Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Diplomazia commerciale'

La ricerca si è posta come fine lo studio delle politiche di sviluppo dell’Italia in Africa e la loro evoluzione a cavallo fra gli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta. La tesi ricostruisce quindi gli aspetti principali, anche a livello normativo, di quel decennio di incerta sperimentazione nell’assistenza, che precedette in Italia l’avvio di una vera e propria politica di cooperazione allo sviluppo. Analizzando l’evoluzione delle relazioni postcoloniali attraverso le politiche degli aiuti e mettendo a fuoco i moventi, gli esiti e le prospettive delle politiche di assistenza italiane nel continente africano, si è tentato poi di comprendere come e in che momenti la cooperazione italiana abbia portato con sé il ribaltamento della prospettiva coloniale e si è affrontato il tema della permanenza della cultura coloniale nel contesto del dopoguerra in Italia. Nel tentativo di portare alla luce discontinuità e persistenze dei rapporti italiani con l’Africa, ci si è interrogati su come le valutazioni italiane sugli obiettivi da raggiungere nell’azione in Africa e sul modo di perseguirli mutino nel tempo e su quanto questo cambiamento sia derivato da un consapevole e condiviso progetto politico, gestito all’interno delle strutture dello Stato da uno specifico gruppo di “esperti” di questioni africane e influenzato più o meno da altri attori, dall’azione dei partiti politici, dai gruppi economici e dalla stessa società civile. È stata applicata allo scopo una nozione di cooperazione la più ampia possibile, che comprende quindi non solo i veri e propri aiuti, ma anche i diversi piani d’azione paralleli: l’ambito politico-diplomatico in primo luogo, ma anche quello della diplomazia commerciale e dei contatti culturali. La vastità delle aree di interesse della politica italiana verso l’Africa in quegli anni ha imposto la necessità di ridurre il campo di indagine, selezionando alcuni paesi da analizzare più in dettaglio per chiarirne i rapporti con l’Italia. La scelta di un approccio comparativo, del resto, ha dato respiro a tutta l’indagine, permettendo di fornire una panoramica completa del modus operandi dell’Italia in Africa attraverso i quattro case studies individuati, ovvero la Somalia, la Libia, la Tunisia e il Sudan; contesti in cui si possono rintracciare peculiarità interessanti per ciò che concerne la situazione pregressa dell’influenza italiana, la presenza di gruppi di pressione locale ed esterni diversificati per ruolo e grado di interesse, la metodologia cooperativa. Essendo il tema quasi completamente inevaso dalla storiografia, la tesi si appoggia abbondantemente su fonti d’archivio, ovvero sommariamente: per la ricostruzione della normativa si è fatto riferimento agli Atti parlamentari dalla I alla V legislatura (con specifica attenzione per le discussioni all’interno della Commissione III per gli Affari Esteri); per il piano d’azione politico-diplomatico, alle carte dell’Ufficio III della Direzione Generale Affari Politici del MAE; per la diplomazia commerciale, all’archivio della Direzione Generale Sviluppo e Scambi del Ministero per il Commercio Estero; per la più ampia ricostruzione delle complesse reti di relazioni fra la politica e tutto quel mondo “africano” che in Italia di quei temi continua a occuparsi anche dopo la perdita delle colonie, si sono visionati gli archivi privati di due personalità democristiane direttamente coinvolte nel processo di ridefinizione dei rapporti italiani con l’Africa postcoloniale, ovvero l’Archivio Brusasca e l’Archivio Vedovato.
The aim of this study is to investigate Italy’s development cooperation policies and their evolution in Africa between the 1950s and the 1960s. Therefore, the report retraces Italian main approaches – also from the regulatory point of view – adopted in that decade of tentative help actions which preceded a real cooperation. The analyse of postcolonial relationships evolution by such support policies, and the focus on motives, results and prospects of Italian assistance to Africa try to understand how and when such a behaviour brought about the reversal of the country’s colonial attitude, and to verify the permanence of a colonial culture in Italy during the postwar period.

La Turquie, comme de nombreux pays, a pris conscience de l'importance de mettre en œuvre une diplomatie commerciale active. Cette thèse se donne pour objectif d'analyser les aspects juridiques de la diplomatie commerciale turque. Une réflexion est menée sur le concept même de la diplomatie commerciale dont il n'existe pas de définition faisant l'unanimité. Dans le cadre de l'étude des fondements de la diplomatie commerciale de la Turquie, l'histoire de cette diplomatie est analysée dans un premier temps, suivie de l'étude de sa législation, sans délaisser l'analyse des institutions et des acteurs turcs qui interviennent dans son élaboration. La thèse comporte également une réflexion sur l'intégration de la Turquie dans l'économie mondiale. Cette réflexion s'articule essentiellement autour de l'étude des aspects multilatéraux et plurilatéraux, mais également régionaux et bilatéraux de la diplomatie commerciale turque. Les différents axes de la diplomatie commerciale de la Turquie ont été sensiblement renforcés depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir du gouvernement AKP en 2002, grâce notamment à la politique étrangère active mise en œuvre sous l'impulsion du stratège de la diplomatie, l'ancien Ministre des Affaires Étrangères et l'actuel Premier Ministre, Ahmet Davutoglu. Ces évolutions ont permis à la Turquie de gagner en visibilité sur la scène internationale aussi bien sur le plan politique que commerciale. En effet, ce grand pays de 77 millions d'habitants, situé à la périphérie du continent européen, qui s'est fait discret durant une longue période, a commencé, et ce depuis plus d'une décennie, à faire parler d'elle. Les résultats économiques que la Turquie a obtenus en 2007 et 2008 ont été qualifiés de «miracle», notamment en comparaison avec la majorité des pays européens ayant été frappés par le ralentissement consécutif à la crise mondiale. Les années qui ont suivi ont cependant montré que cet élan a tendance à s'essouffler
Turkey, like many countries, has recognized the importance of implementing an active commercial diplomacy. This thesis has the objective to analyze the legal aspects of the Turkish commercial diplomacy. A study is conducted on the very concept of commercial diplomacy which there is no definition-consensus. As part of the study of the fundamentals of commercial diplomacy of Turkey, the history of that diplomacy is analyzed at first, followed by the study of its legislation, without neglecting the analysis of institutions and Turkish actors involved in its development. This thesis also includes a reflection on the integration of Turkey into the global economy. This reflection is essentially based around the study of multilateral and plurilateral aspects but also regional and bilateral aspects of the Turkish commercial diplomacy. The various axes of Turkey's commercial diplomacy was significantly strengthened since the AKP government came to power in 2002, especially thanks to the active foreign policy implementation under the leadership of the strategist of diplomacy, Ahmet Davutoglu, who is the former Foreign Affairs Minister and the current Prime Minister. These developments have enabled Turkey to gain visibility on the international scene both politically and commercially. Indeed, this great country of 77 million inhabitants, situated on the outskirts of the European continent, which has been discreet for a long time, started, since for more than a decade, to be talked about. The economic results that Turkey has achieved in 2007 and 2008 have been described as "miracle", especially in comparison with the majority of European countries which were hit by the subsequent slowdown in the global crisis. The ensuing years have shown, however, that this momentum tends to falter

La diplomatie commerciale de la Chine résulte d’un processus complexe. Étant donné que d’une part, elle est liée à son histoire, à sa culture et à sa géographie. D’une autre part, elle est vivement rattachée à son régime politique, à l’état de son économie et à son système juridique. Ce qui implique la mise en place d’importantes mesures d’encadrement juridiques et réglementaires émises par l’autorité législative de l’État. Cette thèse tente d’analyser la diplomatie commerciale de la Chine depuis 1978, à travers sa construction, ses règlements et ses pratiques, tout en privilégiant une approche juridique. L’enjeu principal de cette démarche est de mettre en œuvre une étude comparative entre le régime juridique commercial chinois et celui de l’OMC, afin de saisir le fondement juridique de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise. Ainsi, cette recherche se base principalement sur trois dimensions de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise : la dimension multilatérale (l’intégration dans l’OMC), la dimension régionale (la participation dans les organisations régionales comme l’ASEAN) et la dimension bilatérale (la conclusion des accords commerciaux bilatéraux). Enfin, une telle approche permet de mettre en exergue les avantages et les inconvénients de chacune de ces dimensions tout en tenant compte du contexte économique international difficile
Commercial diplomacy of China is the result of a complex process. Given that on the one hand, it is linked to its history, culture and geography. On the other hand, it is strongly linked to its political system, the state of its economy and its legal system. Which implies the implementation of important measures of legal and regulatory framework emitted by the legislative authority of the state. This thesis tries to analyze the commercial diplomacy of China since 1978, through its construction, its regulations and practices, while favoring legal approach. The main issue of this approach is to implement a comparative study of Chinese commercial law regime and the WTO in order to take the legal basis for China's trade diplomacy. Thus, this research is based on three dimensions of Chinese commercial diplomacy: multilateral dimension (integration into the WTO), the regional dimension (participation in regional organizations such as ASEAN) and the bilateral dimension (the concluding bilateral trade agreements). Finally, such an approach allows to highlight the advantages and disadvantages of each of these dimensions while considering the difficult international economic environment

The area of economic cooperation represents one of the most important components of the country's foreign policy due to its special international status. The diploma thesis is divided into four parts. The first chapter deals with the theoretical definition of economic diplomacy. The basic characteristics of the land are mentioned in the second chapter, the third part deals with the structure of commercial diplomacy in Taiwan and the last section compares bilateral relations with Taiwan's diplomatic ally and the country without official diplomatic relations.

The thesis is focusing on commercial diplomacy in the United Kingdom of Great Britain during the coalition government of David Cameron between 2010 - 2015. In globalized world, where the commercial diplomacy is done by not only state actors but also private ones, management of commercial diplomacy as well as priorities and strategies play crucial role. The Thesis analyses structure of the system and includes case study of British commercial diplomacy in the Czech Republic. Based on theoretical acknowledgments we can evaluate the of British Commercial Diplomacy in the reporting period which was affected by economic crisis.

In recent decades international economic disputes have become ever more legalized, which in principle allows states to compartmentalize individual disputes from broader diplomatic relations. Nowhere is this more true than in the international investment regime, where private investors have been empowered to directly sue host states in international arbitration, rather than relying on their home states for diplomatic support. I challenge the standard narrative that investment protection has become "depoliticized", and reveal the persistent importance of informal commercial diplomacy in the settlement of investment disputes. I show that the US government continues to intervene diplomatically in disputes between American investors and developing country governments, despite the availability of institutional alternatives. Moreover, I argue such interventions are not primarily driven by pressure from private companies, but by government bureaucracies strategically pursuing their own interests, including advocating for investment climate reforms and demonstrating the value of commercial diplomacy to domestic constituencies. The empirical support for these claims proceeds in three stages. First, I use zero-inflated negative binomial regressions to demonstrate that American investors are more likely to file formal arbitration claims when they are less able to rely on diplomatic support, namely when the position of ambassador to the host state is temporarily vacant. Second, I provide a behind-the-scenes look at American investment protection policy using an original dataset of US diplomatic interventions in 256 investment disputes discussed in internal State Department cables released via WikiLeaks. Third, I use structured, focused comparisons in seven case studies of investment disputes to probe the particular drivers of US intervention, and show that diplomatic engagement is most likely in cases where the state itself has strong interests in intervening, rather than when private pressure compels it to do so. This thesis makes important and original contributions both to the literature on the international investment regime - which to date has broadly ignored the role of commercial diplomacy in contemporary dispute settlement - and to broader debates on the legalization of international economic disputes and the strategies firms use to shield themselves from political risks.

L'action diplomatique a toujours été marquée par son statut très particulier. Elle a ainsi un effet évident sur les relations internationales et intercommunautaires. Cependant, le travail diplomatique ne se limite plus au discours politique visant à mettre fin aux affrontements militaires, il dépend plus de facteurs économiques dans un souci de concilier les intérêts et d'éviter les guerres économiques. La thèse se veut une lecture critique des plus importants acteurs de la diplomatie économique marocaine que nous avons classés selon leur importance en : acteurs officiels (l'institution royale, le gouvernement et le parlement), les nouveaux canaux de la diplomatie économique marocaine (Le conseil national du commerce extérieur, le centre marocain de la promotion des exportations, les groupes locaux et les lobbies). De ce fait les réalisations demeurent modestes et négligeables par rapport à d'autres pays dans la même situation que le Maroc. Afin de vérifier ces résultats, nous avons effectué une lecture dans les relations économiques marocaines en identifiant de nombreux points forts et de dysfonctionnements dans les choix du partenariat stratégique avec plusieurs pays. Il s'avère ainsi que la politique du libre-échange n'a pas toujours été utile pour l'économie marocaine parce qu'elle a eu des effets néfastes ou collatéraux sur de nombreux secteurs productifs et sur les relations économiques du Maroc avec d'autres pays. Parmi les plus importantes conclusions auxquelles nous avons abouties, il y a lieu de signaler la nécessité d'une mise à niveau managériale de l'économie marocaine
The diplomatic action has always been marked by its particular status. Consequently it has an obvious effect on the international and intercommunity relations. However, the diplomatic work is not only limited to the political discourse aiming at putting an end to military confrontations, but it also depends on economic factors to reconcile interests and to avoid economic wars. The present work presents a critical reading of the most important actors of the Moroccan economic diplomacy classified according to their degree of importance : official actors (the royal institution, the government and the parliament), the new channels of the Morocco economic diplomacy (the national counsel of external trade, the Morocco centre of exportation promotion, Local communes and pressure groups). Needless to say that the results of this study can be effective it they are complemented by other studies which have to dismantle the role of the actors in the Moroccan economic diplomatic work taking in to consideration planification, strategies and indicators of measurement, evaluation and results effectiveness

Informal relations between American merchant traders and the Sultanate of Oman in the port of Zanzibar began with the landing of the first American merchants about 1828. At the same approximate time, Sultan Said bin Sultan moved his official residence from Muscat, Oman, to Zanzibar, underlining the importance of Zanzibar to the administration of his territories on the East African coast. Relations were formalized by the Treaty of 1833 between the United States and Oman, and the U.S. established a consular mission in Zanzibar in 1837 and in Muscat in 1838. The growth of the Omani Empire under Sultan Said expanded and prospered during the period examined in the present research (1828-1856). Oman's growth and prosperity, resulting primarily from its possession of Zanzibar and ports on the East African coast, roughly parallels the expansion and prosperity of the Zanzibar trade to American merchant traders. After Said's death, the Omani Empire was divided in a bitter succession battle (abetted by the British, who enjoyed military dominance in the region), and this point marked the beginning of the decline of the Oman as a regional economic and political power. The present study surveys these two parallel developments over the critical 28-year reign of Sultan Said. The survey finds that, as with much economic development in the "third world" in the nineteenth century, Oman's enormous growth and prosperity during this period was directly linked to the growth and prosperity of commercial interests of a "developed" Western nation (in Oman's case, the United States). The study found that political developments between the two countries followed, and were informed and directed by, commercial developments. America's first three consuls to the Sultanate of Oman in Zanzibar were New England merchant traders more focused on their own commercial interests than on political concerns. That both parties (American traders and the Omani government) ultimately prospered is testimony to the complementary nature of their respective economic goals and foreign policy objectives.

The aim of this thesis is to examine and evaluate the approaches of China and India towards their commercial diplomacy. The performance of these countries is compared in 4 broad areas: their involvement in the World Trade Organization, their approach towards regional and bilateral trade agreements and the architecture of their export and investment promotion systems. The comparison takes into account also the institutional set up of their commercial diplomacy at the government level. In the concluding section, we determine, which system is more efficient and we try to provide explanation for the same.

Nesta dissertação analisamos as relações culturais construídas pelo escritor e diplomata colombiano Germán Arciniegas com os meios intelectuais argentinos entre 1939 e 1960, concentrando o estudo nas mediações culturais promovidas por ele. No primeiro momento as atividades de Arciniegas estiveram relacionadas com as funções diplomáticas e contemplaram o controle de informação sobre o governo colombiano e a promoção de tratados comerciais. Mas foram assuntos relativos à arte a à literatura os que concentraram os esforços de Arciniegas para estimular o diálogo e o conhecimento das tradições culturais de cada país. No segundo momento Arciniegas continuou impulsionando a integração intelectual, articulando a própria carreira e as perspectivas da consagração aos editores argentinos, e transmitindo uma imagem da história e da cultura argentina ao público do jornal colombiano El Tiempo.
This work analyses the intellectual relationships built by Colombian writer and diplomat Germán Arciniegas with Argentinian cultural institutions between 1939 and 1960. It focuses on cultural mediations arranged by him. Although initially his activities were related to diplomatic functions and contemplated the control of information about the Colombian government and the promotion of commercial deals, artistic and literary issues became what concentrated Arciniega´s efforts to stimulate the dialogue and knowledge of the cultural traditions of both countries. Subsequently, Arciniegas continues to promote intellectual integration by articulating his own career and perspective of intellectual success with Argentinian publishers, becoming the Colombian consultant for the editors and transmitting an image of Argentinian history and culture to the Colombian journal El Tiempo´s public. The work explores the political-ideological means of these activities and partnerships by the analysis of Arciniega´s correspondence archive

À la différence d’autres régions du tiers monde où l’influence de la France a été déterminante et ininterrompue (Moyen-Orient, Maghreb, les anciennes colonies françaises en Afrique centrale ou encore d'autres pays de l’Amérique latine), au Venezuela, il n’y a eu de véritable politique étrangère de coopération culturelle qu’à la fin des années 1950. L'avènement du boom pétrolier pendant l'entre deux guerres a fait décliner l'influence française. À la fin de la Seconde guerre, les diplomates français prennent conscience du potentiel énergétique du Venezuela, observant qu’il est possible de remédier la perte de l’influence économique en encourageant une véritable coopération culturelle. Cette coopération culturelle va utiliser les réseaux politiques intégrés par des élites francophiles, lesquelles revendiquent une histoire commune à la France et au Venezuela. L'étude sur la longue durée permet d'observer les permanences de l'histoire politique vénézuélienne, dans lesquelles s'insèrent les éléments qui ont servi à la construction du sentiment national vénézuélien et les influences des idées françaises sur le projet de modernisation de l’État. Notre étude soulève des questions telles que l'émigration, les échanges et les relations commerciales. Nous nous sommes particulièrement intéressés à l’étude des correspondances diplomatiques car la lecture minutieuse de celles-ci permet de soulever, en filigrane, bon nombre d’éléments liés aux représentations et à l’histoire politique des deux pays. De même, elle permet d’approcher ce que les élites considèrent comme identité et affinité culturelle. Nos sources se rapportent donc, pour la plupart aux correspondances diplomatiques conservées aux archives de La Courneuve et au Ministère des Relations Extérieures à Caracas. Nous les avons croisées avec d’autres sources documentaires, visuelles et littéraires ainsi qu’avec un certain nombre d’entretiens réalisés entre la fin de l’année 2010 et le début de 2011. Notre étude s’inspire des travaux de Pierre Renouvin et Jean Baptiste Duroselle en histoire des relations internationales, revisités par Robert Frank en 2011. Nous prenons en considération le poids des images, de la culture officielle et du rayonnement des modèles culturels, dans le but de tenter de mesurer « la puissance » des États (soft power). En ce sens, la valeur que les élites vénézuéliennes donnent au rayonnement culturel et scientifique français, au XIXe et au début du XXe siècle (1870-1935), permet d’expliquer en partie pourquoi la France a réussi à renforcer sa présence au Venezuela. En effet, le déclin de l'influence culturelle française, à une époque où les relations entre les deux pays s’étaient considérablement distendues (1936-1960), est concomitant à la perte de son influence économique et commerciale. Cette évolution a donné lieu à l'institutionnalisation progressive de la stratégie de la diplomatie culturelle (1961 à nos jours). Grâce à cette stratégie la France a récupérée le terrain qu'elle avait perdu devant la concurrence commerciale anglo-saxonne. Nous avons souhaité répondre à deux questions fondamentales : dans quelle mesure les élites vénézuéliennes, « influencées » par le modèle culturel français, ont réussi à opérer des appropriations/assimilations/adaptations de ce modèle au Venezuela ? Et, en contrepartie, dans quelle mesure la construction d’un « outil culturel » franco-vénézuélien a servi les intérêts de la politique étrangère française au Venezuela ?
Unlike other regions of the Third World, where the influence of France was decisive and uninterrupted (Middle East, Maghreb, former French colonies in Central Africa and other countries of Latin America), in Venezuela, there was only a real foreign cultural cooperation policy by the late 1950s. The advent of the oil boom during the interwar period caused the declining of French influence. By the end of the Second World War, French diplomats were aware of Venezuela’s energetic potential, remarking that it was possible to overcome the loss of economic influence by encouraging a genuine cultural cooperation.This cultural cooperation would use political networks joined by Francophile elites, who claimed a common history between France and Venezuela. The study on the long run allows observing the permanence of the Venezuelan political history, in which fits the elements used in the construction of the Venezuelan National sentiment and the influence of French ideas on the project of State modernization.Our study raises issues such as migration, trades and commercial relations. We are particularly interested in the study of diplomatic relationships, since a close up over these can highlight, watermark, many points related to their representations and the political history of both countries. Similarly, it allows approaching what the elite considered identity and cultural affinity. Our sources therefore relate mostly to diplomatic correspondence preserved in the files of La Courneuve and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Caracas. We cross checked with other documentaries, visual and literary sources as well as a certain number of interviews conducted by the end of 2010 and the beginning of 2011. Our study is based on the papers related to the history of international relations by Pierre Renouvin and Jean Baptiste Duroselle, revisited by Robert Frank in 2011. We take into consideration the contribution of images, official culture and the influence of cultural patterns, as an attempt to measure the "power" of States (soft power). On this matter, the value that the Venezuelan elites gave to the French cultural and scientific influence, in the XIX century and the beginning of XX (1870-1935), helps to explain to an extend the reason why France has managed to strengthen its presence in Venezuela. Indeed, the decline of the French cultural influence, at a time when relations between the two countries were considerably distended (1936-1960), is concomitant with the loss of its economic and commercial influence. This has resulted in the progressive institutionalization of the culturaldiplomacy strategy (from 1961 up to the present). Thanks to this strategy France has recovered part of the market share lost to the Anglo-Saxon competition.We wanted to answer two fundamental questions: To what extent the Venezuelan elites, "influenced" by the French cultural model, managed to operate appropriations / assimilation / adaptation of this model in Venezuela? And, in return, to what extent the construction of a "cultural tool" Franco-Venezuelan has served the interests of the French foreign policy in Venezuela?

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar as relações entre o governo brasileiro e a Guerra Civil Espanhola. A partir da sublevação militar de 17 de julho de 1936, o cenário interno do estado espanhol tornou-se o epicentro do embate entre as forças conservadoras e a diversidade de grupos políticos de esquerda. Desde os seus primeiros momentos, a guerra civil transbordou as fronteiras espanholas e europeias. Se por um lado houve o envolvimento direto e indireto de países europeus, por outro, também houve substancial importância nas Américas. Assim, esta tese pretende desenvolver uma abordagem dos papéis existentes entre os órgãos públicos e privados relacionados ao governo Vargas e os grupos envolvidos na Guerra Civil Espanhola, sobretudo aqueles pertencentes aos militares sob o controle de Francisco Franco. As ações de órgãos como o Ministério de Relações Exteriores e do Departamento Nacional do Café, tiveram papel preponderante em um apoio oficioso aos rebelados, enquanto que as representações diplomáticas da Segunda República foram paulatinamente relegadas a uma situação marginal.
The aim of this research is to analyze the relations between the Brazilian government and the Spanish Civil War. From the military uprising of 1936 July 17th, the domestic scenery of Spanish State became the epicenter of a struggle between conservative forces and the diversity of left political groups. Since its first moments, the civil war crossed the Spanish and European borders. If, on the one hand, there was a direct and indirect involvement of the European countries, on the other hand, there was also a substantial significance in the Americas. Thus, this thesis intends to develop an approach between the roles of public and private organizations of Vargas government and the related groups of the Spanish Civil War, mainly those ones under the General Francisco Francos control. The attitudes of public bodies as the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and National Coffee Department, it had a key role to an unofficial support to the insurgents, meanwhile, the diplomatic representations of Spanish Second Republic were gradually sent to a marginal condition.

L’arbitrage commercial international dans lequel une des parties est étatique est aussi actuel que décrié. Les tribunaux étatiques doivent renoncer à leur pouvoir d’appréciation de la validité légale et de l’efficacité de la convention d’arbitrage commerciale internationale, même si cette dernière n’est pas conforme à leur droit national. On comprend facilement les problèmes de légitimité que pose cette convention vis-à-vis de l’État partie. La question des intérêts étatiques dans l’arbitrage commercial international représente des enjeux non seulement juridiques mais également économiques importants pour les États. Notre première partie est dédiée à l’étude des instruments juridiques favorisant, dans l’intérêt des États, l’extension de la validité de la convention d’arbitrage à l’égard de la personne publique ; tandis que la seconde partie aborde les délicates questions, soulevées lors de différends engagés, qui tendent à remettre en cause la validité ou l’efficacité de la convention d’arbitrage, en raison d’allégations par la personne publique, de violations de certaines normes juridiques internes ou de certains changements politiques ou économiques. Depuis quelques décennies, la jurisprudence et la doctrine françaises prônent le fait que la convention d’arbitrage insérée dans un contrat international a une efficacité et une validité propres. Nos recherches nous ont permis de trouver le corps de règles et de principes fondant le cadre juridique de la convention d’arbitrage véritablement détachée de tout lien national avec les autorités et les droits nationaux, en démontrant par ailleurs l’inefficacité récurrente de solutions recherchées sur le terrain des conflits de lois de procédure ou par le recours aux tribunaux des États. Cette théorie est particulièrement mise en exergue lorsqu’une personne publique est partie à un arbitrage commercial international. Nous analysons de manière critique pour les intérêts des États, le recours à la protection diplomatique comme voie de substitution à l’inefficacité ou l’invalidité de la convention d’arbitrage. Le recours à l’exercice de la protection diplomatique est un recours extrêmement subjectif, car dépendant à la fois du jugement arbitraire de l’état protecteur par rapport à son ressortissant et de la puissance de cet État sur la scène internationale. Les opérateurs économiques ne sont pas en situation d’égalité lorsqu’il s’agit de juger de la bonne ou mauvaise exécution des obligations contractuelles relevant d’un contrat international, puisqu’il n’est plus question d’un recours objectif grâce au droit, mais une question de puissance entre États. D’autant plus que l’exercice de la protection diplomatique a souvent amené des conflits interétatiques. Notre thèse défend la légitimité, la pertinence et les avantages de la convention d’arbitrage à travers le kaléidoscope de nombreuses sources juridiques internationales et au regard de la prévalence des intérêts étatiques. Même si cela peut paraître a priori paradoxal, il n’y a aucun paradoxe pour les États à s’engager de manière conventionnelle à renoncer aux pouvoirs discrétionnaires des juridictions nationales, au contraire les relations économiques internationales sont basées sur la confiance, la moralité et la loyauté, et l’arbitrage commercial international atteint cet objectif en offrant une voie de recours internationale judiciaire objective pour les deux parties
The international commercial arbitration in which one party is a State party is as current as criticized. The State courts may have to give up exercising their discretion of the legal validity and the efficacy of the international commercial arbitration agreement, even if the latter does not conform to their national law. It is easy to understand the problem of legitimacy posed by this agreement opposite to the State party. The question of State interest in international commercial arbitration represents not only important legal issues but also economic issues for the State. The first part is dedicated to the study of the legal instruments favoring, in the interest of the State, the extension of the validity of the arbitration agreement towards the State; whereas the second part deals with the delicate questions raised during disputes which call into question the validity or the efficacy of the arbitration agreement, due to the allegations made by the public entity based on violations of certain national legal provisions or changes in economic or political circumstances. For a few decades, the jurisprudence and the French doctrine advocate that the arbitration agreement in an international contract has its own efficacy and validity. Our legal research has revealed the body of rules and principles basing the legal framework of the arbitration agreement detached of some link with authorities and with the national law. At the same time, we demonstrate the repeating ineffectiveness of the remedies sought on the ground of the conflicts of procedural legislations or by recourse to State court. This theory is particularly underlined when a public entity is a party to an international commercial arbitration. We critically analyze for the State interest, the exercise of diplomatic protection as a substitute remedy against the inefficiency or invalidity of the arbitration agreement. The exercise of diplomatic protection is highly subjective, because it depends simultaneously on the arbitrary judgment of the protective State with respect to its national and to the power of this State on the international scene. The economic operators are not on an equal footing while it is a question to rule the proper or improper performance of contractual obligations based on an international contract, because it is no longer a matter of an objective remedy through the right, but a matter of power between the States. This is all the more the case as the exercise of diplomatic protection has often leaded to inter-state conflicts. Our thesis defends the legitimacy, pertinence and advantages of the arbitration agreement through the kaleidoscope of many international legal sources and with regard to the prevalence of State interest. However paradoxical that might seem a priori, there is no paradox for the State to engage itself in a conventional manner to waive its discretionary power of domestic jurisdiction. On the contrary, the international economic relations are based on trust, morality and loyalty, and international commercial arbitration achieved that goal by providing an effective international judicial remedy for both parties

Qu'est-ce la mondialisation ? On répond à cette question à partir du cas de l'audiovisuel international, envisagé sous l'angle des échanges commerciaux et des politiques publiques. Une enquête a été menée de 2008 à 2012 au sein de l'administration, des ambassades et de diverses agences françaises ainsi que sur les marchés audiovisuels internationaux. On vérifie que la mondialisation, loin d'être une force économique s'imposant de l'extérieur, reste le produit de politiques visant à « dompter» ce qui semble dépasser le cadre national (comme la diffusion des contenus audiovisuels par satellite au tournant des années 1980), et peut toujours être rapportée à des enjeux « domestiques » (le terme de mondialisation étant lui-même instrumentalisé par de nombreux acteurs). La thèse examine d'abord comment l'administration s'est saisie de l'audiovisuel international, suscitant tout un entrepreneuriat bureaucratique au sein des Affaires étrangères, mais aussi une âpre compétition pour être nommé à la tête des nouvelles chaînes publiques transnationales, et conduisant au recrutement d'un réseau original de diplomates spécialistes de l'audiovisuel. On étudie ensuite l'essor considérable des marchés audiovisuels internationaux, leur rôle désormais central dans le commerce international des biens audiovisuels, et comment l'administration a soutenir la professionnalisation des exportateurs français. On analyse enfin le rôle fondamental des politiques d'exportation en analysant la promotion française de la diversité culturelle, négociée entre les professionnels et l'administration, profondément ambivalent et articulant des enjeux à la fois culturels, diplomatiques et marchands
What is Globalization? We address this question by focusing on audiovisual flows worldwide, seen from the perspective of commercial exchanges and French public policies. From 2008 to 2012, several sites have been investigated such as the French administration, its diplomatic network abroad, public agencies and international markets. We argue that Globalization, far from being an economic force overhanging from abroad, is always something that has to be "brought home". First, it results from policies that aim at "taming" what exceeds the national frame (such as audiovisual contents broadcasted by satellite). Second, it always entails very "domestic" stakes. At first, we deal with the French administration, where a "foreign audiovisual policy'' has been launched in the 1980s, stirring up a sharp competition to be nominated at the head of new transnational public channels, and leading to the recruitment of diplomats specializing in this policy. Then, we assess the astonishing rise of international markets of movies and TV shows, describing how French sales agents, in the process of getting professional recognition, received a strong support from the French administration. This brings us to the thesis that export policies fundamentally shape Globalization by providing contradicting definitions of what it should be. ln France, the sales agents and the administration have been negotiating one built upon the principle of "cultural diversity", conveniently melting commercial, cultural and diplomatic stakes altogether, despite of the notion being deeply ambivalent

L’objectif de ma thèse est de réaliser une étude de relations internationales, qui comporte aussi une dimension d’histoire sociale à travers le recrutement de ces élites de la société civile – les consuls honoraires – qui assurent le relais entre cette dernière et la grande diplomatie de carrière. Je me propose de rechercher l’activité consulaire roumaine dans les quatre grandes puissances ouest européennes – choisies, pour équilibrer, parmi deux Etats révisionnistes, donc désireux de transformer les équilibres mis en place lors des traités concluant la Première Guerre mondiale, et deux Etats satisfaits par ces traités – à tous les niveaux : économique, politique, administratif et culturel. La problématique de ma thèse articule donc diplomatie consulaire et grande diplomatie et consiste à évaluer leur convergence politique en faveur des grands vainqueurs français et britannique ou, à l’inverse, le contrepoids que cette diplomatie « mineure » pourrait exercer au bénéfice des frustrés allemand et italien. Cette dernière option est d’autant plus intéressante qu’Allemagne et Italie étaient les principaux partenaires commerciaux de la Roumanie avant 1914
The aim of my thesis is to realise an international relations study, which also includes a dimension of social history through the recruitment of these elites of civil society - the honorary consuls - who ensure the relay between the latter and the great career diplomacy. I propose to research the Romanian consular activity in the four great Western European powers - chosen, to balance, among two revisionist states, so eager to transform the balances put in place during the treaties concluding the First World War, and two states satisfied by these treaties - at all levels: economic, political, administrative and cultural. The rationale of my thesis articulates therefore consular diplomacy and great diplomacy and consists of evaluating their political convergence in favor of the great winners French and British or, conversely, the counterweight that this "minor" diplomacy could exert for the benefit of the frustrated German and Italian. The latter option is all the more interesting because Germany and Italy were Romania's main trading partners before 1914

Cette thèse a pour objet d'examiner cinq aspects de la relation entre le commerce Sud-Sud et la « nouvelle » géographie du commerce international en portant une attention toute particulière aux liens qui existent entre les BRICs (Brésil, Russie, Inde, Chine) et l'Afrique sub-Saharienne (ASS) puis entre la Chine et l'ASS. La première partie s'attache à démontrer certaines caractéristiques relatives à la mutation des relations commerciales Sud-Sud. Dans le premier chapitre, l'hétérogénéité au sein même des BRICs est confirmée à partir d'un certain nombre de facteurs explicatifs des flux commerciaux bilatéraux avec l'ASS. Dans le second chapitre, les flux commerciaux Sud-Sud semble jouer un rôle déterminant dans la diversification géographique du commerce intra-Africain en termes de nouveaux partenaires commerciaux. Dans le troisième chapitre, l'idée d'une réorientation du commerce des ex-colonies depuis l'indépendance vers la Chine au détriment des anciennes puissances coloniales a été validée empiriquement. Quant à la deuxième partie, elle s'intéresse aux liens entre la politique économique extérieure et le commerce Sud-Sud. Les résultats du quatrième chapitre soulignent l'impact significatif de la « politique de la Chine unique » sur les flux commerciaux chinois et taiwanais par le biais de la diplomatie économique. Les estimations du cinquième chapitre confirment l'hétérogénéité des effets moyens et dans le temps des accords régionaux africains sur les échanges commerciaux selon la nature des partenaires, la forme des accords commerciaux ainsi que leur chevauchement
This thesis emphasises five aspects of relations between South-South trade and « new » geography of international trade. We particularly pay attention to the links between BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, China) and sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) but also between China and SSA. The first part attempts to demonstrate some characteristics concerning the mutation of South-South trade relations. In the Chapter 1, the heterogeneity of BRICs is confirmed from some factors of bilateral trade flows with SSA. In the Chapter 2, the South-South trade flows play a significant role in the geographic diversification of intra-African trade in terms of new trading partners. In the Chapter 3, the assumption of a trade reorientation of ex-colonies since independence with China at the expense of former colonial powers has been empirically validated. The second part studies the linkages between the foreign economic policy and South-South trade. The findings of the Chapter 4 highlight the significant impact of the « One China policy » on Chinese and Taiwanese trade flows through the economic diplomacy. The estimates of the Chapter 5 confirm the heterogeneous average effects but also over time of the African trade agreements on trade according to the nature of trading partners, the kinds of trade agreements and their overlapping

Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'Afrique
Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa

Relatório de Estágio do Mestrado em Gestão apresentado à Faculdade de Economia
This report follows the curricular internship for a master’s degree in Management at the Faculty of Economics, University of Coimbra, developed at the United States Embassy in Lisbon, from February 3rd to June 6th, 2020. The internship was part of an international trade framework, and the internship took place in the Foreign Commercial Service (FCS) department, based on strong diplomatic foundations. FCS is a department highly specialised in assisting companies and businesspeople in their efforts to expand their commercial activity across borders and to absorb foreign investment into the American market.During the course of my internship, I was given the opportunity to enter diplomatic activities, with the aim of developing my skills in the field. I developed several projects in the FCS department, and the International Partner Search's, Initial Market Check's, among others, allowed me to explore several subjects taught during the master’s degree.The choice of the central theme of this work was highly influenced by the abnormal crossing, both within society and business, of a period of pandemic caused by the Covid-19 virus, also known as coronavirus. This period of instability resulted in the emergence of a number of institutional and operational challenges. It was perceived that companies were not adequately prepared for such a vulnerable and disruptive period, which made it extremely interesting to observe companies' adaptation strategies. The role of digital technologies as a means of combating the economic crisis caused by the spread of the virus was highlighted. As a means of survival, organisations were encouraged to introduce in their operational model a new range of digital tools in order to be able to continue their activity. The accelerated provision of digital capabilities by businesses has resulted in digital technologies accelerating far beyond forecasts. The use of digital platforms, social networks, digital technologies, among others, have become extremely important tools within the business and their use has increased exponentially over the period. This reflects the digital technology endowment of organisations.Diplomacy was part of this core of those affected by the spread of the virus, and like many other organisations, it saw digital technology as a means of support. In this way, digital diplomacy, which for some time has been gaining ground in the traditional diplomatic milieu, has received increased attention from the organisation.The acceleration of digital technology has brought with it new progressive political potential, and although we are experiencing a disruptive period, technology has the characteristic of encouraging innovation, which has resulted in the emergence of new dynamics and business models, which until then would hardly have existed if this urgency had not arisen in the search for new solutions.
O presente relatório surge na sequência da realização do estágio curricular para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Gestão pela Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra, desenvolvido na Embaixada do Estados Unidos da América em Lisboa, entre o dia 3 de fevereiro ao dia 6 de junho de 2020. O estágio enquadrou-se num âmbito de comércio internacional, sendo que, o estágio decorreu no departamento de Foreign Commercial Service (FCS), baseado sobre fortes alicerces diplomáticos. O FCS é um departamento altamente especializado no auxílio de empresas e pessoas de negócios nos seus esforços em expandir para além-fronteiras a sua atividade comercial e na absorção de investimento estrangeiro para o mercado americano.Durante a realização do estágio foi-me facilitada a possibilidade de ingressar nas atividades diplomáticas, tendo como objetivo desenvolver as minhas capacidades sobre a matéria. Desenvolvi vários projetos agregados ao departamento de FCS, sendo que, a realização de International Partner Search’s, Initial Market Check’s, entre outros, permitiram explorar várias disciplinas lecionadas ao longo do mestrado.A escolha do tema central deste trabalho, foi altamente influenciada pela travessia anormal, tanto no seio social como empresarial, de um período de pandemia causado pelo vírus Covid-19, também denominado coronavírus. Este período de instabilidade resultou no aparecimento de uma série de desafios institucionais e operacionais. Percebeu-se que as empresas não estavam devidamente preparadas para um período tão vulneral e disruptivo, o que viria a tornar-se extremamente interessante observar as estratégias de adaptação por parte das empresas. Destacou-se o papel das tecnologias digitais como um meio de combate à crise económica originada pela propagação do vírus. As organizações, como meio de sobrevivência, viram-se incentivadas a introduzir no seu modelo operacional uma nova gama de ferramentas digitais com o intuito de conseguirem dar continuidade à sua atividade. A dotação acelerada de capacidades digitais por parte das empresas, resultou num acelerar das tecnologias digitais muito acima das previsões. A utilização de plataformas digitais, redes sociais, tecnologias digitais, entre outros, tornaram-se ferramentas extremamente importantes no seio empresarial, sendo que, o seu uso aumentou exponencialmente durante o período. Isto surge como reflexo da dotação da tecnologia digital por parte das organizações.A diplomacia fez parte deste núcleo de afetados pela disseminação do vírus, e como muitas outras organizações, viu na tecnologia digital um meio de suporte. Desta forma, a diplomacia digital que já há algum tempo começou a ganhar espaço no meio diplomático tradicional, mereceu uma atenção acrescida por parte da organização.O acelerar da tecnologia digital trouxe consigo novas potencialidades políticas progressistas, e, apesar de estarmos a experienciar um período disruptivo, a tecnologia tem a característica de incentivar à inovação, o que resultou no aparecimento de novas dinâmicas e modelos de negócio, que, até então, dificilmente existiriam se não tivesse surgido esta urgência pela procura de novas soluções.

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In a growing number of countries diplomatic systems are being overhauled so that the commercial activities of diplomatic services have been centralised, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within diplomatic systems. These changes result directly from the tendency of governments to reorganise, and in many cases merge, their trade and foreign ministries, as well as the strategy of building formal business–government links within diplomatic institutions. While none of these features is unfamiliar to previous diplomatic systems, what is exceptional is the relative neglect of the commercial aspects of diplomacy within diplomatic studies. This lack of attention to the commercial and business elements of diplomacy in traditional theories of diplomacy means that we find ourselves trying to analyse contemporary changes to diplomatic organisation and practice without a suitable conceptual and analytical framework. Highlighting the significance of a political economy approach to diplomacy, and also engaging with orthodox approaches to diplomacy, this article begins to develop some analytical and conceptual tools to better identify, explain and understand changes in diplomatic systems as well as the increased influence of private interests in diplomatic practice now under way.

Relatório de estágio de mestrado em Relações Internacionais
Este relatório reflete as atividades desenvolvidas no âmbito de um estágio curricular de 6 meses (Novembro 2013-Maio 2014) na Embaixada de Portugal no Luxemburgo, incidindo sobretudo no papel desta instituição no relacionamento bilateral, bem como na sua relação privilegiada com os atores presentes neste mercado, nomeadamente empresários portugueses e instituições luso-luxemburguesas, especialmente a Câmara de Comércio e Indústria Luso-Luxemburguesa e a Câmara de Comércio Luxemburguesa. Assim, explanarei alguns exemplos das diversas modalidades de diplomacia económica referentes ao estudo de caso. Neste contexto, somos conduzidos a refletir sobre a estratégia diplomática portuguesa, que desde 2006 conta com os escritórios da Agência para o Investimento e Comércio Externo de Portugal (AICEP). Paralelamente, foram atribuídas pelo Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros (MNE) novas funções às Embaixadas e Consulados, resultantes da parceria com o Ministério da Economia. Estes, enquanto agentes de diplomacia económica, devem apoiar a internacionalização das empresas portuguesas, na generalidade de dimensão pequena e média, facilitando a sua entrada nos mercados externos, e projetando uma imagem moderna do país, procurando o crescimento dos fluxos de investimento direto estrangeiro e do turismo. Por fim, tendo em consideração o estudo de caso mencionado neste relatório, ou seja, as relações bilaterais Portugal-Luxemburgo procederei a uma análise na base da tipologia SWOT deste relacionamento.
This report reflects the activities developed during the 6 months traineeship (November 2013-May 2014) at the Portuguese Embassy in Luxembourg, focusing particularly on the role of this institution in the bilateral relationship. As well as their privileged relationship with actors presents in this market, namely Portuguese entrepreneurs and Portuguese-Luxembourgish institutions, especially the Portuguese- Luxembourgish Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the Luxemburgish Chamber of Commerce. Therefore, I will give some practical examples of economic diplomacy related with this case study. In this context, we should reflect about Portuguese diplomatic strategy that, since 2006, counts with the Foreign Trade and Investment Agency of Portugal’s offices. Simultaneously, the Foreign Affairs Ministry attributed to Embassies and Consulates new functions, as a result of the partnership with Economic Ministry. Embassies and Consulates, as agents of economic diplomacy, should support the internationalization of Portuguese entreprises, facilitating their entrance in the foreign markets, and projecting a modern country’s image, trying to develop the flows of foreign direct investment and tourism. Finally, we have into consideration the case study that basis this report, the bilateral relations between Luxembourg and Portugal; I will make a SWOT analysis of this relationship.

Orientação: Sérgio Vieira da Silva
As relações diplomáticas e de cooperação entre Portugal e Angola desenvolvem-se tendo como base um amplo contexto histórico, cultural, político, económico e comercial. O papel do Estado neste tipo de relações é inquestionável, sendo, sem duvida, o principal ator para um desenvolvimento salutar das mesmas. No entanto, e devido à globalização e à liberalização dos mercados, é cada vez mais relevante a participação de outros atores estatais, nomeadamente entidades de natureza privada e não estatal, com grande relevância na sociedade civil. Assim, esta investigação pretende analisar e descrever as relações de cooperação diplomática entre Portugal e Angola, nomeadamente no âmbito comercial, entre os anos de 2010-2018. Procurar-se-á dar resposta a quais são os principais fatores que contribuem para o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação no âmbito diplomático entre os dois países, caracterizando assim a história de ambos, as suas politicas económicas, e os acordos bilaterais realizados entre os dois países neste período em particular, uma vez que este foi marcado por um rápido crescimento económico por parte de Angola, e por uma grave crise e posterior recuperação de Portugal. As relações diplomáticas, especialmente a diplomacia económica, contribuiu para o desenvolvimento e fortalecimento das relações comerciais entre Portugal e Angola. Se durante as primeiras décadas, Angola representou um destino privilegiado para todos os portugueses que fugiam da crise financeira, hoje em dia Portugal encontra-se numa melhor posição, estando Angola à mercê da queda dos preços do petróleo. No entanto, e mesmo em situações mais difíceis, a cooperação entre os dois países é uma realidade do passado, presente e, certamente, será uma aposta para o futuro.
Diplomatic and cooperation relations between Portugal and Angola are developed based on a broad historical, cultural, political, economic and commercial context. The role of the State in this type of relationship is unquestionable and, without a doubt, the main actor for a salutary development of the same. However, due to globalization and the liberalization of markets, the participation of other state-owned entities, particularly private and non-state entities, is of great relevance to civil society. Thus, this research intends to analyse and describe the relations of diplomatic cooperation between Portugal and Angola, particularly in the commercial sphere, between the years 2010-2018. It will seek to answer the main factors that contribute to the development of diplomatic cooperation between the two countries, thus characterizing the history of both, their economic policies, and the bilateral agreements between the two countries, in this particular period, as this was marked by rapid economic growth by Angola and by a serious crisis and subsequent recovery of Portugal. Diplomatic relations, especially economic diplomacy, contribute to the development and strengthening of trade relations between Portugal and Angola. If during the first decades, Angola represented a privileged destination for all the Portuguese who fled the financial crisis Portugal is now in a better position, with Angola at the mercy of falling oil prices. However, and even in more difficult situations, cooperation between the two countries is a reality of the past, present and certainly will be a bet for the future.