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Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomazia commerciale'

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Published: 14 March 2023

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1

Rudi, Fabrizio. "L’ITALIA E IL CONFLITTO DOGANALE AUSTRO-SERBO (1906–1911). PREVISIONI, STRATEGIE, SOLUZIONI." Историјски часопис, no. 71/2022 (December 30, 2022): 471–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2271471r.

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Il modo in cui la diplomazia italiana volse la propria attenzione alle due fasi della guerra doganale austro-serba del 1906–1911 è l’oggetto di questo saggio, che si propone una disamina completa e attenta del problema sulla base delle fonti diplomatiche, edite e inedite, italiane e serbe, comparate fra di loro. Grande attenzione verrà poi prestata allo stato dei commerci italo-serbi nella fase più acuta del conflitto doganale, alle modalità con cui il trattato commerciale italo-serbo del 14 gennaio 1907 fu stipulato, a ciò che esso prevedeva e al modo in cui i suoi contenuti abbiano influenzato i negoziati per un nuovo trattato di commercio austro-serbo nel 1910.
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2

Gunawarman, Irsyad Prabowo, Wisnu Aryo Dewanto, and Suhariwanto Suhariwanto. "Kekebalan Diplomatik dalam Transaksi Komersial." KELUWIH: Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 1, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24123/soshum.v1i2.3333.

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Abstract—Diplomatic immunity and privilege which is arranged in the Vienna Convention 1961 is very important in ensuring the enactment of diplomatic functions in doing the mission. The abuse of immunity and privilege owned by the diplomatic representative often happens. Diplomatic representative abuse their rights in the form of mild violation to heavy crime. There have been cases on the abuse of diplomatic immunity in commercial transaction related to the civil jurisdiction immunity of the country the diplomat assigned in. The landlord in the country who rent their property to the diplomatic representative have become the victim in the abuse of diplomatic immunity. There was a diplomatic representative who refused to pay the rent because of diplomatic immunity reason and eventually managed to escape from the obligation to pay for the commercial transaction due to the protection of the immunity and privilege Keywords: abuse, diplomatic immunity, commercial transaction Abstrak—Kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik yang diatur di dalam Konvensi Wina 1961 merupakan hal yang sangat penting untuk menjamin pelaksanaan fungsi diplomat dalam menjalankan misinya. Penyalahgunaan kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimiliki perwakilan diplomatik masih sering terjadi. Perwakilan diplomatik menyalahgunakannya dalam bentuk pelanggaran ringan hingga kejahatan yang berat. Dalam perkembangannya, telah terjadi kasus penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik dalam transaksi komersial yang berkaitan dengan kekebalan yurisdiksi sipil negara penerima. Para tuan tanah dari negara penerima yang menyewakan propertinya kepada perwakilan diplomatik menjadi korban dalam penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik. Ada perwakilan diplomatik yang menolak membayar biaya sewa dengan alasan kekebalan diplomatik yang pada akhirnya lolos dari kewajibannya untuk membayar transaksi komersial karena berlindung pada kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimilikinya Kata kunci: penyalahgunaan, kekebalan diplomatik, transaksi komersial
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3

Tobing, Fredy B. L., and Asra Virgianita. "Functional multi-track and multilevel economic diplomacy to strengthen trade relations between Indonesia, Chile, and Peru." Regions and Cohesion 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2020.100106.

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English abstract: This article analyzes the causes of low trade relations between Indonesia and Latin American states, arguing that dynamics of international political economy have opened opportunities to increase trade relations between those countries. Having good diplomatic and political relations with similar emerging economies, like Peru and Chile, should drive closer economic relations among them. A qualitative study was conducted using literature reviews, archival analysis, and in-depth interviews. Political will and lack of knowledge pertaining to the business character of each country hamper external relations. Thus, a functional multi-track diplomacy that incorporates state and non-state actors from various fields is crucial for enhancing economic relations among these countries. Trade relations can be particularly strengthened by maximizing cooperation among actors at various levels.Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza las débiles relaciones comerciales entre Indonesia y América Latina, argumentando que la dinámica de la economía política abre oportunidades para mejorar estas relaciones. Las buenas relaciones diplomáticas y políticas entre Perú y Chile, debería estrechar sus relaciones económicas. Pero la escasa voluntad política y falta de conocimiento del carácter empresarial de cada país, obstaculizan sus relaciones externas. La investigación incluyó revisión de literatura, análisis de archivos y entrevistas en profundidad. Los resultados subrayan la necesidad de una diplomacia funcional de múltiples rutas que incorpore instituciones estatales y no estatales de diversos campos para mejorar las relaciones económicas. Las relaciones comerciales particularmente pueden fortalecerse entre países maximizando su recíproca cooperación en cada nivel (diplomacia multinivel).French abstract: Cet article analyse les causes de la faiblesse des relations commerciales entre l’Indonésie et les pays d’Amérique latine en faisant valoir que la dynamique de l’économie politique internationale a ouvert des opportunités pour stimuler les relations commerciales entre ces pays. Cette étude qualitative a été menée sur la base d’une étude de la littérature existante, d’analyses archivistiques et d’entretiens approfondis. Le manque de volonté politique et surtout de connaissances réciproques des atouts commerciaux de ces pays entravent leurs relations extérieures. Ainsi, une diplomatie fonctionnelle à plusieurs voies qui intègre des diplomaties étatiques et non-étatiques dans divers domaines est-elle cruciale pour améliorer leurs relations économiques. Les relations commerciales peuvent notamment être renforcées en maximisant la coopération entre ces pays à chaque niveau (diplomatie multi-niveaux).
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4

Cross, Elizabeth. "India and the Compagnie des Indes in the Age of the French Revolution." French Historical Studies 44, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 455–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9004979.

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Abstract This article examines the global history of the Age of Revolution through the lens of the Nouvelle Compagnie des Indes (1785–94). Established in the aftermath of the American Revolution, the company was not only a commercial entity but also an integral part of a diplomatic strategy for reestablishing the postwar Franco-British relationship. The geopolitical context of the Indian Ocean world forced French political and commercial actors to imagine forms of imperial and commercial power that frequently placed French interests under British protection, often in ways that provoked significant opposition in the metropole. Amid ideologies of competition, Anglophobia, and militarism, the case of the Nouvelle Compagnie des Indes reveals how both state and private actors struggled to promote wide-ranging commercial collaboration between France and Britain in the 1780s and 1790s in ways that often anticipated later partnerships between the two empires. Cet article examine l'histoire globale de l’ère de la Révolution française à travers le prisme de la Nouvelle Compagnie des Indes (1785–94). Etablie après la guerre d'indépendance américaine, la compagnie n’était pas seulement une entité commerciale, mais une partie intégrante d'une stratégie diplomatique pour rétablir les relations franco-britanniques. Le contexte géopolitique de l'océan Indien exigeait que les acteurs politiques et commerciaux français imaginent de nouvelles formes de pouvoir impérial et commercial. Celles-ci plaçaient fréquemment les intérêts français sous la protection britannique, souvent d'une manière qui provoquait de fortes résistances dans la métropole. Dans un contexte idéologique de compétition, d'anglophobie et de militarisme, le cas de la Nouvelle Compagnie des Indes révèle que des acteurs aussi bien étatiques que privés essayaient de promouvoir une vaste collaboration commerciale entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans les années 1780 et 1790, en anticipant souvent les partenariats ultérieurs entre les deux empires.
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5

Lee, Donna, and David Hudson. "The old and new significance of political economy in diplomacy." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (July 2004): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006102.

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In a growing number of countries diplomatic systems are being overhauled so that the commercial activities of diplomatic services have been centralised, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within diplomatic systems. These changes result directly from the tendency of governments to reorganise, and in many cases merge, their trade and foreign ministries, as well as the strategy of building formal business–government links within diplomatic institutions. While none of these features is unfamiliar to previous diplomatic systems, what is exceptional is the relative neglect of the commercial aspects of diplomacy within diplomatic studies. This lack of attention to the commercial and business elements of diplomacy in traditional theories of diplomacy means that we find ourselves trying to analyse contemporary changes to diplomatic organisation and practice without a suitable conceptual and analytical framework. Highlighting the significance of a political economy approach to diplomacy, and also engaging with orthodox approaches to diplomacy, this article begins to develop some analytical and conceptual tools to better identify, explain and understand changes in diplomatic systems as well as the increased influence of private interests in diplomatic practice now under way.
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Grant, Jonathan. "The Bukharans: A Dynastic, Diplomatic and Commercial History, 1550–1702." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 3 (April 1998): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1998.10528147.

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7

Becker, Seymour, and Audrey Burton. "The Bukharans: A Dynastic, Diplomatic and Commercial History, 1550-1702." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649602.

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8

Amirbekova, Aigul, Fariza Ismailova, Kalbike Yessenova, Gauhar Yersultanova, and Guldariga Kenzhebaeva. "2013 Favorite Subscription 2022 PhS Library Issue 5 (june) PhS Library Issue 4 (april) PhS Library Issue 3 (february) PhS Library Issue 2 (december) You are here Home » Archive » 2022 ISSUE No 6 (November) Добавить статью GENERAL AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS Category functions in the process of recategorization Ch.G. Gogichev Pages: 3..11 DOI: 10.20339/PhS.6-22.003 1 Правка The mechanisms of deviation from norms in computer-mediated communication I.G. Ovchinnikova, L.L. Cherepanova Pages: 12..20 DOI: 10.20339/PhS.6-22.012 1 Правка Influence of national characteristics on the formation of conceptual structure of diplomatic style." Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education, no. 6 (November 2022): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.6-22.021.

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The purpose of the article is to form a conceptual structure of the diplomatic style. The diplomatic style is not diplomatic discourse. Both are two different categories. The parameters of diplomatic communication for modern society differ in style. Diplomacy is a diplomatic tactic not only in relations between states but also in the management of social groups and interpersonal relations. Successful diplomatic communication requires effective strategy and tactical skills. Because diplomatic communication is a socio-political relationship, it has a style. The article presents a conceptual structure typical of the diplomatic style. First, the stylistic structure of the diplomatic language was determined, gestures and facial expressions used in diplomatic relations were analyzed. Types of negotiations, the characteristics of a diplomat — the characteristics of a leader were identified. The etiquette of diplomatic speech was defined. The etiquette of diplomatic uniforms has been clarified. All this proved to be a conceptual structure of diplomatic style. Diplomacy of agreement and compromise is not only a peacemaker but also a commercial interest, an invitation to trade, publication, distribution‎.
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Nur Heriyanto, Dodik Setiawan. "The Use of Immunity Doctrine in Commercial Activities in Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, s2 (July 1, 2017): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0033.

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Abstract This study traces the history of the formation of immunities concept and its application in commercial activities in ancient Mesopotamia and Greece. The doctrine of immunity is discussed based on the historical process starting from the myth, concept, and its implementation in the commercial/trade activities. By using historical approach, this study shows that in Mesopotamia and Greece, traders or merchants enjoyed absolute immunity due to their position as the representative of their King or polis in which their commercial acts and diplomatic mission were combined. In Mesopotamia, merchants enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and one would not be wrong to suppose that in such enterprises commercial activity and diplomatic mission were combined. Compared to the Mesopotamian practices that granted all traders with the status of immunity from public obligations, in ancient Greece only traders with honorific conditions could enjoy the status of proxenos.
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10

Park, Bokyeong, and Hongshik Lee. "Motivations for Bilateral Aid Allocation in Korea: Humanitarian, Commercial, or Diplomatic?" Asian Economic Papers 14, no. 1 (January 2015): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00335.

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This study investigates Korea's motivations for foreign aid allocation, analyzing panel data from over 180 countries for the last 20 years. The results show that Korea's aid allocation reflects both recipient needs and Korea's own national interests but does not consistently consider aid effectiveness. Korean aid is also characterized by its use as an instrument of both summit diplomacy and resource security. In addition, its commercial motivations appear to have shifted over time, from export promotion to overseas investment support. Despite internal and external pressures, there is no obvious evidence that Korea's allocation rule converges with international guidelines that recommend greater consideration of recipient needs and aid effectiveness and less consideration of donor interests.
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11

Gorodnia, N., and Y. Protsenko. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE U.S.–SAUDI RELATIONS (1931–1940)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 151 (2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.2.

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This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King Ibn Saud due to commercial interests. Hereafter the Department of State initiated the U.S.–Saudi Provisional Agreement in regard to Diplomatic and Consular Representation, Juridical Protection, Commerce and Navigation, signed in November 1933. It was aimed at protecting the rights of the U.S. citizens, who worked in the Kingdom since 1931, especially after obtaining the oil concession by the California Standard Oil company in May 1933. However, the diplomatic representative to Saudi Arabia was not appointed. This issue was mainstreamed when commercial volumes of oil were discovered in Saudi Arabia in 1938, the U.S. oil company signed its second concession agreement in 1939, and the U. S. commercial interests in Saudi Arabia had significantly increased. Besides, the representatives of Great Britain, Germany and Japan intensified their activities to obtain oil concessions in Saudi Arabia. The King Ibn Saud highly appreciated exclusively commercial U.S. interests, the absence of its intentions to expand political influence or to take over Saudi territories. For these reasons, he preferred cooperation with the United States to other nations. The U.S.–Saudi diplomatic relations were established on February 4, 1940, when B. Fish, who was the U. S. Minister–resident in Egypt, presented his credentials to the King Ibn Saud. The decision to establish diplomatic representation in Saudi Arabia was taken in June–July 1939. It was caused by the increasing competition for Saudi oil, not a beginning of the World War, as some scholars suggest.
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Mukhamedjanova, Lola Polvonovna. "DIPLOMATIC AND COMMERCIAL RELATIONS OF BUKHARA WITH RUSSIA IN XVI-XVIII CENTURIES." Theoretical & Applied Science 82, no. 02 (February 28, 2020): 206–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15863/tas.2020.02.82.38.

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13

Kossewska. "Books and Politics: On Polish- Israeli Commercial and Diplomatic Relations, 1948–1958." Polish Review 60, no. 4 (2015): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.60.4.0067.

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Latief, Mohamad, Yulia Rimapradesi, and Farhan Riswandha Jhuswanto. "Commercial Diplomacy of PT INKA (PERSERO) Indonesia in the Export of Goods Carriage for KiwiRail New Zealand in 2021." Intermestic: Journal of International Studies 7, no. 1 (November 30, 2022): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.3.

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Artikel ini menjelaskan peran PT INKA dalam kegiatan ekspor gerbong barang untuk KiwiRail New Zealand. Konsep yang digunakan adalah diplomasi komersial, nation branding, dan ta�awun. Model penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Data yang diperoleh berdasarkan studi pustaka berupa buku, jurnal, dan media online maupun offline. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa PT INKA melakukan diplomasi komersial berupa kegiatan ekspor, kerja sama bisnis, dan promosi perdagangan yang membuat PT INKA semakin dikenal dalam pasar global. Hal tersebut menjadi daya tarik serta pertimbangan bagi UGL Rail untuk menjalin kontrak dengan PT INKA. Selanjutnya UGL Rail menghubungi PT INKA untuk meminta kesediaannya memenuhi supply tender KiwiRail tersebut. Dengan demikian diplomasi komersial PT INKA Indonesia bukan hanya menempatkan dirinya sebagai supplier yang membantu UGL Rail untuk memenuhi kontrak atas tender pengadaan gerbong barang tipe Container flat top wagon untuk KiwiRail New Zealand saja. Tetapi juga sebagai promosi perusahaan dan juga Indonesia sebagai negara asalnya di internasional.
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Wirta, Kaarle, and Henri Hannula. "Trade Must Go On. The Tar Trade, Nordic Rivalry, and Cross-Imperial Commercial Diplomacy, 1675–79." Legatio: The Journal for Renaissance and Early Modern Diplomatic Studies, no. 5 (January 1, 2022): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/legatio.2021.03.

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The Scanian War fought between Sweden and Denmark (1675–1679) is an example of an armed conflict, which uncovers the clash between the commercial and political interests. This article analyses the dispute between the political allies, the Danish Crown and the Dutch States General considering the trade with Sweden. The Danish naval officials had captured and confiscated the cargoes of seven Dutch tar vessels, heading to Amsterdam from present-day Finland in 1677, which resulted in a major political dispute between Denmark and the Dutch Republic. By drawing upon the methodology of new diplomatic history, the article analyses the negotiations between the diplomatic actors involved in the disputes relating to the confiscation of the ships, all of whom represented the various powers involved in the Baltic export trade.
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Gilmar Masiero, João Eduardo Albino Pimentel, and Priscila Helena Lee. "Brazil-South Korea: Political-Diplomatic, Commercial and Cooperative Evolution in Science and Technology." Journal of Lusophone Area Studies 6, no. 2 (December 2009): 65–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21540/kalas.6.2.200912.65.

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17

Heinsen-Roach, Erica. "Consuls-of-State and the Redemption of Slaves: The Dutch Republic and the Western Mediterranean, 1616–1651." Itinerario 39, no. 1 (April 2015): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115315000133.

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At the end of the sixteenth century, the Dutch Republic developed a trade empire of global proportions. The Dutch government played a substantial role in building and sustaining merchant enterprises by allowing chartered companies to act on its behalf. In the Mediterranean, however, the authorities relied on a variety of commercial-diplomatic agents to promote commerce. This article argues that Dutch consuls in the western Mediterranean transformed from merchant-consuls into state-representatives and played a crucial role in sustaining diplomatic relations with states in the Maghreb. By comparing the conditions under which consuls liberated captives in Algiers and Morocco during the first half of the seventeenth century, the article examines how consuls continuously had to adjust their mission to the interests of different institutions and individuals. The article concludes that the expansion of Dutch global commerce in the Mediterranean did not evolve according to a standard script but in consuls’ interactions with local conditions and customary practices. The article contributes to the New Diplomatic History that emphasizes how successful diplomatic relations in the early modern world depended on a range of different diplomatic actors who created forms of state diplomacy beyond treaty making and alliances.
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18

Kooria, Mahmood. "Politics, Economy and Islam in ‘Dutch Ponnāni’, Malabar Coast." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341473.

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AbstractPonnāni was a port in southwestern India that resisted the Portuguese incursions in the sixteenth century through the active involvement of religious, mercantile and military elites. In the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Ponnāni was the only place where the Dutch East India Company had commercial access into the kingdom of the Zamorins of Calicut. When the Dutch gained prominence in the coastal belt, this port town became the main centre for their commercial, diplomatic, and political transactions. But as a religious centre it began to recede into oblivion in the larger Indian Ocean and Islamic scholarly networks. The present article examines this dual process and suggests important reasons for the transformations. It argues that the port town became crucial for diplomatic and economic interests of the Dutch East India Company and the Zamorins, whereas its Muslim population became more parochial as they engaged with themselves than with the larger socio-political and scholarly networks.
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Truninger, Monica. "Engaging Science with Commercial Partners." Gastronomica 15, no. 3 (2015): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2015.15.3.40.

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Engaging with commercial partners is increasingly required by public science funding agencies and encouraged by government officials. Reasons for this shift include alleviating the strain on government science budgets and opening up possibilities for scientists to secure jobs in private companies. Universities have also begun to advocate for strategies and policies that facilitate commercial collaborations. Similarly, there is interest—although still scattered in Portugal—among the business sector to look for “something different” in order to prepare for the complex problems that await in an uncertain future. This essay addresses the process of gaining entrée to a major Portuguese food retailer by making use of the metaphors of flirting and dating. The slow process of engagement with this retailer is described, in particular a two-day “backstage” visit of its food retail operations. During these interactions the challenges of commercial–science collaborations with regard to differing expectations and objectives—in areas such as trust issues; confidentiality agreements; integrity of scientific objectives versus the pressures of market-driven organizations; the different nature and uses of information—are unveiled. The disparate conceptions of time and output delivery, together with the different rhythms of making business and making science, are discussed. To conclude, the “dating” and “flirting” stages of the relationship between social researchers and food retailers reflect a slow process that involves diplomatic skills, open minds, and the constant juggling of “familiar” and “unfamiliar” ways of thinking and doing.
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Young, Mary M., and Susan J. Henders. "‘Other Diplomacies’ and World Order: Historical Insights from Canadian–Asian Relations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 4 (September 27, 2016): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341352.

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This article examines the diplomatic practices of non-state actors in the history of Canadian–Eastern Asian relations in order to theorize and show empirically how diplomacies make and can transform world orders. Analysing examples of trans-Pacific missionary, commercial and labour interactions from the late eighteenth century to the Second World War, the article points to how the diplomatic practices of non-state actors, often in everyday circumstances, enacted Canadian–Asian relations. They, in turn, constituted and challenged the hierarchical social relations of the European imperial world order that was linked with race, class, gender, civilization and culture — hierarchies that conditioned patterns of thought and action, in that order. The analysis uses and further develops the concept of ‘other diplomacies’, as introduced by Beier and Wylie, to highlight the centrality to world orders of practices that have a diplomatic character, even when the actors involved do not represent states.
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Chaziza, Mordechai. "China’s Economic Diplomacy Approach in the Middle East Conflicts." China Report 55, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518818210.

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This study analyses China’s economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing’s economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region’s hotspots.
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Fry-McKibbin, Renée, and Than Thuong Nguyen. "Does Commercial Diplomacy Overcome Impediments to International Economic Flows? The Case of Australia." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14011015.

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Summary This article empirically examines the effectiveness of commercial diplomacy in contributing to Australia’s merchandise exports and inbound foreign investment with 181 countries over the period 2010-2015. The combined effect of diplomatic entities increases Australian exports by 12.9 per cent and increases inbound foreign investment by 16.1 per cent compared to countries without representation. Commercial diplomacy is effective when there are impediments to exporting, such as markets being outside the region and having low economic freedom. Commercial diplomacy substantially boosts inbound investment from countries outside and within the region, from emerging and developed markets, and from countries with high levels of economic freedom.
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Vu Thanh, Hélène. "The Role of the Franciscans in the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Philippines and Japan in the 16th–17th Centuries: Transpacific Geopolitics?" Itinerario 40, no. 2 (August 2016): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000346.

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This article proposes to study the role of Franciscan missionaries in the establishment of economic and diplomatic relations between the Spanish Philippines and Japan. More specifically, it argues that the missionaries played an active part in the construction of a trans-pacific commercial and religious network connecting the Spanish Americas with Asia. In so doing, the article aims at correcting the commonplace historiographical assumption that the Franciscan presence in Japan was negligible and of little interest compared to the Jesuits’. Indeed, the diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines were set against a general context of Iberian expansion in Asia. The Spanish conquered Manila in 1571 for chiefly commercial reasons. However, the spreading of the faith provided a justification for Spanish territorial ambitions in Asia. In this process, the Franciscans played a prominent role, as they were picked as ambassadors to Japan by the governor of Manila. The Franciscans did not have mere regional ambitions for Japan: they intended the country to become a hub for the whole Pacific region.
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Reilly, James. "China's Economic Engagement in North Korea." China Quarterly 220 (October 31, 2014): 915–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741014001143.

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AbstractSince 2005, central Chinese leaders have successfully encouraged local governments and commercial actors to expand their economic interactions with North Korea. However, the resulting expansion in commercial actors and economic interactions has intensified a principal-agent dilemma for Chinese leaders, exacerbating diplomatic tensions, eroding border security, and undermining popular support for Beijing's engagement strategy. In comparison with China's other neighbours, North Korea presents both a difficult case for stimulating economic engagement and a relatively easy case for enforcement. These dynamics are even more likely to emerge across China's 13 other land neighbours.
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Silva, Joaquim Ramos. "Michel Meyer, La nouvelle diplomatie commerciale brésilienne – Lula : danse avec le Sud, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2005, 164 p., ISBN : 2-7475-9909-4 (« Diplomatie et Stratégie »)." Lusotopie 15, no. 1 (October 23, 2008): 239–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17683084-01501028.

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26

Harrison, Mark. "Disease, diplomacy and international commerce: the origins of international sanitary regulation in the nineteenth century." Journal of Global History 1, no. 2 (July 2006): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806000131.

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During the early nineteenth century, European nations began to contemplate cooperation in sanitary matters, starting a diplomatic process that culminated in the International Sanitary Conferences and the first laws on the control of infectious disease. This article examines the origins of these conferences and highlights certain features that have been neglected in existing scholarship. It argues that while commercial pressures were the main stimuli to the reform of quarantine, these were insufficient in themselves to explain why most European nations came to see greater cooperation as desirable. It places special emphasis on the diplomatic context and shows that the peace of 1815 produced a climate in which many European nations envisaged a more systematic and liberal sanitary regime.
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صبري شاكر, أحمد, and أزهار عبد الرحمن عبد الكريم. "نشوء وتنامي الصلات التجارية الأميركية مع الصين حتى عام 1844." Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no. 23 (January 17, 2018): 161–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss23.197.

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1- D.C.U.S.A , The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Archive. . 2- L.C.C. , The Letters of Continental Congress 3- A.C.U.S.C.D.D., Annals of Congress , U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates ,1774-1875. 4- A.C.C.R., Annals of Congress Commercial Report. 5- U.S.H.R.E.D. ,United States House of Representatives Executive Documents. 6- (T.E.C.F.P.) ,Treaties The Empire of China Foreign Powers.
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Oliveira, Letícia Cunha de Andrade, and Adriana Schor. "DO BRASIL PARA MOÇAMBIQUE: transferência e implementação do programa mais alimentos." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 2 (December 27, 2020): 782. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n2p782-801.

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O Programa Mais Alimentos Internacional combina a convencional cooperação técnica em agricultura com uma linha de crédito direcionada a pequenos agricultores moçambicanos para aquisição de maquinário brasileiro para o mercado agrícola. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o processo de implementação do PMAI em Moçambique. Para tanto, realiza cerca de quarenta entrevistas no Brasil e em Moçambique, uma pesquisa de campo de quinze dias em onze municípios de Moçambique, inclusive na zona rural, e análise de comunicação telegráfica entre os governos brasileiro e moçambicano. Acombinação dessas técnicas permitiu concluir que a) o PMAI em Moçambique não impactou significativamente nenhum dos lados envolvidos na cooperação, b) o Brasil pode superar o discurso tradicional da diplomacia e se beneficiar dacooperação sul-sul através de ganhos comerciais e c) o PMAI, embora tenha proporcionado aumento da produtividade dos agricultores moçambicanos de forma geral, esbarrou no problema do acesso ao mercado.Palavras-chave: Programa Mais Alimentos Internacional. Brasil. Moçambique. Transferência. Implementação.FROM BRAZIL TO MOZAMBIQUE: transference and implementation of More Food ProgramAbstractMore Food Program combines the conventional technical cooperation in agriculture with a credit line directed to Mozambican small farmers for acquiring Brazilian agricultural machinery. This article aims at analyzing MFP’s implementation in Mozambique, goal that was fulfilled through the following techniques - almost forty interviews in Brazil and Mozambique, a field research in eleven Mozambican municipalities, including the rural zone, and analysis of telegraphic communication between Brazilian and Mozambican governments. The combination of these techniques showed that a) MFP did not materially impact any of the sides involved in this cooperation, b) Brazil can overcome traditional diplomatic discourse and benefit from south-south cooperation through commercial gains and c) MFP enables Mozambican farmers to increase their productivity but comes into conflict with market access issues.Keywords: More Food International Program. Brazil. Mozambique. Transference. Implementation.
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John, Robert Erwin, and John H. Schroedr. "Shaping a Maritime Empire: The Commercial and Diplomatic Role of the American Navy, 1829-1861." American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (December 1986): 1269. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864531.

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Bauer, K. Jack, and John H. Schroeder. "Shaping a Maritime Empire: The Commercial and Diplomatic Role of the American Navy, 1829-1861." Military Affairs 51, no. 4 (October 1987): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1987960.

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Harmon, J. Scott, and John H. Schroeder. "Shaping a Maritime Empire: The Commercial and Diplomatic Role of the American Navy, 1829-1861." Journal of American History 73, no. 2 (September 1986): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908267.

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Langley, Harold D., and John H. Schroeder. "Shaping a Maritime Empire: The Commercial and Diplomatic Role of the American Navy, 1829-1861." Journal of Southern History 53, no. 1 (February 1987): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2208641.

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33

Killian, Pantri Muthriana Erza. "Economic Diplomacy as A Subject and Research Agenda: Practical, Conceptual and Methodological Issue." Jurnal Global & Strategis 15, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.15.1.2021.51-78.

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Dalam kurun waktu 15-20 tahun terakhir, diplomasi ekonomi menjadi salah satu topik riset yang cukup diminati, seiring dengan semakin aktifnya negara-negara di dunia melakukan aktivitas ini. Australia, Jepang, Cina dan Indonesia merupakan contoh negara-negara yang telah melakukan restrukturisasi terhadap instrumen dan arah politik luar negeri untuk mengakomodasi masuknya diplomasi ekonomi sebagai salah satu agenda utama politik luar negerinya. Sayangnya, sebagai suatu kajian baru, diplomasi ekonomi masih mengalami beberapa tantangan utama, khususnya dalam proses pembentukan pengetahuan (knowledge-building process), yang ditandai dengan permasalahan pada tiga aspek utama yakni isu konseptual, metodologis dan alat analisis. Berdasarkan penelusuran terhadap referensi-referensi utamanya, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa diplomasi ekonomi masih membutuhkan konsolidasi di berbagai aspek termasuk definisi, varian/aliran, metode penelitian dan kerangka teori. Lebih lanjut, dikotomi antara studi diplomasi dan ilmu ekonomi – sebagai ilmu induk diplomasi ekonomi – juga menyebabkan polarisasi yang cukup signifikan dan berpengaruh pada perkembangannya sebagai bidang kajian. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengusulkan upaya-upaya untuk mengatasi permasalahan-permasalahan ini dan membentuk diplomasi ekonomi sebagai suatu kajian dan agenda riset yang lebih tertata, sistematis, dan komprehensif.Kata-kata kunci: diplomasi ekonomi, diplomasi, diplomasi dagang, diplomasi komersialWithin the last 15-20 years, economic diplomacy has emerged to become an intriguing research topic, in line with states’ growing practice in this activity. Australia, Japan, China, and Indonesia are amongst the states who had restructured their instruments and foreign policy directions to incorporate economic diplomacy as an integral part of it. However, as a new research area, economic diplomacy faces several challenges in its knowledge-building process, most notably in formulating the conceptual, methodological, and analytical basis of the study. By tracing the core references of economic diplomacy, this paper finds that, as a research agenda, economic diplomacy lacks consolidation regarding its definition, variants/strands, research methods dan theoretical models. Moreover, the rigid dichotomy between diplomacy and economy – as the knowledge base of economic diplomacy – creates a significant polarisation, affecting economic diplomacy’s development as a new research field. Therefore, this paper seeks to introduce ways to overcome these problems and develop economic diplomacy as a more systematic and comprehensive research agenda.Keywords: economic diplomacy, diplomacy, trade diplomacy, commercial diplomacy
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Freund, Lawrence S. "New Jersey’s Barbary Diplomat (Part 1 of 2)." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 2 (July 21, 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v8i2.284.

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Charles Davenport Coxe, the descendant of a prominent New Jersey family, likely inspired by the exploits of a small detachment of U.S. Marines in the spring of 1805 in Libya, accepted a commission as a second lieutenant in the Corps that fall, leading to an unanticipated (but coveted) diplomatic career. A few years earlier, Coxe had lobbied for consular appointments in France. Now, arriving aboard a U.S. warship in Tunis harbor, he found himself ordered ashore by his ship’s commander to replace the late American chargé d’affaires. While exploiting the commercial opportunities of his consular post, Coxe also became directly involved in the politics of the region, notably the seizure of American ships by both the Barbary regencies as well as European powers. In 1810, he exercised considerable diplomatic skill in avoiding a clash between Tunis and the United States over the contested ownership of a commercial vessel. Coxe departed Tunis in 1815, returning to the United States and the family home in New Jersey, although not without hope of reclaiming one of his former positions. That story, however, will unfold in part two of this piece, in the Winter 2023 issue of NJ Studies.
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Dunning, Chester. "James I, the Russia Company, and the Plan to Establish a Protectorate Over North Russia." Albion 21, no. 2 (1989): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049926.

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In the decade preceding the establishment of the Romanov dynasty in 1613, Muscovite Russia went through a catastrophic period known as the Time of Troubles which was characterized by political unrest, famine, regicide, social upheaval, and foreign intervention. In the final, darkest years of the Time of Troubles many people doubted that Muscovy, which for a time lacked a ruler or even a central government, would be able to survive as an independent state. It appeared more likely that Catholic Poland would conquer the country or that Sweden would come to dominate it. The English, who had established diplomatic and commercial relations with Muscovy in the 1550s and who watched events there with considerable interest, were horrified by reports that the Poles had captured Moscow, that the Swedes had seized much Russian territory, and that factions of the Muscovite lords were negotiating with their aggressive neighbors for a foreign tsar. This eventually led the English to contemplate acquiring North Russia and the commercially important port of Arkhangel'sk for themselves. As strange as it seems, for a brief period of time King James I actually dreamed of adding part of Muscovy to his “empire.”
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Houweling, Henk, and Mehdi Parvizi Amineh. "VIII. The US and the EU in CEA Relations with Regional Powers." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986389.

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AbstractThe US and the EU are important external actors in the post-Soviet CEA region. One challenge confronting US policymakers is balancing commercial interests in the region with security interests and foreign policy goals. These include a desire to contain Iran, partly because of its support for radical Islamic forces in the Middle East, to prevent regional conflicts, assist NATO-member Turkey—a critical ally in an area that is of top US-security interest, and to normalize its relations with China, whose military potential and alliance with Russia is perceived as a threat to its own security interests. Commercially, the EU is not as involved in CEA as the US. The main powers in the EU—Britain, France and Germany— give priority to other regions over CEA. Britain puts emphasis on the Baltic States, France focuses on North Africa, and Germany has been more preoccupied with the development of Eastern Europe. As a group, the member countries of the EU act mostly in the context of economic assistance and diplomatic contacts. Military agreements have been signed on a bilateral basis mostly with Georgia.
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Simões, Fernando Dias. "Macau: A Seat for Sino-Lusophone Commercial Arbitration." Journal of International Arbitration 29, Issue 4 (August 1, 2012): 375–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2012025.

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One of the most meaningful paths of China's economic and diplomatic 'charm offensive' is the promotion of high-level contacts with the Portuguese-speaking countries. China is well aware of the potentials which derive from the use of the Portuguese language as a means of strategic projection. Macau plays an unmatched role in the promotion of economic and trade cooperation between China and the 'Lusophone World'. In 2010, during the third Ministerial Conference of the 'Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-Speaking Countries', the Ministers agreed to analyse the comparative advantages of Macau in the knowledge of Chinese and Portuguese-speaking legal systems, promoting Macau as one of the venues for arbitration regarding eventual disputes concerning trade between Chinese and Portuguese-speaking entrepreneurs. In this article we discuss the comparative advantages and weaknesses of Macau as a seat for commercial arbitration between entrepreneurs from China and Portuguese-speaking countries. To assert itself as a reliable seat for international arbitration between two such different worlds, Macau needs to adopt a more proactive approach towards arbitration, inter alia by improving its statutory regime and enhancing its pool of experienced legal professionals and translators with the proper language skills and cultural awareness.
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Sung, Chit Cheung Matthew. "‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum’: What do non-native speakers say about who they want to sound like?" English Today 29, no. 2 (May 8, 2013): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078413000102.

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English nowadays plays an important role in the political, diplomatic, commercial, economic and cultural activities on the global stage (see, e.g., Graddol, 1997, 2006; Jenkins, 2000; Warschauer, 2000; Crystal, 2003). As a result of the widespread use of English around the globe, several scholars contend that English no longer exclusively represents the culture of native English-speaking countries, nor are they the exclusive ‘owners’ of English (see e.g. Widdowson, 1994).
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Holten, Birgitte. "Brazil's Early Nineteenth-Century Policy Towards Denmark and Sweden, 1808–1831." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021550.

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Brazil's active foreign policy tradition dates from the beginning of its existence as an independent state in the early nineteenth century. More than the former Spanish colonies in Latin America, Brazil considered the international recognition of its sovereignty an important goal. Therefore, Brazil demonstrated in the 1820s a great interest in the establishment of diplomatic relations and the negotiation of commercial treaties with the European nations and the United States.
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BORSCHBERG, PETER. "Cornelis Matelief, Hugo Grotius, and the King of Siam (1605–1616): Agency, initiative, and diplomacy." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 123–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000609.

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AbstractThis article addresses the proactive agency of the Siamese kings in cementing commercial and diplomatic ties with the Dutch in the first two decades of the seventeenth century. The focus will be on two interrelated developments: one, the first diplomatic mission to the Dutch Republic in 1608–1610 and, two, a scheme hatched by Siamese officials to assist the Dutch in obtaining access to the Chinese market. This was deemed necessary after the Dutch, supported by some overseas Chinese businessmen from Southeast Asia, failed to gain trading access in 1604. On the Dutch side, two men stand in the limelight: Admiral Cornelis Matelief de Jonge, a director of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and supreme commander of its second fleet to Asia, and Hugo Grotius, who at the time was a rising star in the Dutch government and would later be celebrated as one of the pathfinders of modern international law. Both their published and unpublished manuscripts will be examined to ascertain how Matelief and the VOC directors reacted to these Siamese initiatives and how, in turn, the admiral sought to mobilize and co-opt the Siamese into his own commercial and military agenda, with the help of Grotius.
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French, John D. "Commercial Foot Soldiers of the Empire: Foreign Merchant Politics in Tampico, Mexico, 1861-1866." Americas 46, no. 3 (January 1990): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007015.

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During the period from Mexican independence in 1821 to the end of the French intervention in 1867, Mexico's primary tie to the outside world was based on trade. The foreign merchants, who monopolized this activity, played a crucial role in the economic, diplomatic, and political life of Mexico. The current literature on these nineteenth century merchants includes studies of foreign groups, such as the French, detailed case studies of individual entrepreneurs, firms and merchant families, and one work that provides a unique state-centered perspective on the Mexican/merchant nexus. None, however, have tried to conceptualize the role of foreign merchants as a whole, across national lines and individual rivalries, in the port cities that were the central arena of contact and conflict with the outside world.
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Abdurasulov, Ulfat. "A Passage to India: Rhetoric and Diplomacy between Muscovy and Central Asia in the Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 44, no. 3 (December 2020): 502–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000327.

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AbstractIt is broadly assumed that attempts by the Russian state of Muscovy to establish stable diplomatic and mercantile channels to India via Central Asia were started upon the initiative of the Emperor Peter I (1682–1725). Such attempts are generally interpreted as being part of a large-scale project that reflected the growing imperial and colonial ambitions of Russia and which, in turn, entailed strong antagonism from the ruling elites of Central Asia, thereby setting a tone for relations that would continue for the next century and more of reciprocal relations between the local principalities and Russia. By exploring chancellery documents from seventeenth-century Muscovy, we find that the first diplomatic communications between Russia, Khiva, and Bukhara can in fact be dated to long before the reign of Peter I. The first Romanov tsars sought to initiate exchanges with Khiva and Bukhara as a means of establishing diplomatic and commercial ties with the Mughal emperors; at the same time, meanwhile, the authorities in Khiva and Bukhara had their own reasons for pushing Muscovy to engage with Central Asia as a conduit to India. Over the course of the seventeenth century, Central Asian diplomats went to great lengths—both in diplomatic correspondence and through direct interpersonal contacts—to convince their Russian counterparts of the region's attractiveness as a source of precious Indian commodities and as a logistically convenient passage to India. Despite such rhetoric, however, the authorities in Khiva and Bukhara were in fact highly reluctant to “open” the region to Russian agents: repeated attempts by Muscovy to engage in diplomatic fact-finding as a means of establishing influence in the region invariably foundered in the face of Central Asian resistance. Bukharan and Khivan circles seem, in fact, to have held out the enticing idea of “a passage to India” simply as a rhetorical device to secure recognition in Muscovy for their own diplomatic and mercantile missions.
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Sen, Tansen. "The Formation of Chinese Maritime Networks to Southern Asia, 1200-1450." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49, no. 4 (2006): 421–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852006779048372.

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AbstractThe period between the thirteenth and mid-fifteenth centuries marked a distinct and important phase in the history of India-China relations. This new phase was triggered by the formation of Chinese maritime networks to southern Asia. While the Song period witnessed the formation of private trade and shipping networks, the aggressive foreign policy of the Yuan court led to the establishment of a government maritime network. The maritime networking to southern Asia culminated in the increased numbers of Ming emissaries, including the fleets of the admiral Zheng He, who visited Indian ports in the fifteenth century and intervened in the diplomatic affairs of several strategic Indian commercial zones. La période qui s'étend du treizième jusqu'au milieu du quinzième siècles présente une phase distincte et importante des relations indo-chinoises. Cette nouvelle phase résulta de la création des réseaux maritimes chinois vers l' Asie du Sud. La période Song est marquée par la formation d'un commerce privatiséet des réseaux maritimes; or, l'agressive politique extérieure de la dynastie Yuan eut comme conséquence la création d'un réseau maritime officiel. Les voies maritimes qui s'ouvraient vers le sud d'Asie ont fait augmenter le nombre d'émissaires, dont la flotte de Zheng He;celui-ci visita les côtes indiennes au XVe siècle et intervint dans les affaires diplomatiques de plusieurs stratégiques zones commerciales des Indes.
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EVANS, Paul. "Techno-nationalism in China–US Relations: Implications for Universities." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (April 2020): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000161.

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The deepening strategic rivalry between China and the United States has military, diplomatic, ideological, trade, financial and commercial dimensions. One is in the area of emerging and transformative technologies in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution that has spawned a techno-nationalist competition with global implications including for universities. This article outlines the American government’s efforts in managing research and training interactions with China and their implications for other countries, Canada and Singapore in particular.
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Zweiffel, Łukasz, and Beata Langer. "Over Four Centuries of Relations between the Netherlands and Türkiye." Historia i Polityka, no. 42 (49) (December 7, 2022): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2022.027.

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The year 2012 marked the 400th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Netherlands and Türkiye. The history of Dutch-Turkish relations presented in the work is a synthetic description of the mutual relations between the two countries. In the political relations between the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands and Türkiye, in addition to the commercial reasons characteristic to the Republic, it was the existence of a common enemy that united the countries, although over the course of four centuries, it was the commercial relations that dominated over the political ones. In the historical outline presented, it can be seen that the activities of the two countries proceeded quite smoothly, however, the recent history may bring a greater number of conflicts related to migration.
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VAN MEERSBERGEN, GUIDO. "THE DIPLOMATIC REPERTOIRES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANIES IN MUGHAL SOUTH ASIA, 1608–1717." Historical Journal 62, no. 4 (July 18, 2019): 875–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1900027x.

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AbstractThis article presents the first survey of the full range of diplomatic interactions between the Mughal Empire and the English and Dutch East India Companies (EIC and VOC) in the period 1608–1717. It proposes a typology of the six different modes of diplomacy practised by the EIC and VOC as a means to understand better the distinct nature of corporate diplomacy. Moving its focus beyond exceptional embassies, this article demonstrates that by far the most common forms of Company diplomatic activity consisted of low-profile petitioning at the imperial centre and ongoing political interactions with provincial and local power-holders. It draws on c. fifty distinct episodes to chart how Dutch and English diplomatic repertoires in South Asia took shape in response to local demands and conventions. Both Companies petitioned Mughal emperors in much the same way as Indian subjects did, and both relied on Mughal patrons to do so. Cast in the role of supplicants seeking imperial favour and protection, Company envoys presented themselves as obliging participants in the ceremonial performance of an asymmetrical relationship. By tying commercial privileges to expectations of submission and service, the imperial government proceeded to incorporate these foreign actors into a domestic political framework.
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Wade, Gordon. "A Matter of Interpretation: Constructing and Interpreting Commercial Contracts under the Common Law and the Convention on the International Sale of Goods." Global Journal of Comparative Law 4, no. 1 (April 17, 2015): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211906x-00401001.

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Contractual disputes concerning interpretation can be the most intractable of all contractual disputes and their outcome is notoriously difficult to predict. The interpretation of contradictory or ambiguous contractual provisions may often be necessary in order to determine, inter alia, the effect of the parties’ actions upon the performance of the contract and what the substantive contractual obligations actually are. Contractual interpretation in civil law and common law jurisdictions proceeds from fundamentally different perspectives, particularly when viewed in light of a recognised international private law convention, the cisg. Comparing and contrasting the common law and the cisg shows the latter to be the product of a diplomatic conference comprising 62 States and eight international organisations and not a series of ancient pronouncements of English judges who developed commercial law through 19th century sensibilities. The cisg and the common law are, however, not poles apart but the cisg was born because commercial trading, commercial agreements and the parties involved have become increasingly internationalised, complex and sophisticated.
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Kamerling, Susanne, and Frans-Paul Van Der Putten. "An Overseas Naval Presence without Overseas Bases: China's Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 40, no. 4 (December 2011): 119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261104000405.

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This article aims to assess how China is using its navy to secure its interests in the Gulf of Aden, and what this means for the European Union. The analysis of how China's naval presence in the Gulf of Aden has evolved since early 2009 suggests that China's increasing interests and involvement in Africa do not necessarily lead to the establishment of Chinese naval bases in or close to the continent. To supply its ships, the Chinese navy may well continue using the commercial-diplomatic model that China has been developing. This model is based on China's close diplomatic relations with countries in the region and the extensive presence of Chinese companies to whom logistical services can be outsourced and who are under a greater degree of state influence than most Western multinationals. One of the consequences of this approach is that although China may not establish overseas military bases, it may be able to keep expanding its naval presence in or around Africa.
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Labutina, Tatiana L. "How the Russian-British commercial treaty of 1734 was prepared (based on the materials of diplomatic correspondence)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 3 (September 24, 2021): 337–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-3-337-344.

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Based on the analysis of diplomatic correspondence of British ambassador in Russia at the court of Empress Anna Ioannovna highlights the process of preparation for the conclusion of the Russian-British commercial treaty in 1734. In foreign and Russian historiography, the treaty was actively discussed, but the plot related to its preparatory stage was poorly covered, or not touched at all. The author draws attention to the complex nature of the negotiations, the persistence and skill of the British negotiators in achieving their goals, and the weakness and inability to protect the national interests of certain high-ranking Russian officials. The treaty of 1734 is estimated by the author as unequal and the most profitable for the English merchant class.
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Davies, Ronald B. "Comments by Ronald B. Davies, on Motivations for Bilateral Aid Allocation in Korea: Humanitarian, Commercial, or Diplomatic?" Asian Economic Papers 14, no. 1 (January 2015): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00336.

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