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1
Lascu, Stoica. "THE ROMANIAN DIPLOMAT OF EUROPEAN STATURE NICOLAE TITULESCU IN THE VISION OF SOME CONTEMPORARIES." Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, no. 1 (July 15, 2022): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.1.04.
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The Romanian diplomat of European stature, born on March 4, 1882 (died abroad, on March 17, 1941 in Cannes, France) on the coast of France, in a family of Oltenian owners; left without a father (former Deputy and Prefect) at just one year old, Nicolae Titulescu will study law in Paris, and when he returns to the country he will enter political life, in Take Ionescuʼs party (the Conservative-Democratic Party). He will be a Deputy, Minister of Finance (1917-1918), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1927-1928, 1932-1936), Romaniaʼs Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to London (1921-1927, 1928-1932), Romaniaʼs representative in the League of Nations and its President (twice: 1931 and in 1932). He was member of the Romanian Academy (elected in 1935). This paper presents some opinions (with more recent detailed bibliographic references) excerpted from the book – in 3 volumes, published (under the auspices of the European Titulescu Foundation) in 2012, Pro și Contra Titulescu, edited by George G. Potra – of some people politicians, diplomats, and journalists, Romanians and foreigners – contemporaries of him –, relative to the personality of the greatest diplomat of Romania, and one of the most famous of interwar Europe, whose birth marks, in 2022, 140 years.
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Women, Gender and the Professionalisation of French Cultural Diplomacy in Britain, 1900–1940." English Historical Review 136, no. 583 (December 1, 2021): 1513–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceac002.
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Abstract This article traces the evolution of French cultural diplomacy in Britain from the early twentieth century to the end of the inter-war period; it argues that this field of international relations could not have developed at this time without the intervention of a handful of determined women who undertook activities outside official diplomatic circles. In the first decades of the twentieth century, these women designed cultural strategies and ran institutions that aimed to promote positive images of France in Britain at a time when strong Franco-British relations formed a cornerstone of French diplomatic strategies against mounting German geopolitical ambitions. However, none of these women enjoyed diplomatic status and many were subject to gender-based criticism on the part of official male diplomats. After the First World War, processes of professionalisation made it extremely difficult for the women who had shaped cultural diplomacy in an unofficial capacity to continue acting at the fore of this field, all the more so as they were forbidden at the time to take the entrance exam of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The inter-war professionalisation of diplomacy, however, did not lead to the complete exclusion of women. This article argues that, on the one hand, professionalisation carved out official spaces for women who abided by the criteria outlined by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; on the other hand, the non-state nature of much of inter-war cultural diplomacy meant that some women could continue to pursue cultural diplomatic strategies as part of unofficial networks of diplomacy.
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Geevers, Liesbeth. "Als God op Aarde." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.geev.
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Abstract The diplomatic battle over precedence between France and Spain by way of arguments, 1564-1610Conflicts over precedence were a disruptive but integral part of European diplomacy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This article will explain both the insolubility and the importance of such conflicts, by analyzing the actual arguments made by French and Spanish publicists between 1564 and 1610 who argued for the supremacy of their own king. This analysis shows that national concepts of kingship were central to their reasoning: they identified the most characteristic features of their own brand of kingship and presented these as the criteria by which to construct international hierarchy. This meant first that no consensus was possible, either on the international order itself, or on the criteria to be used; and second, that not only princes, but also diplomats, lawyers, and historians were deeply involved in these conflicts.
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Mitrofanov, Andrey. "A French diplomat in the Russian Service. Missions of the Count d'Antraigues in Venice (1795–1797)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014909-7.
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The article deals with the history of secret diplomacy of the time of the French Revolution. It aims to show unknown aspects of the French émigré сount d'Antraigue's activities as a councillor to the Russian embassy in Venice and as a personal representative of Louis XVIII in 1795–1797. Unpublished documents from the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the memoirs of contemporaries form the source base of the research. The practice of appointing French royalists “under Russian protection” as employees of Russian diplomatic missions was proposed by the Russian court in 1794. The case of d’Antraigues, therefore, was not unique. D'Antraigues' duties in this post were related to the search for information on revolutionary France, the French army in Italy, the politics of the Italian states. His contacts with Swedish agents, French royalists, and French army officers were the most fruitful. At the same time, he was associated with British diplomats. Bonaparte used the errors of the diplomat to his advantage: сount d'Antraigues’s notes served as a pretext for the coup d'état of 18 Fructidor, Year V. Although he сount lost credibility in the eyes of the royalists yet, thanks to the support of A.K. Razumovsky, he continued his service as correspondent and honorary “pensionnaire” of the Russian court. It was after 1797 that a “black legend” developed around the name of the count, thanks, in particular, to former secret agents of the Directory and Napoleon Bonaparte, depicting him as an opportunist.
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Jones, Ann Rosalind. "Contentious Readings: Urban Humanism and Gender Difference in La Puce de Madame Des-Roches (1582)*." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 1 (1995): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863323.
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Recent Research into Early modern social groups in which women gained access to literary language has focused on the coteries in which they learned to perform alongside men, improvising poems later printed in books.1 The typical coterie in Italy, through which women such as Veronica Franco made their way into print, was the humanist academy centered around a court or a group of urban noblemen, such as the Venier academy in Venice. In sixteenth-century France such groups took two forms: the provincial salon attended by professional men—humanist lawyers, diplomats, doctors, publishers—as in Lyon and Poitiers, and the aristocratic salons linked to the court.
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Späti, Christina. "Arrests, Internments, and Deportations of Swiss Jews in France, and the Reactions of Swiss Authorities, 1941–1944." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab012.
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Abstract Hundreds of Swiss Jews were living in France when Germany attacked and conquered it in mid-1940. Antisemitic laws came into force soon thereafter. One question was whether these measures would apply to citizens of a neutral state. German and French authorities applied such laws, for instance, interning approximately sixty Swiss Jews in the Northern Zone. The present study focuses on the arrests, internments, and occasional deportations of Swiss Jews living in France, and the often feeble efforts of Swiss diplomats and other authorities to extricate them. The haunting question remains how much more could have been done.
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Magadeev, I. E. "Searching for the “Strong Hand”: The Revolutionary Crisis in Russia in 1917 and the French Assessments on its Termination." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 3 (2021): 576–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.301.
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This article explores how French diplomatic and military representatives in Russia perceived the growing revolutionary crisis of 1917 and what means they proposed to terminate it. Though the French perceptions of the Russian revolution are rather well researched, scholars paid attention chiefly to French estimates linked to the international and strategic situation of Russia and not to the interior processes in this country. Exploring these questions allows us to widen our understanding of the international context of the Russian revolution and to throw new light on the events of 1917 through the lens of French perceptions. This article is based on the underresearched documents from the Diplomatic archives of the French Foreign Ministry and from the National Archives of France. After having analyzed dispatches of French diplomats and military representatives in Russia during 1917, the author discerns two interlinked tendencies of these observers. First, they notice growing disorganization and “anarchy” in Russia; second, they tried to find and to support political forces in Russia that were capable of restoring “order” and to continue the fight in the war. However, inside this conceptual “frame” there were significant controversies. Conservative French diplomats and the military initially put their hopes in Alexander Kerensky and then in General Lavr Kornilov. After being disappointed in both, they tried to restore “discipline” and to conserve the Eastern front by external forces. Left French observers initially had more enthusiasm for the February revolution and even after the evaporation of these hopes warned Paris not to support counterrevolutionary forces in Russia. In many aspects, discussions about Russian policy of France in 1917 foreshadowed the dilemmas in the relations of Paris with “Reds” and “Whites” during the intervention and the Civil war.
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HOOCK, HOLGER. "THE BRITISH STATE AND THE ANGLO-FRENCH WARS OVER ANTIQUITIES, 1798–1858." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005917.
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This article seeks to contribute to a revisionist account of the role of the British state and the nation in building the British Museum's early antique collections. Traditionally, there has been a perception that, in contrast especially to France, the British national collections of antiquities were formed primarily by private individuals donating objects, while the state looked on with indifference, or, at best, occasionally bought antiquities on the cheap from enterprising travellers or diplomats. Yet, the scale and quality of the British Museum's collections owe much to the power and reach of the British military and imperial state. The harnessing of political, diplomatic, and military resources to archaeological work, the dovetailing of private and public efforts, and a strong element of international, especially Anglo-French, competition added up to a substantial programme of public patronage. This is easily ignored by approaches that only consider (continental European) ideal types of public patronage, such as Napoleon's Egyptian Commission on the Sciences and Arts. The article sketches the chronological and geographical unfolding of state-supported archaeological activities around the Mediterranean and the Near East, and considers the connections between archaeology and diplomacy, the different modes of collection building, and the origins of debates about preservation and spoliation.
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Tortel, Emilien. "Marseille, city of refuge: international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France (1940-1942)." Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 28, no. 48 (August 12, 2021): 364–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e78244.
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Anchored in the port of Marseille, this article studies encounters between international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France’s nationalism in times of war and exile. Being the main free harbour in France after the country’s defeat against Germany in the spring of 1940, Marseille saw hundreds of thousands of refugees seeking refuge and exile on its shores. This massive flux gave rise to a local internationalism of humanitarian and solidarity networks bonded by an anti-fascist ideology. American humanitarians, diplomats, and radical leftist militants shaped this eclectic internationalism by providing crucial support for European refugees escaping the Nazi-backed state repression in France. Using the local archives of the department of Bouches-du-Rhône, this paper analyses how these actors and their ideologies met in Marseille and interacted with or against Vichy France’s nationalism. In the end, the extended historiography on refugees, American humanitarianism, solidarity networks, and French nationalism will be used to analyse global ideologies in a local context during the Second World War.
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Arbatova, N. "Were the Minsk Agreements doomed to failure? An alternative history." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-107-120.
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History does not allow for subjunctive mood but politics do allow. As Russia‟s special military operation is underway in Ukraine growing into a major, deadly conflict with unpredictable consequences, it is worthwhile to ask a question: could this conflict be prevented if the Minsk agreements were implemented? The 2014 and 2015 Minsk agreements were aimed at securing a ceasefire between the Ukrainian government and pro-Russian separatists in southeastern Ukraine (Donbass). The rebels from Donetsk and Lugansk drew their courage from the “Crimea precedent” – Moscow‟s incorporation of the Crimea “on the basis of voluntary self-determination and historical commonness”. The Minsk agreements were a product of the Normandy format – a platform for senior diplomats from France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine, created in June 2014 with the aim of finding a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The agreements ended large-scale fighting, but not creeping violence that posed the main obstacle for the political settlement of the conflict. The article provides an analysis of the Minsk agreements, including their strengths and weaknesses. Special attention is paid to the EU‟s political goals and instruments for the peaceful settlement of the Ukrainian conflict. The article also seeks to explain why the Europeans have not been able to take on a more visible and effective role in the implementation of their proclaimed goals.
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Girardelli, Paolo. "Power or Leisure? Remarks on the Architecture of the European Summer Embassies on the Bosphorus Shore." New Perspectives on Turkey 50 (2014): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006579.
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AbstractThis study is part of a larger project on theLandscapes of the Eastern Question, contextualizing the architecture of diplomacy in İstanbul as a symbolic and material refraction of changing power balances and representational strategies. In Beyoğlu, where most of the main diplomatic residences were located, the embassies were originally Ottoman woodenkonakstructures, but, in time, the increasing influence of Russia, Great Britain and France fostered their monumentalization and the adoption of European academic classicism. By contrast, the summer embassies on the European shore of the Bosphorus remained largely local in terms of technology, image, materials, and spatial layout until the end of the Ottoman Empire. The paper argues that, for many diplomats, a stately winter residence representing national identity, along with a summer house in the spirit of the local traditions, would be used as a communicative and performative resource in the drama of European-Ottoman relations. It also evaluates foreign settlement on the northern shore of the Bosphorus as conforming to a strategy of surveillance and control in keeping with the strategic relevance and contested status of the straits.
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Bystrova, V. S. "The women’s diplomacy in 16th century France: the example of Louise of Savoy." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-23-34.
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This article is dedicated to researching the women's diplomacy in France in the first half of the XVI century from the perspective of gender history. Despite the fact that ambassadorial offices were mostly occupied by men, women could still perform as diplomats both officially and informally. The image of a woman as a politician is revealed on the example of diplomatic activity of Duchess of Angoulme Louise de Savoy, mother of Francis I de Valois. The article determines her position among the power elites from contemporaries' point of view. The article also reveals the role of a high-ranking lady in exercising diplomatic functions and highlights the features of the official correspondence form of the king's mother. The main directions of foreign policy during the regencies of Louise of Savoy are determined. The role of royal women in exercising diplomatic functions in relation to the political aspects of making the Ladies' Peace in 1529 in Cambrai is considered. The author concludes that personality factors, political authority and personal relations played a major role in women's diplomatic work. In the conditions of instability of the French crown, Louise of Savoy manages to avoid the political and economic crisis in the country and create a unique precedent in the sphere of foreign affairs. This allowed her successors to expand diplomatic networks further by continuously conducting correspondence. Apart from concluding traditional dynastic alliances, diplomatic activity included negotiations, carried out by ladies either through trusted ambassadors or in person, signing peace agreements, and forming their own female diplomatic clientele.
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Chen, Li. "Law, Empire, and Historiography of Modern Sino-Western Relations: A Case Study of theLady HughesControversy in 1784." Law and History Review 27, no. 1 (2009): 1–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000001644.
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From 1843 to 1943, the regime of extraterritoriality in China operated to exempt not just diplomats but also other citizens of Western empires from Chinese law and jurisdiction without granting the Chinese in the West reciprocal privileges. This was a milestone in international law and relations; it also had a long-lasting impact on the trajectories of modern Chinese history. On the one hand, the Treaties of Nanking (Nanjing) in 1842 and Bogue (Humen) in 1843, signed in the aftermath of the First Opium War (1839–42), marked the first institutionalization of British extraterritorial privileges in East Asia. Through treaties in 1844, the United States and France also secured such privileges in China and established their imperial prestige in the Asia-Pacific. These practices prompted revision of international law treatises and set the pattern for Western dealings with Asian countries for the century to come. On the other hand, from the late nineteenth century on, attempts to abolish foreign extraterritoriality continued to be a most powerful rallying call among the Chinese to “modernize”/“Westernize” their legal and political systems to regain sovereignty and international respectability.
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SCHUI, FLORIAN. "PRUSSIA'S ‘TRANS-OCEANIC MOMENT’: THE CREATION OF THE PRUSSIAN ASIATIC TRADE COMPANY IN 1750." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005157.
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In 1750 Frederick II of Prussia created a new trade company in Emden. Diplomats, merchants, and other observers in Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Hamburg reacted with great concern to this Prussian bid to join the world of overseas commerce. These concerns were not unfounded. Frederick pursued his goal with great determination. The article explains why Prussia embarked on this ultimately unsuccessful venture and why established commercial powers such as Britain or the Netherlands felt threatened by the new competitor. In this context the article explores an international debate about political economy that was associated with the creation of the Prussian trade company. This debate took place in Britain, the Netherlands, Hamburg, and Prussia. The case of the Prussian Asiatic trade company suggests that the concepts of Oceanic and Atlantic history need to be extended beyond the narrow stretch of coastal regions. In the Prussian case the drive to join the world of overseas commerce originated from the inland and from a country that had traditionally been oriented towards overland commerce and European expansion. The study of the events and debates associated with the creation of the trade company also suggests a partially new perspective on Prussia's economic policies in the period.
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WINTERER, CAROLINE. "IS THERE AN INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF EARLY AMERICAN WOMEN?" Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 1 (March 8, 2007): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306001120.
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Catherine Kerrison, Claiming the Pen: Women and Intellectual Life in the Early American South (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005)Susan Stabile, Memory's Daughters: The Material Culture of Remembrance in Eighteenth-Century America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004)Mary Kelley, Learning to Stand and Speak: Women, Education, and Public Life in America's Republic (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 2006)Consider Abigail Adams. Known to us mostly through over one thousand letters that she exchanged with her husband, John Adams, she was a woman of redoubtable intelligence and energy. Wife of the second president of the United States, she was mother to its sixth. She traveled to France and England, rubbing elbows with dukes and diplomats; she read deeply in history and literature; she supported the literacy of black children; she was a conduit for the American reception of Catharine Macaulay's republican-friendly History of England from the Accession of James I to that of the Brunswick Line (1763–8). The letters between John and Abigail fly so fast and furious, are so full of learned banter and palpable yearning, that their marriage appears strikingly modern, a union of equals. Let us not be deceived. Abigail Adams, like other women of her generation even in the social stratosphere, had no formal schooling, and her erudition was dwarfed by the massive learning bestowed upon John. He had a Harvard BA and read law for three years. He took for granted a vast public arena in which to unleash his colossal, if tortured, political ambitions. Abigail never published a word.
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Crevier, Martin. "The Making of a Timber Colony: British North America, the Navy Board, and Global Resource Extraction in the Age of Napoleon." Itinerario 43, no. 3 (December 2019): 466–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115319000561.
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AbstractThis article recounts the worldwide search for timber undertaken by the Navy Board, the administrative body under the authority of the Admiralty responsible for the supply of naval stores and the construction and repair of ships during the Napoleonic Wars. The closure of the Baltic by France and its European allies is considered the main factor in making British North America a timber colony. Yet the process through which the forests of the Laurentian Plateau and the North Appalachians came to fuel the dockyards of England and Scotland is taken for granted. To acquire this commodity, through merchants, diplomats, and commissioned agents, the power of the British state reached globally, reshaped ecological relationships, and integrated new landscapes to the Imperial economy. Many alternatives to the Baltic were indeed considered and tentatively exploited. Only a mixture of contingency, political factors, and environmental constraints forced the Board to contract in Lower Canada and New Brunswick rather than in areas such as the Western Cape, the Brazilian coast, or Bombay's hinterland.
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Freller, Thomas. "IN SEARCH OF A MEDITERRANEAN BASE: THE ORDER OF ST. JOHN AND RUSSIA'S GREAT POWER PLANS DURING THE RULE OF TSAR PETER THE GREAT AND TSARINA CATHERINE II." Journal of Early Modern History 8, no. 1 (2004): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570065041268933.
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AbstractRossiya yest' yevropeyskaya derzhava ("Russia is a European power") was Tsarina Catherine II's credo and program, a logical continuation of the policy of Tsar Peter the Great. Malta and the Order of St. John played an important role in Catherine's plan: the island of the knights was to serve as a bridgehead for a permanent Russian presence in the Mediterranean. Already in 1698 Tsar Peter had sent delegations and diplomats to Hospitaller Malta to negotiate a Russo-Maltese alliance against the Ottomans. In the 1760s a Russian chargé d'affaires was installed in Malta and the famous fleet of the Order was used by Russian officers for training, and in 1768 a plan was drawn up for a joint Russo-Maltese naval attack on the Greek mainland. But such moves must have brought about the united opposition of the Mediterranean powers as well as of that of the British. Even in such a "holy war" against their infidel archenemy, which would have been in perfect accord with its statutes, the Order of St. John could no longer act freely. Officially, France remained the main protector of the Order's neutrality, so until the end of the Ancien régime the Order did not risk an open alliance with Russia. In the long run, however, Tsarina Catherine's insistence had paved the way for extremely close Russo-Maltese relations to come when her son Paul became tsar and even was proclaimed as the new grand master of the Order of Malta.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Pimenova, Ludmila. "The Diplomatic Service of Louis XVI: The Work of French Foreign Affairs Department in the 1780s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014872-7.
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The article aims to examine the organization of work of the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of France in the last decades before the Revolution of 1789 when the department was headed by Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes. By this time, there had developed a practice of preferentially appointing as head of the foreign affairs department people who had the first-hand experience of diplomatic service at the helm of embassies. He managed to create an efficiently working ministry apparatus. The details of its work are known thanks to the primary source for the research presented in this article, namely a note drawn up by one of Vergennes’ subordinates, the head of the “northern” directorate of the State Secretariat Pierre-Michel Hennin. During the years of Vergennes’ ministry, the staff was increased and a topographic bureau was created, which was tasked with drawing up a general map of the clarified borders of the French kingdom. The directorates of the State Secretariat were headed by professional diplomats who had received a good education and had practical experience working in embassies. Within the department, a well-thought-out system of clerical work was established. The difficulty in the work of the department, not mentioned in Hennin’s note, was the impossibility of career growth for ordinary employees. They could count on a seniority salary increase, but not a promotion. Thus, by the end of the Ancien Régime, there were two types of professional careers in the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the French king: diplomatic one for high and middle echelons and clerical for ordinary employees.
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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Bravo Lozano, Cristina. "Popular Protests, the Public Sphere and Court Catholicism. The Insults to the Chapel of the Spanish Embassy in London, 1685-1688." Culture & History Digital Journal 6, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2017.007.
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The coronation of James II, a Catholic, brought about a profound political change in religious matters in the British Isles. At court, a Catholicizing process was introduced, supported by the monarch and the European diplomats who opened chapels in different parts of the city. However, this missionary effort had an unequal reception and caused a popular rejection against this new religious culture, leading to demonstrations of a markedly confessional nature. The chapel of the Spanish Embassy suffered the insults of the crowd on two occasions: the main consequence of these altercations was its destruction during the revolution of 1688. Although, superficially, this protest movement can be interpreted as anti-Catholic, it must be understood in a political context. With each new royal ruling, the protests gained strength until finally exploding after the flight of the King to France. This paper focuses on the popular protests and the explicit remonstrance of English Protestants against these Catholic altars and places of worship, with particular emphasis on the residence of Pedro Ronquillo. This study looks at popular protests and the reaction of the authorities, perceptions of the English and the use of the public sphere, the reception and dissemination of news and the impact of popular religious violence on foreign affairs in this crucial phase of English and European history.
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Sterkhov, Dmitry. "Between Hegemony and Federalism. The Prussian Plans to Create the North German Imperial Confederation in the Summer of 1806." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019088-5.
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The article is focused on Prussian attempts to separate the North German territories from the rest of the Holy Roman Empire during the summer months of 1806 with the aim of creating a North German Imperial Confederation under the Prussian protection. The reasons behind the possible foundation of the North German Imperial Confederation as well as the journalistic activities around this Prussian project are also in the centre of attention. The structure of the supposed North German Confederation are analyzed on the basis of plans and projects elaborated by the Prussian politicians and diplomats in July and August 1806. The deliberations over the joining to the Confederation were conducted by the Prussian government with the Electors of Hesse and Saxony as well as with the Hanseatic cities of Hamburg, Lübeck and Bremen which were supposed to become the major members of the Prussian-dominated North German state. The analysis has shown that the Prussian government considered the possible North German Imperial Confederation as thelegal successor of the Holy Roman Empire, with Habsburgs being replaced by the Hohenzollern dynasty. The Prussian claims on the inheritance of the Holy Roman Empire and on the hegemony in the Northern Germany were met with discontent on the part of Hesse and especially Saxony, which impelled the Prussian politicians to repeatedly modify their projects, adding more elements of federalism to them. Despite all the concessions, Prussia eventually failed to unite the Northern Germany under its protection. The reasons for this lie both in the separatism of the North German principalities and cities, and in inner inconsistency and crudity of the Prussian projects. France and Great Britain also impeded the Prussian plans since neither of them was interested in a separate North German state under Prussian control. Napoleon's refusal to support Prussia's attempts to unify the Northern Germany was used by the Prussian government as a pretext to declare war on France in October 1806 which ended with dramatic Prussian defeat. Despite the fact that the Prussian plans to create a North German Imperial Confederation in the summer of 1806 were never realized, this was one of the many possible ways of the evolution of the German statehood in the early 19th century. It was finally put into practice half a century later, in the form of the North German Confederation in 1866.
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Ciobanu, Veniamin. "International reactions to the Russian suppression of the Polish insurrection (November 1830)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, no. 1 (August 15, 2013): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i1_7.
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The outburst of the Polish insurrection and its evolution attracted the attention of the European Powers, due to the international political context in which it started, that of the liberal-bourgeois revolutions in France, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and of the implications that were expected to occur due to power balance on the continent and in the Eastern Question. Russia’s position in the political systems mentioned above depended on how the Polish Question would be solved. By subordinating all the Kingdom of Poland, whose political individuality, in the Russian political and institutional system, in which the decisions of the „Final Act” of the Peace Congress in Vienna (June 9th 1815) placed it, was about to be abolished by the Tsar, opened to the Russian Empire the path towards the consolidation of its positions in the Baltic region, strategically, political an economical, thus upsetting the other Powers in the European political system, on one hand. And secondly, because it would have relieved it of the necessity to divide its forces to oversee the evolution of the embarrassing Polish Question and would have been capable to focus its attention on a solution to the other problem, the Eastern one. This perspective was likely to happen, especially in the conditions of the peace Treaty that Russia had imposed to Turkey, at Adrianople, on September 14th 1829, which ensured the latter’s „passivity” towards the Oriental policy of its victor. These perspectives affected, in particular, Great Britain and France, the secular rivals of Russia in that area, so they tried, using only diplomatic means because of the very complicated international situation at the beginning of the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, to determine Russia to adopt a more conciliatory attitude towards the Polish insurgents. The rivalries that aggravated the Franco-British relations, especially in Western Europe, prevented the two Powers to adopt a unitary position towards Russia, a fact that allowed the latter to dictate the law in the Kingdom of Poland. A position, in some way singular, towards the Polish Question was adopted by another state, with direct interests in the Baltic sea area and with more specific ones in the Eastern Question. It is the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, created in the letter and the spirit of the Swedish-Norwegian Convention from Moss, on August 14th 1814. Sweden’s internal and external political circumstances in which, in 1810, the famous marshal of Napoleon I, Jean Baptiste Sebastien Bernadotte, prince of Pontecorvo, was proclaimed crown prince under the name Karl Johan, King Karl XIV Johan, from 1818, as the creation of the Swedish-Norwegian personal Union, determined the Swedish-Norwegian diplomacy favor the Russian interests in the Polish Question as well as in the Eastern Question. In the Polish Question, the one under our analysis, this was also because the insurrection of November 1830 started in the international conditions mentioned above and due to the fact that the liberal internal opposition to the conservative and absolutist monarchical policy of King Karl XIV Johan was becoming more active and could have constituted a reason for the Norwegians to evade the personal Union, which they did not favor and against which they fought, first through arms then by institutional means. The forms in which Great Britain, France and Sweden took position in regard to the reprisal of the Polish insurrection of November 1830, very well documented by the diplomatic reports of the British diplomats in St. Petersburg and of the Swedish ones, accredited in Petersburg and in London, which we had the opportunity to consult in the funds of manuscripts of British Library, in London, and those of the National Archives of Sweden, in Stockholm, constitute, in our opinion, a contribution to the knowledge of the history of European diplomacy, on one hand, and to the research of the international relations in the first half of the nineteenth century, on another. This is the reason why we intend to approach them in this study. All the documents selected from Sveriges Riksarkivet, in Stockholm and cited in these pages are included in the volume X, part I, of the Collection “Europe and the Porte”, which is still in manuscript, for this reason we indicated the archive quotations.
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Mitrofanov, Andrey. "Restoration of 1799 in the Kingdom of Sardinia in the Assessments of Russian Diplomacy." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022924-5.
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The author of the article analyzes the reports of Russian diplomats and synchronous documents from the French archives about the socio-political and military situation in Piedmont in the period from May 1799 to June 1800. During these months, under the patronage of the Austro-Russian troops in Turin, the provisional royal government was recreated under. The council or “giunta” was led by marquis C. F. Thaon de Revel de Saint-Andrea. This government was forced to search for a way out of the total crisis in the most difficult conditions, but instead only worsened the social and economic situation. This was facilitated by disagreements with the Austrian military administration and personally by general M. Melas. As can be seen from the reports to St. Petersburg by D. Mozenigo and A. Czartoryski, the real state of affairs was even worse than it was reported in the press and official Austrian and Italian proclamations. During this period the Russian court, however, was in no hurry to listen to the requests of the Sardinian court and its temporary cabinet. The last months of the existence of the Ancien Régime in Piedmont were marked by an acute financial crisis, which was caused by the March reform of count Prospero Balbo. Anti-French sentiments among the population were replaced by anti-Austrian ones, and in an atmosphere of general chaos in May 1800, the government ceased to control the situation. Peasant uprising again spread across several provinces. Analysis of the situation and Czartoryski’s predictions about the imminent return of the French and the republican regime were fully justified after the Battle of Marengo. The Restoration regime in Piedmont could have lasted longer if it had pursued a more balanced policy, initially abandoning the independent political role that ministers and advisers of the king Charles Emmanuel IV of Sardinia tried to play throughout the year. But the severity of the Austrian occupation and unsuccessful financial experiments of this cabinet undermined the confidence of the subjects and eventually contributed to the annexation of Piedmont by Napoleonic France in 1802.
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Piller, Elisabeth Marie. "The Transatlantic Dynamics of European Cultural Diplomacy: Germany, France and the Battle for US Affections in the 1920s." Contemporary European History 30, no. 2 (April 5, 2021): 248–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000035.
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The article explores the role of cultural diplomacy in Weimar Germany and France's competing efforts to win the sympathies and support of the United States after the First World War. In the post-war United States, both France and Germany used cultural initiatives to pursue their opposing visions of the new international order: France to maintain and extend wartime cultural alliances beyond the armistice and implement the provisions of the peace treaty; Germany to overturn these very alliances and build a desirable transatlantic ‘friendship’ in line with its efforts to revise the Versailles Treaty. By focusing on the Franco–German rivalry for US affinities, the article calls attention to the transatlantic dynamics of interwar cultural diplomacy. It shows that the emergence of German cultural diplomacy was strongly shaped by French competition for the affections of politically isolationist Americans and that, in general, the rapid expansion of cultural diplomacy in interwar Europe arose from mutual feelings of crisis, starkly competing ambitions as well as the rapid circulation of ideas and practices.
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Suciu, Silvia. "Afacerea artei. Piața de artă în Marea Britanie în secolele XVII -XVIII." Anuarul Muzeului Etnograif al Transilvaniei 35 (December 20, 2021): 105–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47802/amet.2021.35.06.
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While the royal houses and the aristocracy of Italy, Low Countries, France and Spain had already an history in collecting pieces of art, Great Britain adopted this “fashion” only under Charles the 1st reign, in 17th century. Charles the 1st understood that his painted portraits, sculpted busts and a royal collection of art could bring a higher value to his royal status and this practice was representing the power, the authority and the virtues of a king. He was a prodigious collector and made numerous acquisitions of paintings and statues. He collected the artworks of more than 1750 artists; that formed the basis of Royal Collection, the greatest private collection nowadays. The reign of Charles the 1st was highly significant for the appearance of “Court Painters”, who also had the quality of diplomats at various European courts. Peter Paul Rubens and Antoon Van Dyck have been highly appreciated at the court of Charles the 1st. In his artworks Van Dyck captured the “flamboyant” spirit of the time; he gave brilliance to his characters and transformed significantly the image of the King, providing him a special refinement, as it can be seen in the portraits he painted to Charles the 1st. The next century was marked by painters such as William Hogarth, Joshua Reynolds and Thomas Gainsborough. Hogarth was considered „the most famous painter in London”, and he brought his important contribution to the establishment of a copyright law. His printed graphic series and satirical paintings have been inspired from the social and political reality of his time. Aristocracy’s and bourgeoisie’s emancipation in the 18th century led to the flourishing of the portraiture. Reynolds and Gainsborough were the most desired painters when it came about making portraits and their fame transcended their time. Keywords: collection, Great Britain, Royal Painter, portrait, art power
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Milton, Patrick. "The Mutual Guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the Law of Nations and Its Impact on European Diplomacy." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340132.
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Abstract This paper seeks to investigate how the mutual guarantee clauses of the treaties of Westphalia, which ended the Thirty Years War in 1648, affected European diplomacy until the late eighteenth century. It will first analyse the reception and impact of the guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the European Law of Nations and in subsequent treaty law. Secondly, it will assess the practical impact of this feature of the Law of Nations on European diplomacy, and how this influence changed over time. This will also include an analysis of how diplomacy and shifting power-political currents altered the content of the guarantee in the Law of Nations. In analysing the guarantee’s influence on diplomacy, the paper places a particular emphasis on Franco-Imperial and Swedish-Imperial relations, as well as the perception of the guarantee among diplomats and other political actors during political, constitutional and confessional conflicts within the Holy Roman Empire.
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Allain, Jean-Claude, and Michel Catala. "Généraux et diplomates en France." Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 221, no. 1 (2006): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gmcc.221.0005.
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Tokareva, Evgenia. "Foreign Policy and Peacekeeping Initiatives of the Vatican in the Second Half of the 1930s — Early 1940s in the Reflection of the Soviet Press." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017599-7.
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In the extremely difficult international situation of the second half of the 1930s, relations between the USSR and the Vatican occupied a very insignificant place. This is partly why the sources that would cover this problem more prominently are very scarce. Under these conditions, the Soviet press becomes an important and still insufficiently appreciated source. With the general strict censorship of the press of this period, it allows us to identify various, but sometimes quite significant nuances of perception of the Vatican policy in the Soviet Union. The first event that influenced some reassessment of the image of the Vatican was the VII Congress of the Comintern, held in 1935, which put forward the tactics of a united front, which assumed, among other things, cooperation with confessional organizations of workers, and even with the petty-bourgeois strata of the population. In the light of this new tactic, a certain line is beginning to be drawn, albeit almost imperceptibly and even, perhaps, unwittingly, between the Vatican as a political force and the national structures of the Catholic Church. A more noticeable reassessment of the image of the Vatican took place in 1938, when the differences between Italian fascism, German Nazism, on the one hand, and the Vatican, on the other, on racial problems and on the issue of the persecution of the Catholic Church became obvious and could not fail to attract the attention of Soviet diplomats and, following them, the Soviet press. The subsequent election of Pope Pius XII to the papal throne in 1939 allows us to strengthen this line and enrich it with attention to the Vatican's peacemaking policy. But the conclusion of the Molotov — Ribbentrop pact once again returns the image of the Vatican to its supposedly political conjuncture, but this time in the interests of the other side, which has now become the main opponent of the USSR, i. e. England and France. And only the German attack on the USSR allows for a brief moment to see the possibility of forming a different image of the Vatican, an opponent of racism and fascism in all its manifestations. A careful reading of the press allows us to draw a preliminary conclusion about the absence of a clearly developed and formulated position of the governing bodies of the Soviet Union in relation to the Vatican, which varied, albeit slightly, depending on changes in the foreign policy interests of the Soviet state.
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Berna, Ioana-Bianca. "Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations." Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Simon, Victor. "La dignité impériale des rois de France en Orient: Titulatures et traductions dans la diplomatie franco-ottomane." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 1 (June 8, 2020): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340144.
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Résumé Depuis la première moitié du seizième siècle, les rois de France semblent être présentés sous une titulature impériale dans la traduction française des capitulations. La notion d’empire apparaît pourtant étrangère à la conception turque de l’État. Le titre d’imparatorluk n’apparaît d’ailleurs nulle part dans le texte original des capitulations. La titulature impériale attribuée au roi de France découle en effet d’une traduction hasardeuse du terme de padishah par les drogmans attachés au service de l’ambassade. D’origine perse, ce titre sans réel équivalent en Europe signifie littéralement «grand dirigeant» ou «dirigeant des dirigeants». En reconnaissant cette qualité au roi de France, le sultan turc met ainsi en avant une prééminence du roi de France sur les autres princes européens. Cette rhétorique s’inscrit alors dans la construction de relations internationales franco-turques ouvertement tournées contre l’empire Habsbourg.
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Agüero Carnerero, Cristina. "Diplomacy and Noble Culture: the 10 th Admiral of Castile and the Extraordinary Embassy of the Duke of Gramont in Madrid." Culture & History Digital Journal 11, no. 1 (June 21, 2022): e005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2022.005.
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The marriage of Louis XIV of France and Maria Theresa of Spain sanctioned the end of the Franco-Spanish war (1635-1659). The terms of the peace treaty and the marriage agreement were the result of a long negotiation which conclude with the extraordinary embassy sent to Madrid, led by Antoine III Gramont, marshal of France and duke of Gramont. In this article, we examine different aspects of the entry, reception and regalement of the French embassy at the court of Philip IV. For this purpose, we have considered an extensive corpus of textual sources (accounts, diaries, memories, poetical compositions and archival documents) that supply information about those events. We have focused our attention on the role played by the nobility -in particular, by Juan Gaspar Enríquez de Cabrera, 10th Admiral of Castile-, considering at the same time the relevant function of the material culture in early modern diplomacy.
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Funk, Arthur L., and Andre Beziat. "Franklin Roosevelt et la France, 1939-1945: La diplomatie de l'entetement (Franklin Roosevelt and France, 1939-1945: The Diplomacy of Obstinacy)." Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (September 2000): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568881.
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Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. "Diplomat Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin: New Touches to Biographical Portrait." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015098-5.
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Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.
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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.
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Eichhorn, Niels. "France and the American Civil War: A Diplomatic History." Journal of American History 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa084.
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Hubbard, Charles M. "France and the American civil war: a diplomatic history." Historian 82, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 69–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2020.1722489.
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Adleiba, Emil Gochaevich, and Vasil Timerjanovich Sakaev. "Cultural Diplomacy of France: Essence, Main Directions and Tools." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 199–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0071.
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Abstract The article is devoted to the study of “cultural diplomacy” of France in recent history. The relevance of the topic is conditioned by the fact that states use new, non-leverage levers of influence more and more, striving to spread their values and culture in the world to expand and strengthen their presence in the international arena. The French Republic, in order to revive its former greatness, has accelerated the activities of its institutions over the past decades, which can be interpreted as the manifestations of “soft power” in general, and “cultural diplomacy” in particular. The increase of the French language, culture and history status among the population of Europe, America, Africa and the Middle East is becoming an increasing priority task of the state foreign policy. This, in particular, is evidenced by the statements of the French leadership, as well as the reforms carried out in internal structures to increase the effectiveness of its “cultural diplomacy” concept implementation. The authors of the article concluded that over the past ten years, France has not only stepped up and renewed its cultural and partnership relations around the world, but also opened up new opportunities for the dissemination of information and cooperation, adapting to the diverse expectations of the audience, taking into account, first of all, the factors of multilateral diplomacy and interculturalism. This, in its turn, makes it possible to expect the increase of France foreign policy potential in the international arena. The obtained results are consistent with the conclusions of a number of researchers and expand the existing ideas about the nature, the application of “cultural diplomacy” approaches and the specifics of its influence in the world. The reliability of the study is based on a wide range of published materials, and the obtained results make a significant contribution to knowledge expansion about this problem. At the end of the article, on the basis of France experience study, they determined the potential opportunities for the development of “cultural diplomacy” of Russia.
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Chubaryan, Alexander. "Science Diplomacy: Theory and Practice." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018743-6.
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Since 2021, within the framework of an agreement between the Russian Foundation for Basic Research and the House of Human Sciences Foundation (Paris, France), a joint Russian-French project has been implemented aimed at studying the phenomenon of science diplomacy in the modern world, its role in overcoming contradictions between states and the establishment of peace among peoples. The project aims to analyze the various practices of science diplomacy in the key periods of history, to compare the experience of different countries. In the article, several participants of the project formulate their idea of the phenomenon of science diplomacy. Professor of the University of Le Havre (France) P.-B. Ruffini focuses on the main aspects of science diplomacy, characterizing it as an innovative concept of the 21st century, able to withstand global challenges, and showing that science diplomacy is a phenomenon much wider than the cooperation of scientists from around the world. Scientific director of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Academician Alexander Chubaryan writes about the significant Russian contribution to the development of science diplomacy, drawing on various examples from the field of humanitarian cooperation. Professor of the Sorbonne P. Griset, using the example of Soviet-French cooperation during the Cold War, shows the mechanism for the practical implementation of the elements of science diplomacy in life. Professor of the Russian State University for the Humanities Vera Zabotkina touches upon the topic of the cognitive dimension of science diplomacy, one of the most promising components of modern science.
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Nicault, Catherine. "Daniel, Abraham, Lévi, diplomate, ambassadeur de France." Archives Juives 53, no. 2 (2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/aj1.532.0109.
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Kalmo, Hent. "Enesemääramise paleus ja pragmaatika: Tartu versus Pariis." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal 173, no. 3/4 (October 18, 2021): 243–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2020.3-4.04.
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The Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920, signed between Estonia and Soviet Russia, has been credited with laying the foundation for stability in Eastern Europe in the interwar period. Ants Piip, a member of the Estonian delegation at Tartu, attributed this achievement to the equitable character of the agreement, comparing it favourably with the Treaty of Versailles, widely seen as a dictated peace already in the immediate aftermath of its signature. A similar view was expounded by the Soviet government, which portrayed the Tartu Peace Treaty as an expression of the principles underlying the November Revolution. It especially emphasised the self-determination of peoples, proclaimed repeatedly by the Soviet government as a sine qua non for a just peace. According to the Soviet narrative, the principle of selfdetermination had been hailed by the Entente only to be later betrayed at the Paris Peace Conference. The Tartu Peace Treaty, where the principle of self-determination figured prominently in Article II, thus became, in this telling, an ideological counter model to the results of the Paris Peace Conference. Despite their anti-Bolshevik outlook, Estonian diplomats and politicians inclined towards a comparable interpretation: they had accepted the Soviet peace proposal, with the offer to recognise their right to selfdetermination and independent statehood, only after the Allies had failed to live up to their promises at Paris.
The refence to the principle of self-determination in the Tartu Peace Treaty has not received much attention from historians. As Lauri Mälksoo has noted, it remains a well-nigh forgotten chapter in the history of international law. Mälksoo argued that the reference is all the more noteworthy since the Soviet government gave the principle a remarkably wide scope, joining to it the right to secession, which was not yet enshrined in general international law at the time. Assuming that the principle of selfdetermination was mentioned in the Tartu Peace Treaty at the initiative of the Soviet side, Mälksoo suggested two motives that might have prompted it: the need to recognise the fait accompli of Estonian independence, and the wish to justify within Russia itself the decision to relinquish territories that had formerly belonged to the Tsarist Empire. This article shows that the Estonian side was also keen to refer to the principle of self-determination, quite independently of Soviet wishes, as demonstrated by a draft peace treaty drawn up two months prior to the start of the Tartu negotiations by a commission of experts convened by the Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs. This fact is indicative of the broader diplomatic significance that the Estonian delegation – and its head, Jaan Poska, in particular – attached to peace talks with the Bolsheviks. The article demonstrates that Poska did not start the negotiations in December of 1919 with the sõle aim of signing a peace treaty with Soviet Russia. Just as important, if not more so, was the prospect of using the talks to convince the Entente to recognise Estonian independence de jure.
The Estonian government had founded its claim to international recognition on the principle of self-determination. Upon the outbreak of the Bolshevik revolution, the Estonian Provisional Assembly had availed itself of the Soviet decree proclaiming the right of all peoples of Russia to selfdetermination, including secession and the formation of a separate state. Without being confident in the resolve of the Soviet government to adhere to the letter of its public pronouncements, Estonian politicians nonetheless saw the usefulness of invoking the decree, since the latter could be seen as ratifying Estonia’s decision to secede from Russia. They were already positioning themselves vis-à-vis the Entente Powers, whose freedom to recognise the nascent republic was constrained by rules of international law regarding the validity of secession. The principle of self-determination had great value for a seceding state, especially in circumstances where the mother country did not have a lawful government and was thus unable to consent to any separation of territories (as Russia was regarded in the eyes of most governments at the end of 1917). The Estonian position was buttressed by a string of diplomatic statements made by the Entente Powers in 1918, assuring Estonia that its status would be determined at a forthcoming peace conference in accordance with the principle of self-determination.
Such assurances filled Estonian diplomats with great optimism when they set out for the Paris Peace Conference at the beginning of 1919. The principle of self-determination was tantamount to independence in their mind. It was therefore with growing disappointment that they observed the unwillingness of France and Great Britain to recognise their independence at Paris, intent as the latter were to reconstitute their former eastern ally. This is not to say that Estonian claims were completely ignored. British politicians did not think that they were failing to honour their promises when offering Estonia internationally guaranteed autonomy, under the aegis of the League of Nations, instead of independence. Autonomy did not satisfy Estonians, however, who were canvassing all options at their disposal to arrive at their aim. The quest for ‘other ways’, beginning in earnest in the summer of 1919, has been mostly interpreted by scholars as a decision to reach a peace settlement with the Bolsheviks. The article shows that the Estonian strategy was more multi-faceted. International recognition remained their chief aim, and their receptiveness to Bolshevik peace feelers should be seen in this light. The emphasis placed on the principle of self-determination from the very start of negotiations with Soviet Russia in September of 1919 was a part of this Western-directed diplomatic approach. The Bolsheviks had their own aims in mind when foregrounding this principle. The consternation that the Treaty of Versailles had caused in Germany offered them an opportunity to depict the Paris Peace Conference as the latest manifestation of Great Power imperialism, to which the Soviet proposal of a ‘democratic peace’ (no annexations, no contributions, self-determination to all peoples) was allegedly the only viable alternative.
The peace talks between Estonia and Soviet Russia were thus caught in an ideological struggle between the Soviet government and the Western Allies concerning ‘just peace’. But they also fitted in with the – apparently contrary – Soviet strategy of abandoning outright military aggression and preparing the ground for ‘peaceful coexistence’ with capitalist states, with a view to buttressing the Soviet regime economically. The reference to the principle of self-determination in the Tartu Peace Treaty can be explained by all the considerations mentioned above. The Estonians had their sights set on reinforcing their international status by tying it to the principle. The Bolsheviks were showcasing their adherence to ‘democratic peace’ and contrasting their favourable attitude to small peoples with the hypocrisy of the Great Powers (the fact that it was Soviet Russia that had initiated the war with unprovoked military aggression in 1918 was conveniently ignored). Moreover, on a less public level, Soviet Russia was signalling that it was willing to consent to self-determination in the Russian borderlands in order to reach an agreement with its Western foes, and that it would rely on the long-term superiority of the Bolshevik system in lieu of head-to-head collision with capitalist states. In this last sense, the Treaty of Tartu marks a strategic turn for the Soviet government that became so consequential for the 20th century that the treaty with Estonia acquires truly foundational significance.
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Anisimov, Maksim. "Heinrich Gross of Würtemberg: A Diplomat on Elizabeth Petrovna's Service." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014979-4.
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Heinrich Gross was a diplomat of the Empress of Russia Elizabeth Petrovna, a foreigner on the Russian service who held some of the most important diplomatic posts of her reign. As the head of Russian diplomatic missions in European countries, he was an immediate participant in the rupture of both Franco-Russian and Russo-Prussian diplomatic relations and witnessed the beginning of the Seven Years' War, while in the capital of Saxony, besieged by Prussian troops. After that H. Gross was one of the members of the collective leadership of the Russian Collegium of Foreign Affairs. So far there is only one biographic essay about him written in the 19th century. The aims of this article are threefold. Using both published foreign affairs-related documentation and diplomatic documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, it attempts to systematize the materials of the biography of this important participant in international events. It also seeks to assess his professional qualities and get valuable insight into his role both in the major events of European politics and in the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in the mid-18th century. Moreover, the account of the diplomatic career of H. Gross presented in this essay aims to generate genuine interest among researchers in the personality and professional activities of one of the most brilliant Russian diplomats of the Enlightenment Era.
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Zouplna, Jan. "Speaking Trade, Aiming Beyond: Israel’s Economic Relations with France and Britain before 1956." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 3 (April 23, 2021): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340236.
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Abstract Israel’s relationship with the West during the first half of the 1950s was not a walk in the park. Economic relations fitted into this general picture. Both Britain and France were sceptical as far as Israel’s potential was concerned. Their early prognoses tended to be quite gloomy. Simultaneously, economic relations provided a convenient communication channel at a time when overt association with the Jewish state was not desirable. The progress in Franco-Israeli economic ties during the years 1953-1955 illustrates this ambivalence in full. While prudence remained, the increase in bilateral trade managed to warrant the military supplies. Britain, constituting a traditional market, surpassed France as a trading partner. Given British political aloofness, the instrument of trade served primarily its immediate economic purpose. Based on archival sources gathered in all of the three countries, the paper traces the interplay of trade and diplomacy in the early years of Israel’s foreign relations.
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Magadeev, I. E. "Microcosm of the French Images of the USA: American Visit of the Marshal F. Foch in 1921." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 8 (October 24, 2022): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-8-21-33.
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The article analyses an important event in the Franco-American relations of the post-WWI period, namely, the visit to the USA paid by Marshal F. Foch in October – December 1921. This is the first research on this topic in Russian historiography. The author explores the American voyage of Foch through several interconnected problems: 1) what was the French elites’ image of the USA; 2) how did this image influence the Paris diplomacy; 3) what efforts did the French make to ameliorate the image of the Third Republic in the USA? The parallel preparation and the beginning of the Washington conference of 1921–1922 amplified the importance of the visit. The centenary of the conference stimulates interest in its under-researched aspects. Author concludes that Foch’s American voyage throws the light on the different areas of the relations between France and the USA. On the one hand, the cordial atmosphere of the visit and its resonance testified the vivacity of the memory about the Franco-US allied cooperation during the WWI and its positive impact on the French image. On the other hand, the warm reception of Foch in the USA did not serve to benefit the French diplomacy during the Washington conference.
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Carroll, Francis M. "Stève Sainlaude, France and the American Civil War: A Diplomatic History." Canadian Journal of History 55, no. 3 (December 2020): 317–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.55.3-br15.
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Sawyer, Stephen William. ":France and the American Civil War: A Diplomatic History." Journal of Modern History 94, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 972–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/722208.
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Moyal, Gabriel Louis. "Diplomacy Beyond Language: François Guizot and Translation." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 13, no. 1 (March 19, 2007): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037398ar.
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Abstract Diplomacy Beyond Language: François Guizot and Translation — Neglecting to mention translation, ignoring the need or even the presence of translation is common practice in non-literary French writing in the first half of the nineteenth century. Still, in the case of François Guizot (1787-1874) such neglect seems to have a more deliberate motivation. Before becoming prime minister of France or ambassador to England, Guizot had translated several important English texts into French. His later marginalization of linguistic difference appears more rooted in his ideological perspective on history. Guizot's writings on French and English history and on the evolution of language seem to indicate that, for him, in the long run of history, translation would become obsolete. Nations, like languages, appear, from his point of view, to be drifting towards an ultimate unity, to flow irresistibly towards a Utopian equality wherein differences — political or linguistic — will ultimately be dissolved.
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Windler, Christian. "Tributes and Presents in Franco-Tunisian Diplomacy." Journal of Early Modern History 4, no. 2 (2000): 168–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00178.
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Kossenko, S. I. "THE GENESIS AND EVOLUTION OF THE FRANCE’S CULTURAL DIPLOMACY THROUGH CENTURIES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-29-37.
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The historical roots and the development of external cultural action of France are considered in the article as an attribute of the so called “diplomacy of influence” or “smart power”. The traditionally important place of culture in the French foreign policy is underlined as a part of its strategy aimed at increasing its global influence. The worth of both the history and the culture of France- homeland of the Enlightenment, freethinking and Declaration of Human Rights- keeps, no doubts, a honourable place not only in the European but in the world storehouse of spiritual values. However, if the splendour and attractiveness of the French culture succeeded to tide over the reverses of times, it happened first of all owing to a streamlined cultural policy pursued through ages by ruling circles of this country –from luminous monarchs to modern presidents. In that sense the cultural policy as a target oriented action by the State aimed at the preservation and protection of national cultural particularity is a purely French “invention”, a phenomena which takes its roots in the depths of the national history and maintains its continuity through centuries. Up to now, France remains unique among the developed countries with its thoroughly elaborated and diligently carried on cultural policy leaned on a strong organisational machinery. The facts taken from many latest foreign publications illustrate the narration.
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Fregonese, Pierre-William, and Kazunari Sakai. "French Cultural Strategy and the Japanese Paradigm." ALTERNATIVE FRANCOPHONE 2, no. 9 (April 13, 2021): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/af29420.
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France used to have one of the most powerful cultural diplomacy: it needs nowadays to modernize its strategy to hold on to its international position. France has a long history of foreign cultural policy and is one of the few countries that have placed great emphasis on fostering its culture abroad. However, the French position is currently being challenged by emerging international rivalries. Establishing a cultural strategy in the 21st century requires not only a consistent approach between the projection of an elite culture and of a pop culture, but also a joint action between public and private players. Japan could be a model, even a paradigm for France and its cultural action abroad, as well as an ally through a cultural alliance.