Academic literature on the topic 'Discriminatory immigration policy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Discriminatory immigration policy"
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Cook-Martín, David, and David FitzGerald. "Liberalism and the Limits of Inclusion: Race and Immigration Law in the Americas, 1850–2000." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, no. 1 (June 2010): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2010.41.1.7.
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Most scholars argue that the global triumph of liberal norms within the last 150 years ended discriminatory immigration policy. Yet, the United States was a leader in the spread of policy restrictions aimed at Asian migrants during the early twentieth century, and authoritarian Latin American regimes removed racial discrimination from their immigration laws a generation before the United States and Canada did. By the same token, critical theorists claim that racism has not diminished, but most states have removed their discriminatory laws, thus allowing significant ethnic transformation within their borders. An analysis of the immigration policies of the twenty-two major countries of the Americas since 1850 reveals that liberal states have been discriminatory precisely because of their liberalism and elucidates the diffusion of international legal norms of racial exclusion and inclusion.
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TRIADAFILOPOULOS, TRIADAFILOS. "Global norms, domestic institutions and the transformation of immigration policy in Canada and the US." Review of International Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2010): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509990556.
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AbstractThis article examines the liberalisation of immigration policy in Canada and the US in the post-World War II era. I argue that shifting norms pertaining to race, ethnicity, and human rights cast longstanding discriminatory policies in Canada and the US in a highly critical light. Opponents of racially discriminatory immigration policies exploited this shift in normative contexts to highlight the disjuncture between Canada and the US’ postwar commitments to liberal norms and human rights, on the one hand, and their extant policy regimes, on the other. The resulting pressure set in motion comparable processes of policy stretching and unravelling, which culminated in policy shifting in the mid-1960s. Policy shifting was, however, subject to very different political dynamics. Whereas Canada's institutional configuration granted the executive branch and bureaucracy a high degree of autonomy that enabled experimentation, the greater openness of the American political system led to a more politicised process, marked by compromises and deal-making. Thus while changing norms prompted the liberalisation of immigration policies in both countries, differences in their domestic political contexts resulted in very different admissions regimes.
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Clarke, Harry R. "Entry Charges on Immigrants." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (June 1994): 338–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800206.
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With a perfectly elastic supply of immigrants and no domestic distortions, the pure Pareto gains to residents from immigration are maximized by an open door immigration policy. The only role then for entry charges is cost recovery. With inelastic supply, charges may be levied for optimal tariff reasons although there are practical difficulties in estimating appropriate supply elasticities. Priceable externalities provide a rationale for charging if, and only if, there are difficulties in making discriminatory reimbursements of optimal toll revenues to residents. Otherwise, relevant externalities should be internalized via appropriate Pigovian taxes and discriminatory reimbursements paid to residents. Then, an open door policy without entry charges should be pursued. Transaction costs and unpriceable externalities provide a weak case for charging. Where quotas are imposed for political reasons or to ease potentially unfavorable distributional implications, there are convincing second-best arguments for fees and, equivalently, quota auctions. The latter policies are generally preferable to unpriced quotas and to asset tests, even if coupled with a fee, whatever the degree of international capital mobility. Independently of humanitarian concerns, liberal immigration policies can be based on the self-interest of residents provided immigrants pay all costs they impose on a resident population.
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Barboza, Gia, Silvia Dominguez, Laura Siller, and Miguel Montalva. "Citizenship, fear and support for the criminalization of immigration." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 40, no. 2 (May 15, 2017): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-03-2016-0041.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the association between Mexicans’ support for the criminalization of immigration and level of police contact, fear of deportation and the perceived personal impact of immigration enforcement. Design/methodology/approach This analysis uses data from the 2008 National Survey of Latinos, a representative random sample of 1,153 self-identified Latino/as residing in the USA. The authors sought to identify the prevalence of Latino support for local police actively identifying undocumented immigrants and to examine the relationship between acculturation, confidence in the police and/or fear that immigrants increase neighborhood crime and support for the criminalization of immigration. The authors use logistic regression analysis and post-estimation techniques to explore the relationship between support for the criminalization of immigration and acculturation, discrimination, perceptions of crime and confidence in the police. Findings The authors found that Latino policy attitudes are not monolithic but differ by nativity and citizenship status and vary according to their level of confidence in fair and proper police enforcement of the law. Within levels of confidence, the authors found that the perception that immigrants increase local crime rates was a significant predictor of policy attitudes. Contrary to the authors’ expectations, neither previous contact with the criminal justice system nor being stopped and asked about immigration status predicted support for criminalizing immigration. Nor did level of support vary according to proficiency in English and perceptions of discriminatory treatment. Practical implications This study has implications for understanding how citizenship statuses influence public opinion on issues that are presumed to be reflective of a unified political voice. Social implications This study has implications for understanding the role of social stigma and political socialization and their relationship to Mexican citizens and non-citizens policy preferences. Originality/value No study to date has explored associations between Latinos’ policy attitudes on the criminalization of immigration and acculturation, fear of crime and confidence in the police.
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Ellermann, Antje, and Agustín Goenaga. "Discrimination and Policies of Immigrant Selection in Liberal States." Politics & Society 47, no. 1 (February 6, 2019): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218820870.
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How should liberal societies select prospective members? A conventional reading of immigration history posits that whereas ascriptive characteristics drove immigration policy in the past, contemporary policy is based on the principle of nondiscrimination. Yet a closer look at the characteristics of those admitted reveals systematic group biases that run counter to liberalism’s core moral commitments. This article first discusses liberal states’ basic moral obligation to treat their citizens with equal respect. It then identifies ways in which the group biases produced by immigration policy violate that principle, when states either deprive their citizens of fundamental rights or stigmatize them through hierarchical constructions of citizenship. Three mechanisms are presented—structural bias, profiling, and positive selection—by which seemingly liberal admissions policies produce illiberal outcomes. The empirical analysis explores the resulting discriminatory group biases in the context of language and income conditionalities on family migration, excessive demand restrictions against economic migrants, and visa waivers for international travelers. We conclude that immigration reforms that mitigate, if not erase, these morally problematic patterns are within the reach of liberal states.
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Ang, Ching Ping, Joseph Wolpin, and Elisha Baron. "Recent Developments in Health Law." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 37, no. 1 (2009): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2009.00360.x.
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As of July 1, 2008, females aged 11-26 years seeking status as permanent residents in the United States must produce documentation that they have received the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine before the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services will approve their status adjustment. Immigration rights activists and public health officials have objected to this new requirement on the grounds that it is unnecessary and imposes unreasonable barriers to lawful immigration due to its expense. The Supreme Court has generally upheld mandatory vaccination requirements for citizens and non-citizens and has tolerated federal immigration regulations that would be unconstitutional if applied to citizens. However, the HPV vaccination requirement may be arbitrary, unnecessary, and discriminatory as applied to green card applicants who pose no greater threat to public health than citizens who are not subject to the same requirements. Furthermore, the requirement may also impose unreasonable restraints on aliens individual liberties as well as real barriers to immigration.
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Walker, Hannah, Marcel Roman, and Matt Barreto. "The Ripple Effect: The Political Consequences of Proximal Contact with Immigration Enforcement." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 5, no. 3 (August 11, 2020): 537–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2020.9.
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AbstractA growing body of research suggests that proximal exposure to immigration enforcement can have important social and health-related consequences. However, there is little research identifying the impact of proximal contact with immigration policy on political attitudes and behaviors, and still less investigating the underlying mechanisms that might connect contact and political dispositions. Drawing on insights from criminal justice, we argue that proximal immigration contact influences political behavior via a sense of injustice with respect to the discriminatory application of immigration enforcement. The impact of a sense of injustice should primarily hold among Latinos, who are targeted on the basis of race, ethnicity, accent, and skin color. Nevertheless, it may also hold among Blacks, whose communities are targeted more generally, and Asians, to whom issues related to immigration are likewise important. In order to assess this theory, we leverage a survey with nationally representative samples of four different racial groups. We find that proximal contact motivates participation in protests, and does so indirectly via a sense of injustice for white and Asian respondents. Latino and Black respondents are primarily motivated by injustice irrespective of contact. In sum, the results suggest that immigration enforcement and non-immigration-related criminal justice policies may have similar political effects on those who are proximately affected.
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Burgard, Antoine. "‘The fight on educating the public to equal treatment for all will have to come later’: Jewish Refugee Activism and Anti-Immigration Sentiment in Immediate Post-War Canada." London Journal of Canadian Studies 34, no. 1 (November 14, 2019): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2019v34.006.
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Canadian immigration policy of the 1930s and 1940s was the most restrictive and selective in the country’s history, making it one of the countries to take the smallest number of Jewish refugees fleeing the Nazi persecution. After the war, Canada slowly opened its borders, but only through small token gestures in 1947 and 1948. This article explores how the main Canadian Jewish organization lobbied for the welcoming of more Jewish refugees and migrants in the immediate aftermath of the war. It examines how their perception of the public’s anti-Jewish immigrant sentiment and of the Canadian immigration policy’s discriminatory mechanisms informed their strategies. During that period, the Canadian Jewish Congress prioritized constant and subtle action with the government instead of trying to set up mass mobilization campaigns. This strategic shift is an overshadowed but essential chapter of both Jewish and human rights histories in Canada. This article invites a re-evaluation of Jewish activism’s role in ending ethnic selection in the Canadian immigration policy and promoting refugee rights. It contributes to broadening our understanding of how minority groups lobbied and worked with hostile media and authorities.
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Hilde, Rosalie K., and Albert Mills. "Making critical sense of discriminatory practices in the Canadian workplace." critical perspectives on international business 11, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpoib-09-2012-0042.
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Purpose – This paper aims to report on a preliminary study of how professionally qualified immigrants from Hong Kong to Canada make sense of their experiences, particularly workplace opportunities. Design/methodology/approach – The study is framed by a Critical Sensemaking approach, involving in-depth interviews with 12 informants from the Hong Kong Chinese community and discursive analysis (Foucault, 1979) of the local and formative contexts in which they are making sense of workplace opportunities. Findings – The findings suggest that a dominant discourse of “integration” strongly influences the way that professionally qualified immigrants come to accept the unchallenged assumptions that the government is providing help for them to “get in”; and that ethnic service organizations are offering positive guidance to the immigrants’ workplace goals and opportunities. Immigrants’ identity and self-worth are measured by whether they “get in” – integrate – into so-called mainstream society. The effect of this hidden discourse has been to marginalize some immigrants in relation to workplace opportunities. Research limitations/implications – The interplay of structural (i.e. formative contexts and organizational rules), socio-psychological (i.e. sensemaking properties) and discursive contexts (e.g. discourses of immigration) are difficult to detail over time. The interplay – although important – is difficult to document and trace over a relatively short period of time and may, more appropriately lend itself to more longitudinal research. Practical implications – This paper strongly suggests that we need to move beyond structural accounts to capture the voice and agency of immigrants. In particular, as we have tried to show, the sensemaking and sensemaking contexts in which immigrants find themselves provide important insights to the immigrant experience. Social implications – This paper suggests widespread policy implications, with a call for greater use of qualitative methods in the study of immigrant experience. It is suggested that policymakers need to move beyond uniform and structural approaches to immigration. How selected immigrants in context make sense of their experiences and how this can help to identify improved policies need to be understood. Originality/value – This paper is original in going beyond both structural and psychological accounts of immigration. Through the developing method of Critical Sensemaking, the study combines a focus on structure and social psychology and their interplay. Thus, providing insights not only to the broad discriminatory practices that so-called non-White immigrants face in Canada (and likely other industrial societies) but how these are made sense of. The study is also unique in attempting to fuse sensemaking and discourse analysis to show the interaction between individual sensemaking in the context of dominant discourses.
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Ayón, Cecilia, and David Becerra. "Mexican Immigrant Families Under Siege: The Impact of Anti-Immigrant Policies, Discrimination, and the Economic Crisis." Advances in Social Work 14, no. 1 (September 4, 2013): 206–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/2692.
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Latino immigrants have historically faced many challenges living in the United States (U.S.). The economic crisis combined with new anti-immigration policies and harsh enforcement strategies may exacerbate the stress and anxiety Latino immigrant families already endure as a result of discrimination and financial hardships. The purpose of this study was to understand the current challenges Latino immigrant families encounter within an anti-immigrant social-political environment. Fifty-two first generation immigrants participated in focus group sessions, which lasted between 90 and 120 minutes. The findings reveal that the economic crisis, anti-immigration policies, and enforcement strategies have deleterious effects on Latino immigrant families’ well-being. Participants stated that their limited English proficiency status and racial profiling were the basis for discriminatory practices they endured. Discrimination is experienced through instances of micro-aggression, as well as horizontal discrimination and institutional discrimination. Implications for social policy, social work practice, and research are discussed.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Discriminatory immigration policy"
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Welch, Ian, and iwe97581@bigpond net au. "Alien Son : The life and times of Cheok Hong Cheong, (Zhang Zhuoxiong) 1851-1928." The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 2003. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20051108.111252.
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This thesis contributes to the ongoing discussion of modern Chinese identity by pro-viding a case study of Cheok Hong CHEONG. It necessarily considers Australian atti-tudes towards the Chinese during the 19th century, not least the White Australia Pol-icy. The emergence of that discriminatory immigration policy over the second half of the 19th century until its national implementation in 1901 provides the background to the thesis. Cheong was the leading figure among Chinese-Australian Christians and a prominent figure in the Australian Chinese community and the thesis seeks to iden-tify a man whose contribution has largely been shadowy in other studies or, more commonly, overlooked by the parochialism of colony/state emphasis in many histo-ries of Australia. His role in the Christian church fills a space in Victorian religious history.
Although Cheong accumulated great wealth he was not part of the Chinese mer-chant class of the huagong/huaquiao traditions of the overseas Chinese diaspora of the 19th and 20th centuries. His wealth was accumulated through property investments following the spectacular collapse of the Victorian banking system during the 1890s. His community leadership role arose through his position in the Christian Church rather than, as was generally the case, through business. His English language skills, resulting from his church association, were the key to his role as a Chinese community spokesman.¶
Cheok Hong Cheong left an archive of some 800 documents in the English lan-guage covering the major people, incidents and concerns of his life and times. His Let-terbooks, together with the archives of the various Christian missions to the Chinese in Australia in the 19th and early 20th centuries, shed light on one person’s life and more broadly, through his involvements on the complex relationships of Chinese emigrants, with the often unsympathetic majority of Australians.¶
This is a case study of a Chinese identity formed outside China and influenced by a wider set of cultural influences than any other Chinese-Australian of his time —an identity that justifies the description of him as an ‘Alien Son’. Cheong’s story is a con-tribution to the urban and family history of an important ethnic sub-group within the wider immigrant history of Australia.¶
While Cheong remained a Chinese subject his identification with Australia cannot be questioned. All his children were born in Australia and he left just twice after his arrival in 1863. He visited England in 1891-2 and in 1906 he briefly visited China. Identity and culture issues are growing in importance as part of the revived relation-ship between the Chinese of the diaspora and the economic renewal of the People’s Republic of China and this thesis is offers a contribution to that discussion.
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Welch, Ian Hamilton. "Alien Son : The life and times of Cheok Hong Cheong, (Zhang Zhuoxiong) 1851-1928." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/49261.
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This thesis contributes to the ongoing discussion of modern Chinese identity by providing a case study of Cheok Hong CHEONG. This thesis contributes to the ongoing discussion of modern Chinese identity by pro-viding a case study of Cheok Hong CHEONG. It necessarily considers Australian atti-tudes towards the Chinese during the 19th century, not least the White Australia Pol-icy. The emergence of that discriminatory immigration policy over the second half of the 19th century until its national implementation in 1901 provides the background to the thesis. Cheong was the leading figure among Chinese-Australian Christians and a prominent figure in the Australian Chinese community and the thesis seeks to iden-tify a man whose contribution has largely been shadowy in other studies or, more commonly, overlooked by the parochialism of colony/state emphasis in many histo-ries of Australia. His role in the Christian church fills a space in Victorian religious history. ¶ ...
Books on the topic "Discriminatory immigration policy"
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Amnesty International. Turkey: Selective protection : discriminatory treatment of non-European refugees and asylum-seekers. New York: Amnesty International, 1994.
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Boucher, Anna. Female High-Skilled Migration. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198815273.003.0004.
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States and employers are increasingly selecting highly skilled immigrants according to labour market qualifications and broad human capital attributes. This chapter considers the gender implications of the focus on skills through an examination of the different career trajectories of men and women. In particular, it considers the acknowledgement of part-time and non-continuous work in skilled immigration policy design as well as the potentially discriminatory effects of age limits. In doing so, it applies feminist theories from industrial relations and economics to the examination of skilled immigration policies in twelve countries, demonstrating variation across countries in their awareness to gender concerns.
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Modood, Tariq. Multicultural Citizenship and New Migrations1. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474428231.003.0009.
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Through offering a normative conceptualisation of a national case, Britain, I ask what is the relationship between the post-immigration normative project of accommodating citizens-marked-by-origin and the managing of current flows of migrations and mobilities? While multiculturalism requires reconceiving citizenship and shared identities, it has assumed that a collectivity of citizens in the form of a state/polity has the right and the capacity to control immigration and that migrants want to be and should be accepted as citizens. But what if the nature of immigration (and other relevant circumstances) change such that difference is no longer so salient an issue, citizenship no longer seems to be so normatively prized by migrants; and immigration is less amenable to control? Does multiculturalism still have traction in these new circumstances? British multiculturalism was developed in a context of immigration control and does not challenge the right of the state to control immigration, while insisting that it must not be exercised in ways that are discriminatory or stigmatising in relation to the composite and overlapping criteria of race, ethnicity and religion that are at the heart of post-immigration British multiculturalism. While a cosmopolitan version of multiculturalism is also present in Britain and is largely compatible with a more political, communitarian national multiculturalism, the two seem to have incompatible views on national identity concerns and so on immigration control. This is seriously problematic for progressive politics today but a solution is not clear.
Book chapters on the topic "Discriminatory immigration policy"
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Pruitt, Nicholas T. "Paving the Way for Pluralism." In Open Hearts, Closed Doors, 150–82. NYU Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479803545.003.0006.
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This chapter recounts mainline Protestant political lobbying and testimony before congressional committee hearings, culminating in the Immigration Act of 1965, which ended the discriminatory quota system. During this time, mainline groups affiliated with the NCC increased their protest against the federal government’s racially biased immigration policy, as seen in their continued criticism of the discriminatory quotas established in 1924 and their response to the 1952 McCarran-Walter Act. In their attempts to challenge restriction, liberal Protestants encountered pushback from conservative Protestants and anti-communist figures during the Second Red Scare. Despite occasional opposition, however, mainline Protestant leaders often advocated a more liberal immigration system that would challenge racial discrimination in the spirit of the civil rights movement and elevate America’s stature internationally. Finally, this chapter concludes by exploring how Protestants aligned themselves in 1965 when Congress finally overturned the immigration quota system based on national origins.
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Cox, Adam B., and Cristina M. Rodríguez. "Introduction." In The President and Immigration Law, 1–14. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190694364.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter identifies who controls immigration law and how. Many recent immigration controversies in the United States have been cast as power struggles between the political branches. In nearly every clash, the President’s detractors invoke the same supposed constitutional wisdom: that control over immigration belongs in the hands of Congress. When President Donald Trump, just days after his inauguration, signed an Executive Order banning immigration from six predominantly Muslim countries, critics immediately attacked the action as tyrannical, discriminatory, and a violation of the immigration statutes enacted by Congress. Similarly, when President Barack Obama announced that he would shield young unauthorized immigrants from deportation, the backlash was swift. Commentators, members of Congress, and even his own immigration enforcement agents pilloried him for usurping the constitutional authority of Congress. The modern-day battles of the Trump and Obama eras reflect a deep historical truth about the structure of immigration policymaking: that the President stands at its center. This book tells the story of how the President became the immigration policymaker-in-chief. Today, the President’s extraordinary power over immigration policy grows out of his utterly ordinary constitutional duty to enforce the law. The logic and tools of enforcement therefore define contemporary immigration policy, empowering the President and executive officials to shape the meaning of immigration law.
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Marinari, Maddalena. "The Doors of America Are Worse Than Shut When They Are Half-Way Open." In Unwanted, 43–70. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652931.003.0003.
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Chapter 2 offers an account of how Italian and Jewish immigration reform advocates, sensing the inevitability of further restriction, pragmatically decided to work with legislators in the early 1920s to mitigate some of the more punitive features of the national origins quota system. When the literacy test passed in 1917 failed to halt immigration from eastern and southern Europe significantly, restrictionists in and outside of Congress began pushing for quantitative immigration restriction. In 1924, Congress passed the Johnson-Reed Act, which imposed the national origins quota system for immigration from the Eastern Hemisphere and a near ban on immigration from Asia. The only issue on which restrictionist legislators and Italian and Jewish anti-restrictionists could find common ground when it came to immigration reform was family reunification, but legislators refused to budge on the discriminatory national quotas imposed on European immigration. Although scholars usually present the 1920s and 1930s as the height of immigration restriction, these negotiations over family reunification, along with the exemption of the Western Hemisphere from the quota system, allowed for exclusion and inclusion to continue to coexist in U.S. immigration policy.