerns, and achieving tax fairness. By exploring six case studies, this contribution argues that the commission’s narrative on tax fairness remains vague and ambiguous which might indicate that it is not taking tax fairness – as a procedural and/or distributive issue – seriously. The commission uses fairness somewhat loosely to cover three main types of objectives including trade objectives that differ from what has traditionally been linked to tax fairness in the political philosophy literature. Building upon the work of legal scholars and economists, this article then concludes that the commission’s ‘fair tax’ agenda will, at best, achieve objectives in terms of procedural fairness.
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Angermuller, Johannes, and Marta Wroblewska. "“It’s Creative Stuff!” The REF Impact Agenda and the Discursive (Re)Positioning of Academics." Przegląd Badań Edukacyjnych 2, no. 40 (January 31, 2023): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/pbe.2022.017.

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The higher education sector is increasingly subject to formal evaluation practices. Individuals, institutions and entire systems are assessed, evaluated and ranked by actors from the public and private sectors. Existing research often focuses on the goals, values and criteria of academic evaluation. In this article, however, we discuss evaluation as a discursive practice consisting of academics positioning themselves across different social arenas. Closer scrutiny will be applied to the evaluation of (extra-academic) impact as defined by the British Research Excellence Framework (REF). Based on interview data collected in the context of REF 2014, we analyse how academics negotiate their subject positions linguistically and socially across different academic arenas. As positioning experts, academics respond to the challenges of institutional evaluation by switching between different and often contradictory logics. We present both the theoretical background – social perspectives on polyphonic subjectivity – and a methodological approach to evaluation as a practice of positioning and repositioning by academics in the social world of academia.
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Amorim, Bruna Eloy de, Drielli Peyerl, and Edmilson Moutinho dos Santos. "Brazil’s Foreign Policy, the Environmental Agenda, and the Agribusiness Storylines." Research, Society and Development 12, no. 2 (February 10, 2023): e24812239959. http://dx.doi.org/10.33448/rsd-v12i2.39959.

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This paper examines the agribusiness influence on Brazilian politics and how it has affected the country’s foreign policy agenda. The method used is discourse analysis. More specifically, we rely on Maarten Hajer’s concept of storylines, developed in his influential book The Politics of Environmental Discourse (1995). The purpose is to analyze how ruralist storylines, reshaped by the agribusiness lobby, has portrayed the Brazilian reality and how they were able to forge consensus about its controversial practices and questionable results. By uncovering how their discursive strategy was produced, we aim to verify which facts and arguments have selectively been exposed, and which ones have been excluded, or even shown in a distorted way. The main results show how these entrenched storylines have molded Brazil’s foreign policy.
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Lewis, Lydia. "User Involvement in Mental Health Services: A Case of Power over Discourse." Sociological Research Online 19, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3265.

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Public participation in planning and implementing health care has become a government mandate in many states. In UK mental health services, this ‘user involvement’ policy dates back nearly three decades and has now become enshrined in policy. However, an implementation gap in terms of achieving meaningful involvement and influence for service users persists. This paper aims to illuminate some of the political discursive processes through which this gap emerges and to educe implications for the policy initiative and for effective approaches to service user involvement. It presents findings from a qualitative, localised UK-based study of user involvement in mental health services, conducted from a critical discourse analytic perspective, according to one emergent feature - power over discourse. Three themes relating to this discursive regulation are discussed: the rules of the game, the rules of engagement and agenda-setting. The article shows how although the policy initiative was providing opportunities for discursive contestation in local arenas surrounding mental health service development, these were pre-dominantly characterized by containment and control and by silences. Consequently, the discursive processes of user involvement worked to nullify its potentially transformative influence and to further marginalize women service users and other groups. Implications for the development of user involvement in service commissioning are provided.
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Carpentier, Nico. "Enriching Discourse Theory: the Discursivematerial Knot1 As a Non-Hierarchical Ontology." Global Discourse 9, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 369–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15526540593633.

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Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory has played a significant role in thinking through the political role of knowledge and ideology, without ignoring the significance of the material, also in relation to its post-Marxist agenda and the de-essentialisation of class relations. At the same time, there is a need to enrich discourse theory, by finding a better balance between the discursive and the material, and by providing a better theoretisation of the entanglement of the discursive and the material. This article remains grounded in, and loyal to, discourse theory, but aims to learn from new materialism in order to develop a non-hierarchical theory of entanglement, as a discursive-material knot. In particular, it investigates the theoreticalconceptual potential of three concepts, namely the assemblage, the invitation and the investment. This theoretical development also has strategic importance, in that it facilitates a better and more constructive dialogue between different (critical) fields, for instance, between those that are explicitly engaged with discourse theory and new materialism, but also between the emancipatory project(s) that post-Marxism advocates, namely cultural studies and (critical) political economy.
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Nokkala, Terhi, and Jana Bacevic. "University Autonomy, Agenda Setting and the Construction of Agency: The Case of the European University Association in the European Higher Education Area." European Educational Research Journal 13, no. 6 (January 1, 2014): 699–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2014.13.6.699.

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This article analyses the ways in which a policy actor constructs its agency through the production of knowledge. Taking the example of the concept of ‘autonomy’ as constructed in the discourse of the European University Association (EUA), the article draws on the theory of discursive framing and agenda setting, as well as on Meyer and Jepperson's heuristic of agentic actors, to show how the practice of knowledge production can shape the European higher education policy. The article offers a contribution to the debate aiming to develop a more critical perspective on the development of the European Higher Education Area, which sees the process as constituted through the activities of, and the negotiations between, different political actors.
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Lugo-Ocando, Jairo. "The ‘changing’ face of media discourses on poverty in the age of populism and anti-globalisation: The political appeal of anti-modernity and certainty in Brazil." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 1 (October 8, 2019): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519880749.

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This article analyses how the political right in parts of the Global South has appropriate agendas and issues that in the past were often associated to the political left and presented them instead as their own. It does so by articulating narratives around poverty and social exclusion in the context of anti-globalisation and nationalistic discursive regimes that appeal to popular ‘common sense’. The piece explores this argument by examining the case of Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. Reviewing a sample of Brazilian news media outlets and the type of messages in relation to poverty during the most recent presidential elections, it is suggested that by linking themes of social exclusion with nationalism in the news media, the political right has been able to explain poverty by means of increasing globalisation and liberalism and co-opt this agenda.
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Dolgopolovas, Vladimiras, and Valentina Dagiene. "On the Future of Computational Thinking Education: Moving beyond the Digital Agenda, a Discourse Analysis Perspective." Sustainability 13, no. 24 (December 15, 2021): 13848. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132413848.

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This article explores the development directions of the phenomenon of Computational Thinking (CT) from the perspectives of discourse analysis. The motivation is based on the understanding of CT as an advanced educational approach, methodology, and community, aimed at a set of learners’ digital and further competences having a huge impact on modern education and society. The novelty of this study lies in the attempt to look holistically at CT and its perspectives, considering it as an evolving phenomenon per se, leaving aside discussion on its internal characteristics or applications. The study utilizes a comprehensive analysis, applying discourse analysis and social semiotics methods. The results present the most trended storylines associated with CT and its context, providing a thorough introduction to the CT discursive landscape. The findings and discussion present a reflective insight into the discursive landscape directions, focusing on meaning-makers and their identities, the transformative and transductive potential of CT, observing the phenomenon’s development paths from a metaphorical perspective and positioning it towards the development of the socio-technical networks it mediates. In the conclusion, the options for development and possible trends in the reconstitution of the CT phenomenon are outlined.
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Gonzalez Delgado, Mariano, and Christine Woyshner. "Curriculum history and new agenda for research: A national and international landscape." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.193.

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In the Introduction to this special issue, the editors review the field of curriculum history to date and present new ways of investigating the past of the course of study. Relying on the notion that curriculum is comprised of the discursive practices in educational settings that transcend location and time, they discuss research on the social and political forces that shaped school subjects and how researchers rely on textbooks as primary sources. After an overview of each essay, the editors reveal that new directions in curriculum history are focusing on transnational influences and curriculum as enacted outside of schools in such places as voluntary organizations and prisons.
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Pace, Michelle. "Interrogating the European Union’s Democracy Promotion Agenda: Discursive Configurations of ‘Democracy’ from the Middle East." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 5 (December 1, 2010): 611–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010044.

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Following the electoral victory of Hamas in the Palestinian elections of January 2006, the international community reacted by suspending aid to the democratically elected Hamas government. Across Middle Eastern societies, this move and the events that followed since ushered in a complete loss of credibility in the discourse of external actors like the European Union (EU) and their declared quest for promoting democracy in the region. Are we witnessing the demise of the EU’s democracy promotion agenda given the perception from the Middle East (ME) in regard to its inconsistent discourse? This article aims to address how a critical engagement with the ways in which the EU constructs itself as a normative power, in its attempts at exporting its model of liberal democracy, might shed light on questions central to contemporary EU-ME relations. In particular, it surveys discursive configurations of ‘democracy’ in the ME. By way of conclusion, the article holds that the EU should reflect on these internal and diverse debates, which may in turn necessitate a reframing of its own discourse on democracy promotion in the ME: this process of reframing need not negate its principles.
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Pearce, Sioned. "The Discursive Direction of Welsh Devolution: a critical analysis of Welsh anti-poverty agenda narrative." People Place and Policy Online 7, no. 3 (December 19, 2013): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3351/ppp.0007.0003.0002.

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Kay, Jilly Boyce, and Lee Salter. "Framing the cuts: An analysis of the BBC’s discursive framing of the ConDem cuts agenda." Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 15, no. 6 (October 10, 2013): 754–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884913501835.

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Hurley, Alison. "Peculiar Christians, Circumstantial Courtiers, and the Making of Conversation in Seventeenth-Century England." Representations 111, no. 1 (2010): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2010.111.1.33.

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This essay looks at both spiritual and secular "conversation guides" published during the Restoration era in order to argue that a primarily discursive and contingent tradition of courtly conversation converged with a primarily immanent and embodied Christian usage of the word in late seventeenth-century England. It was this process of convergence and the refined version of conversation that emerged from it that made possible the polite, progressive Whig social agenda of the eighteenth century.
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Whittle, Andrea, Olga Suhomlinova, and Frank Mueller. "Funnel of Interests: The Discursive Translation of Organizational Change." Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 46, no. 1 (March 2010): 16–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021886309357538.

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In this article, the authors examine the role of discourse in the implementation of organizational change. They develop the concept of the “funnel of interests” to describe the process through which the perceived goals, concerns, and interests of different actors are aligned with change. To illustrate the argument, the authors analyze organizational change in a U.K. public—private partnership and show how the creative use of discourse helps to “funnel” the perceived interests of different groups and thereby facilitate the implementation of change. In particular, the authors examine the role of change agents as “translators,” who use discourse to actively reconstruct and realign change as congruent with the recipient’s interests. The findings suggest that change agents need to act as a mediator, interpreting and reinterpreting the change, rather than as a passive intermediary that simply diffuses a fixed set of ideas and practices, letting them pass without modification. It was through translation that the change agents in this study helped to funnel the broad range of concerns expressed by the recipients in the required direction. This study thereby opens up a new research agenda that seeks to examine how interests and interest groups are constructed through discourse, rather than viewing interests as preexisting entities that are simply expressed in discourse.
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Yu, Min, and Christopher B. Crowley. "The Discursive Politics of Education Policy in China: Educating Migrant Children." China Quarterly 241 (February 7, 2020): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019000742.

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AbstractThis article explores the discursive functioning of education policies, bringing into consideration community perspectives regarding policy enactment in contemporary China. With the intention of building upon ongoing discussions surrounding both the conceptions and purposes of policy sociology, we critically analyse policies directly related to the education of migrant children living in and around China's largest urban centres, with a specific focus on those implemented in Beijing. We emphasize two important aspects that previous studies of China's education policies have tended to underplay given their focus on social-economic perspectives. The first argument is that education policies have an underlying agenda that extends beyond that of simply addressing the educational needs of migrant children – evidenced through the discursive functions of policy texts. The second argument is related and seeks to raise questions about who is best served by these policies and for whom these policies are intended.
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Zappettini, Franco, Douglas Mark Ponton, and Tatiana V. Larina. "Emotionalisation of contemporary media discourse: A research agenda." Russian Journal of Linguistics 25, no. 3 (December 15, 2021): 586–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-2021-25-3-586-610.

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This special issue continues the discussion of the role of emotion in discourse (see Russian Journal of Linguistics 2015 (1) and 2018, 22 (1)) which, as testified by the burgeoning body of literature in the field, has become more prominent in different spheres and contexts of public life. This time we focus on emotionalisation of media discourse. We highlight the intensification of emotions in media and, showcasing contributions from international authors, critically reflect on constructions, functions and pragmatic purposes of emotions in media discourse. Our aim is to investigate emotions in the media from semiotic, pragmatic and discursive perspectives against the contemporary socio-political background in which traditional notions concerning the role of media are being noticeably changed. In this introductory article, we also put forward an agenda for further research by briefly outlining three main areas of exploration: the logics of media production and reception , the boundaries of media discourse, and the semiotic resources deployed to construct emotionality . We then present the articles in this issue and highlight their contributions to the study of linguistic representations of emotions. We then summarise the main results and suggest a brief avenue for further research.
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Prof. Akin Odebunmi and Dr. Funke Josephine Oni. "Discursive Construction of Synonymous Relations in Political Speeches." Ahyu: A Journal of Language and Literature 2 (December 4, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56666/ahyu.v2i.63.

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Abstract Existing studies on political discourse have investigated the role of language in propaganda, the emotive use of language by politicians, the ideological undertone of modal verbs in political speeches, often ignoring the discursive use of synonyms, especially in the Nigerian context. This paper thus examines the discursive construction of synonyms in selected speeches of former Nigerian president, Olusegun Obasanjo with the aim of identifying the ideological implication of the synonymous construction in the speeches. His speeches are worth studying as he was the first military head of state to be elected a civilian president, thereby leading the country on two good occasions. Twelve speeches were purposively sampled comprising those he made as a military head of state and as a civilian president. These periods are important in Nigeria’s political history. The study adopted evaluative semantics and sociocognitive approach of critical discourse analysis as theoretical basis. The former accounts for the synonymous relations in the speeches and the latter, their ideological import. The findings show that the synonymous relations represent optimism and expectations from individual, society and institution. Synonyms related to optimism are characterised by government’s commitment to positive change, transformation and hope, while synonyms that relate to issue of expectation from the individual, the society and institutions are characterised by societal development, forbearance, disorder, healthy information management and dissemination, and negative practices and values. Thus, these synonymous relations, when considered together with the co(n)text, reflect Obasanjo’s reformist agenda.
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Amenta, Edwin, and Qindian Chen. "SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND “SOCIAL SECURITY”: POLICY IDEAS, DISCURSIVE RATIFICATION, AND THE U.S. OLD-AGE PENSION MOVEMENT." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 27, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-27-4-445.

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Under which conditions can social movements influence discursive struggles over public policies? Policy ideas are embedded in any new movement-relevant legislation, including categories, frames, justifications, and narratives. Moreover, when legislation passes, it receives a “discursive ratification” in the news media, which interprets its meaning. These cultural aspects of legislation define the constituencies of social movements and influence future political group formation and policy development but are not much analyzed by scholars. We argue that it is more difficult for mass movement organizations to influence policy ideas than to influence the political agenda, votes for programs, or monetary upgrades in them because doing so requires different capacities and favorable political contexts. Also, influencing the discursive ratification of policy is more difficult than placing quotes or demands in the news. To illustrate and appraise these arguments, we examine the policy ideas behind and the national news coverage of U.S. old-age legislation during its formative years in the 1930s and 1940s. Specifically, we examine six key episodes in which the old-age pension movement had broad influence over legislative developments. However, only in some instances did the movement influence ideas in old-age policy or its discursive ratification, and sometimes its actions backfired. These analyses show that movements’ favorable influence over the benefits in policy may not translate into cultural influence.
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Miroshnichenko, Inna, and Elena Morozova. "NETWORK COMMUNITIES AS AGENCIES FOR THE FORMATION OF A CITY’S AGENDA (THE CASE OF “HELP THE CITY” MOVEMENT)." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 2 (2021): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.202.

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The article assesses the role of online communities operating in online and offline public space in the development and implementation of urban policy using the case of "Help the City" movement (Krasnodar). The authors characterize the online community "Help the City" as socially proactive, this appraisal is based on the results of empirical research. Communities of this type, being focused on the construction of active civil and political actions and involvement of their participants, become the real agencies of urban public policy. The activities of participants in "Help the City" movement are manifested in discursive practices and practices aimed at integrating the urban community into territorial development projects. The discursive practices of the network community actualize local identity, problems of ecology and urban planning, as well as ways to solve them which includes cooperation with municipal authorities. The real activities of the social movement embody the “products” of online discussions in social networks in the form of projects and events for the development of the territories of Krasnodar inner-city space. The authors come to the conclusion that “Help the City” online community participates in the formation of the city agenda as well as in the implementation of development projects in the city, within the framework of this agenda based on active interaction between business, government and local community.
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Svalfors, Ulrika. "Education for Sustainable Development and Multidimensional Implementation. A Study of Implementations of Sustainable Development in Education with the Curriculum of Upper Secondary School in Sweden as an Example." Discourse and Communication for Sustainable Education 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dcse-2017-0020.

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AbstractThis article discusses different interpretations of sustainable development in education and if different interpretations of the concept are implemented in Curriculum, with the Swedish Curriculum of Upper Secondary School as an example. According to Agenda 21 sustainable development should be implemented in a multidimensional way. In 2011, a new school reform of upper secondary school was implemented in Sweden which further strengthened the position of sustainable development in school by inserting the term into more syllabuses. However, the multiple instances of the concept do not necessarily mean that a multidimensional interpretation of the concept is implemented in accordance with the objectives of Agenda 21. By using Laclau and Mouffe’s (2008) idea of discursive struggle as a theoretical framework it is possible to discern how descriptions of sustainable development essentially give rise to one discursive formation in the curriculum. The articulations of sustainable development in the curriculum rests on an idea of the ecosystem that seem to enforce the natural scientific rationality instead of letting different rationalities contribute to the meaning. The descriptions of sustainable development in the curriculum can be interpreted as a hegemonic expropriation of elements of other discourses, such as the social and economic, into the environmental (ecological) dimension. These results are consistent with other international studies, and emphasises the importance of taking a critical stance to the writings of Curriculum when putting them into practice.
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Blomberg, Annika. "Organizational creativity diluted: a critical appraisal of discursive practices in academic research." Journal of Organizational Change Management 27, no. 6 (October 7, 2014): 935–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jocm-12-2013-0252.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the discursive practices employed in academic research on organizational creativity through a critical lens. Design/methodology/approach – The literature on organizational creativity is reviewed from a discourse-theoretical perspective and three groupings of dominant discursive practices are identified. The theoretical and practical implications of the practices are discussed, and other potential aspects of creativity that appear to have been neglected or suppressed in the discourse are further examined. Findings – The dominant discursive practices in the organizational creativity research contribute to the building of a simplified and one-sided picture of organizational creativity; a stripped-down and diluted version that is more easily achievable and manageable, and leads to positive outcomes. Failure to recognize its inherent complexities reduces the value of creativity as an organizational asset. Originality/value – The findings contribute to the organizational creativity research in recognizing a range of dominant practices that appear to promote the dilution of the concept. Although the diluted and stripped-down version of organizational creativity suits the managerial agenda and complies with organizational discourse, it fails as an organizational asset, which should be about embracing the unconventional and risky, and taking advantage of change.
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Musil, Pelin Ayan. "Czech Public Opinion on Turkey's Accession to the EU: An Analysis through the Lenses of Sociological and Discursive Institutionalism*." New Perspectives 23, no. 1 (March 2015): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1502300104.

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While Turkey lacks significant levels of public support from the Czech Republic in its EU bid, the existing studies of European public opinion on the question of Turkey do not bring any reasonable explanation as to why this can be so. To shed light on this problem, this article offers an analytical framework derived from sociological and discursive institutionalism. First, it shows that the historical/cultural context in the Czech Republic has created an informal institution built around the norms of “othering” Muslim societies like Turkey (sociological institutionalism). Second, based on the media coverage of selected political issues from Turkey between 2005 and 2010, it argues that this institution both enables and constrains the “discursive ability” of the media in communicating these issues to its audience (discursive institutionalism). Since the media—as a political actor—mostly acts to maintain this institution and does not critically debate it, the public opinion of Turkey as the “cultural other” remains as a dominant perception. The official support of the political elite for Turkey's accession to the EU does not countervail the media influence, as this support is often not conveyed to the Czech public agenda.
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