Academic literature on the topic 'Diplomats – France – History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Diplomats – France – History"
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Lascu, Stoica. "THE ROMANIAN DIPLOMAT OF EUROPEAN STATURE NICOLAE TITULESCU IN THE VISION OF SOME CONTEMPORARIES." Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, no. 1 (July 15, 2022): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.1.04.
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The Romanian diplomat of European stature, born on March 4, 1882 (died abroad, on March 17, 1941 in Cannes, France) on the coast of France, in a family of Oltenian owners; left without a father (former Deputy and Prefect) at just one year old, Nicolae Titulescu will study law in Paris, and when he returns to the country he will enter political life, in Take Ionescuʼs party (the Conservative-Democratic Party). He will be a Deputy, Minister of Finance (1917-1918), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1927-1928, 1932-1936), Romaniaʼs Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to London (1921-1927, 1928-1932), Romaniaʼs representative in the League of Nations and its President (twice: 1931 and in 1932). He was member of the Romanian Academy (elected in 1935). This paper presents some opinions (with more recent detailed bibliographic references) excerpted from the book – in 3 volumes, published (under the auspices of the European Titulescu Foundation) in 2012, Pro și Contra Titulescu, edited by George G. Potra – of some people politicians, diplomats, and journalists, Romanians and foreigners – contemporaries of him –, relative to the personality of the greatest diplomat of Romania, and one of the most famous of interwar Europe, whose birth marks, in 2022, 140 years.
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Women, Gender and the Professionalisation of French Cultural Diplomacy in Britain, 1900–1940." English Historical Review 136, no. 583 (December 1, 2021): 1513–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceac002.
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Abstract This article traces the evolution of French cultural diplomacy in Britain from the early twentieth century to the end of the inter-war period; it argues that this field of international relations could not have developed at this time without the intervention of a handful of determined women who undertook activities outside official diplomatic circles. In the first decades of the twentieth century, these women designed cultural strategies and ran institutions that aimed to promote positive images of France in Britain at a time when strong Franco-British relations formed a cornerstone of French diplomatic strategies against mounting German geopolitical ambitions. However, none of these women enjoyed diplomatic status and many were subject to gender-based criticism on the part of official male diplomats. After the First World War, processes of professionalisation made it extremely difficult for the women who had shaped cultural diplomacy in an unofficial capacity to continue acting at the fore of this field, all the more so as they were forbidden at the time to take the entrance exam of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The inter-war professionalisation of diplomacy, however, did not lead to the complete exclusion of women. This article argues that, on the one hand, professionalisation carved out official spaces for women who abided by the criteria outlined by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; on the other hand, the non-state nature of much of inter-war cultural diplomacy meant that some women could continue to pursue cultural diplomatic strategies as part of unofficial networks of diplomacy.
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Geevers, Liesbeth. "Als God op Aarde." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.geev.
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Abstract The diplomatic battle over precedence between France and Spain by way of arguments, 1564-1610Conflicts over precedence were a disruptive but integral part of European diplomacy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This article will explain both the insolubility and the importance of such conflicts, by analyzing the actual arguments made by French and Spanish publicists between 1564 and 1610 who argued for the supremacy of their own king. This analysis shows that national concepts of kingship were central to their reasoning: they identified the most characteristic features of their own brand of kingship and presented these as the criteria by which to construct international hierarchy. This meant first that no consensus was possible, either on the international order itself, or on the criteria to be used; and second, that not only princes, but also diplomats, lawyers, and historians were deeply involved in these conflicts.
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Mitrofanov, Andrey. "A French diplomat in the Russian Service. Missions of the Count d'Antraigues in Venice (1795–1797)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014909-7.
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The article deals with the history of secret diplomacy of the time of the French Revolution. It aims to show unknown aspects of the French émigré сount d'Antraigue's activities as a councillor to the Russian embassy in Venice and as a personal representative of Louis XVIII in 1795–1797. Unpublished documents from the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the memoirs of contemporaries form the source base of the research. The practice of appointing French royalists “under Russian protection” as employees of Russian diplomatic missions was proposed by the Russian court in 1794. The case of d’Antraigues, therefore, was not unique. D'Antraigues' duties in this post were related to the search for information on revolutionary France, the French army in Italy, the politics of the Italian states. His contacts with Swedish agents, French royalists, and French army officers were the most fruitful. At the same time, he was associated with British diplomats. Bonaparte used the errors of the diplomat to his advantage: сount d'Antraigues’s notes served as a pretext for the coup d'état of 18 Fructidor, Year V. Although he сount lost credibility in the eyes of the royalists yet, thanks to the support of A.K. Razumovsky, he continued his service as correspondent and honorary “pensionnaire” of the Russian court. It was after 1797 that a “black legend” developed around the name of the count, thanks, in particular, to former secret agents of the Directory and Napoleon Bonaparte, depicting him as an opportunist.
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Jones, Ann Rosalind. "Contentious Readings: Urban Humanism and Gender Difference in La Puce de Madame Des-Roches (1582)*." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 1 (1995): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863323.
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Recent Research into Early modern social groups in which women gained access to literary language has focused on the coteries in which they learned to perform alongside men, improvising poems later printed in books.1 The typical coterie in Italy, through which women such as Veronica Franco made their way into print, was the humanist academy centered around a court or a group of urban noblemen, such as the Venier academy in Venice. In sixteenth-century France such groups took two forms: the provincial salon attended by professional men—humanist lawyers, diplomats, doctors, publishers—as in Lyon and Poitiers, and the aristocratic salons linked to the court.
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Späti, Christina. "Arrests, Internments, and Deportations of Swiss Jews in France, and the Reactions of Swiss Authorities, 1941–1944." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab012.
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Abstract Hundreds of Swiss Jews were living in France when Germany attacked and conquered it in mid-1940. Antisemitic laws came into force soon thereafter. One question was whether these measures would apply to citizens of a neutral state. German and French authorities applied such laws, for instance, interning approximately sixty Swiss Jews in the Northern Zone. The present study focuses on the arrests, internments, and occasional deportations of Swiss Jews living in France, and the often feeble efforts of Swiss diplomats and other authorities to extricate them. The haunting question remains how much more could have been done.
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Magadeev, I. E. "Searching for the “Strong Hand”: The Revolutionary Crisis in Russia in 1917 and the French Assessments on its Termination." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 3 (2021): 576–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.301.
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This article explores how French diplomatic and military representatives in Russia perceived the growing revolutionary crisis of 1917 and what means they proposed to terminate it. Though the French perceptions of the Russian revolution are rather well researched, scholars paid attention chiefly to French estimates linked to the international and strategic situation of Russia and not to the interior processes in this country. Exploring these questions allows us to widen our understanding of the international context of the Russian revolution and to throw new light on the events of 1917 through the lens of French perceptions. This article is based on the underresearched documents from the Diplomatic archives of the French Foreign Ministry and from the National Archives of France. After having analyzed dispatches of French diplomats and military representatives in Russia during 1917, the author discerns two interlinked tendencies of these observers. First, they notice growing disorganization and “anarchy” in Russia; second, they tried to find and to support political forces in Russia that were capable of restoring “order” and to continue the fight in the war. However, inside this conceptual “frame” there were significant controversies. Conservative French diplomats and the military initially put their hopes in Alexander Kerensky and then in General Lavr Kornilov. After being disappointed in both, they tried to restore “discipline” and to conserve the Eastern front by external forces. Left French observers initially had more enthusiasm for the February revolution and even after the evaporation of these hopes warned Paris not to support counterrevolutionary forces in Russia. In many aspects, discussions about Russian policy of France in 1917 foreshadowed the dilemmas in the relations of Paris with “Reds” and “Whites” during the intervention and the Civil war.
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HOOCK, HOLGER. "THE BRITISH STATE AND THE ANGLO-FRENCH WARS OVER ANTIQUITIES, 1798–1858." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005917.
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This article seeks to contribute to a revisionist account of the role of the British state and the nation in building the British Museum's early antique collections. Traditionally, there has been a perception that, in contrast especially to France, the British national collections of antiquities were formed primarily by private individuals donating objects, while the state looked on with indifference, or, at best, occasionally bought antiquities on the cheap from enterprising travellers or diplomats. Yet, the scale and quality of the British Museum's collections owe much to the power and reach of the British military and imperial state. The harnessing of political, diplomatic, and military resources to archaeological work, the dovetailing of private and public efforts, and a strong element of international, especially Anglo-French, competition added up to a substantial programme of public patronage. This is easily ignored by approaches that only consider (continental European) ideal types of public patronage, such as Napoleon's Egyptian Commission on the Sciences and Arts. The article sketches the chronological and geographical unfolding of state-supported archaeological activities around the Mediterranean and the Near East, and considers the connections between archaeology and diplomacy, the different modes of collection building, and the origins of debates about preservation and spoliation.
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Tortel, Emilien. "Marseille, city of refuge: international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France (1940-1942)." Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 28, no. 48 (August 12, 2021): 364–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e78244.
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Anchored in the port of Marseille, this article studies encounters between international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France’s nationalism in times of war and exile. Being the main free harbour in France after the country’s defeat against Germany in the spring of 1940, Marseille saw hundreds of thousands of refugees seeking refuge and exile on its shores. This massive flux gave rise to a local internationalism of humanitarian and solidarity networks bonded by an anti-fascist ideology. American humanitarians, diplomats, and radical leftist militants shaped this eclectic internationalism by providing crucial support for European refugees escaping the Nazi-backed state repression in France. Using the local archives of the department of Bouches-du-Rhône, this paper analyses how these actors and their ideologies met in Marseille and interacted with or against Vichy France’s nationalism. In the end, the extended historiography on refugees, American humanitarianism, solidarity networks, and French nationalism will be used to analyse global ideologies in a local context during the Second World War.
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Arbatova, N. "Were the Minsk Agreements doomed to failure? An alternative history." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-107-120.
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History does not allow for subjunctive mood but politics do allow. As Russia‟s special military operation is underway in Ukraine growing into a major, deadly conflict with unpredictable consequences, it is worthwhile to ask a question: could this conflict be prevented if the Minsk agreements were implemented? The 2014 and 2015 Minsk agreements were aimed at securing a ceasefire between the Ukrainian government and pro-Russian separatists in southeastern Ukraine (Donbass). The rebels from Donetsk and Lugansk drew their courage from the “Crimea precedent” – Moscow‟s incorporation of the Crimea “on the basis of voluntary self-determination and historical commonness”. The Minsk agreements were a product of the Normandy format – a platform for senior diplomats from France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine, created in June 2014 with the aim of finding a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The agreements ended large-scale fighting, but not creeping violence that posed the main obstacle for the political settlement of the conflict. The article provides an analysis of the Minsk agreements, including their strengths and weaknesses. Special attention is paid to the EU‟s political goals and instruments for the peaceful settlement of the Ukrainian conflict. The article also seeks to explain why the Europeans have not been able to take on a more visible and effective role in the implementation of their proclaimed goals.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Diplomats – France – History"
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Brough, Gideon John. "Medieval diplomatic history : France and the Welsh, 1163-1417." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/42434/.
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This thesis examines French efforts to project their power onto Britain during the Middle Ages, engaging the Welsh as their partners. The subsequent chapters contribute fresh analysis on a range of leaders and periods. This has been done using new theories, particularly military ones, and pushes the boundaries of this area of studies. The concepts of ‘bracketing alliances’ and the strategy of ‘cultivate and eradicate’ have been introduced and applied to this research. In addition, the thesis includes works not commonly found in such a study; reaching outside the field to help clarify points of analysis. For example, Sun Tzu has been included to demonstrate that medieval rulers were practising the most effective methods of warfare, as we recognise them today. Also, by applying modern diplomatic theory, such as ‘Soft Power’, this research not only gives these ideas a wider conceptual use but also connects and makes relevant medieval events to the modern world. On a broader level, these French-Welsh links demand wider exposure, whether from the perspective of the French attempting to articulate their power within Britain or the Welsh playing a role on the continental stage. This thesis presents new perceptions of these leaders, the conflicts of their times, their diplomatic initiatives and the power relations of the age. Its primary thrusts, therefore, are the dissection of the form and impact of these diplomatic and military relations, focussing on French efforts to project their power onto Britain at moments when friendship was co-ordinated with Welsh leaders. In recognition of the many subjects researched, and to borrow shamelessly from William of Malmesbury, and certainly others, I give note; ‘uolo enim hoc opus esse multarum historiarum breuiarium.’1
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Clerc, Louis. "La Finlande dans la diplomatie française : représentations, forces organisationnelles et intérêt national dans les considérations finlandaises des diplomates et des militaires français (1918-1940)." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007STR30001.
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Notre thèse vise à étudier la place de la Finlande dans la diplomatie et la stratégie française entre 1918 et 1940. Notre travail s'articule autour de trois questions principales :. Quelles sont les relations entretenues par les responsables français de politique étrangère avec la Finlande?. Quelles sont les structures de ces relations, la façon dont les responsables français replacent la Finlande dans le cadre de leurs visions du monde et de l'intérêt national?. Quels enseignements en termes d'organisation des relations entre un petit Etat et une grande puissance peut-on tirer du cas d'école des relations franco-finlandaises? Notre travail reprend le cours des relations franco-finlandaises de la reconnaissance par la France de l'indépendance finlandaise (4 janvier 1918) à la fin de la guerre finno-soviétique (13 mars 1940). Nous observons ces relations dans trois domaines : les représentations de la Finlande en France ; les forces organisationnelles à l'oeuvre dans les relations entre les responsables français et la Finlande ; la façon dont la Finlande s'insère dans les considérations d'intérêt national de ces responsables. Dans ces trois domaines, notre but est de trouver les influences pesant sur les responsables français dans leur appréciation des questions finlandaises. Ce travail nous permet de dresser un certain nombre de conclusions sur la nature des relations entre grandes puissances et petits Etats et sur la politique française en Baltique de 1918 à 1940Our thesis aims at studying the place of Finland in French diplomacy and strategy from 1918 to 1940. Our work revolves around three sets of issues: What are the relations between the French foreign policy leadership and Finland? What are the structures of these relations, the way the French foreign policy leadership replaces Finland in their views of the world and their assessment of French national interest? What does this case-study teach us in terms of the way Great Powers relate to small States? Our work describes chronologically French-Finnish relations from the recognition by France of Finland’s independence (4th January 1918) to the end of the Finnish-Soviet war (13th March 1940). We observe these relations in three domains: the French representations about Finland; the organisational forces at work between the French leadership and Finland ; the way Finland is replaced in the French assessment of France’s national interest. In these three domains, our goal is to find the influences that weight on the French leadership’s assessment of Finland’s place in France’s national interest. This work allows us to draw a few conclusions of the way Great Powers relate to small States, and on French policy in the Baltic between the two World wars
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Cantoni, Roberto. "Oily deals : exploration, diplomacy and security in early Cold War France and Italy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/oily-deals-exploration-diplomacy-and-security-in-early-cold-war-france-and-italy(64fca03b-4a9f-485a-bff1-2a13e3f07905).html.
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Oil is one of the most widespread high-density energy sources in the world: its importance for the military-industrial complex became even more evident in the postwar context. In this framework, establishing the conditions for accessing the world's oil-rich areas became essential for states, not only to provide for their own energy needs, but also to buttress national economic and geostrategic interests, and protect energy security. In addition, regulating the oil flow between countries afforded the ability to influence their operational capabilities. Exploiting oil as a geopolitical weapon was not distinctive of the two global hegemonic powers, but was also employed by less powerful countries, such as France and Italy. My thesis shows how, from the second half of the 1940s, successive Italian and French administrations established agencies for hydrocarbon management, and devised strategies of oil exploration according to their political agendas. Achieving energy autonomy was the main objective of both countries. However, the predominance of Anglo-American interests in both French and Italian oil scenarios led to continuous bilateral diplomatic tensions, especially over issues of exploration rights. Anglo-American governments and companies sought to shape the French and Italian oil scenes to their benefit, also by looking for allies in the political classes of the two countries. It was the outcome of these 'oily deals' that eventually shaped the history of Italian and French oil industries. Conflicting interests were revealed at their fullest during the Algerian war of 1954-62: following the discovery of large oil and gas fields in Algeria, US and Italian companies started to negotiate, first with the French and then the Algerians, their access to, and prospecting rights for Algerian territories. My work shows that negotiation processes involved secret surveillance activities, the establishment of parallel diplomacies, and serious confrontation between Cold War allies. A fundamental role in these deals was played by technocrats and geoscientists, who facilitated the communication of secret data on oilfields to their national authorities. Significant global oil discoveries occurred worldwide in the 1950s, eventually leading to overproduction: an outcome assisted by major progress in geophysical prospecting techniques. France's new role as an oil producer thanks to discoveries in Africa provoked a shift of national interest from exploration to transport. At the same time Italy, after the signing of massive oil-for-technology barter agreements with the Soviet Union, could now dispose of a surplus that needed channelling to potential outlets. For both countries, building pipelines became an essential aspect: however, as both were targeting the West European market, Europe became an arena of bitter competition for pipeline dominance. Italian-Soviet contracts, together with the current level of West European trade with the Soviet Union, prompted an examination of Western security by international organisations. The issue of limiting Soviet oil exports into West European countries was widely debated at the European Community and Nato, as was European technological aid to the Soviet project of constructing a colossal pipeline system. My analysis of the terms of the debates, their development and outcome, reveals the ambiguity of the concepts of security and 'strategic technology' as a ground for decision-making, indicating how these were construed as co-products of negotiations.
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Gady, Eric. "Le pharaon, l'égyptologue et le diplomate : les égyptologues français du voyage de Champollion à la crise de Suez (1828-1956)." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040038.
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Parce que l'expédition de Bonaparte redécouvrit l'Égypte ancienne, que Champollion fut le premier Occidental à déchiffrer les hiéroglyphes et que Mariette fonda le Service égyptien des Antiquités, les Français voulurent ou crurent posséder, sinon un monopole, du moins la première place dans l'égyptologie. Pendant des décennies, la République française défendit souvent avec vigueur ses savants en Égypte, de manière financière, par la création de l'IFAO, comme de manière diplomatique, notamment en réservant la direction du Service à l'un de ses nationaux lors de l'accord de l'Entente Cordiale. Une véritable diplomatie culturelle se mit progressivement en place afin de sauvegarder cet héritage égyptologique, d'abord face aux Britanniques, puis, après 1922, face aux Égyptiens désireux de conquérir leur passé. Cette action s'inscrit directement dans le cadre d'une politique impérialiste : les Français qui, après 1882, se sentirent frustrés de voir leurs rivaux britanniques contrôler l'Égypte contemporaine, transférèrent leurs prétentions sur l'Égypte antique. Maintenir une présence scientifique permettait de conserver l'influence française sur les bords du Nil. C'est donc la notion d'impérialisme scientifique que cette thèse entend présenterBecause Bonaparte's expedition rediscovered ancient Egypt, because Champollion was the first Westerner to decipher the hieroglyphs, and also because Mariette founded the Egyptian Antiquities Service, the French wanted or believed that they possessed, if not a monopoly, at least the first place in Egyptology. For decades, the French Republic supported its scholars in Egypt, both financially, by the creation of the IFAO, and diplomatically, notably by reserving the direction of the Antiquities Service to one of its countrymen during the Entente Cordiale agreement. A real policy of “cultural diplomacy” was progressively set up to save this egyptological legacy, first against the British, then, after 1922, against the Egyptians anxious to conquest their past. This action directly fits in with an imperialist policy : the French who, after 1882, felt themselves frustrated to see their British rivals control contemporary Egypt, transferred theirs pretensions to ancient Egypt. Maintaining this scholarly presence allowed the continuation of French influence along the Nil. So, it is the notion of scientific imperialism which is presented in this thesis
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Tronchet, Guillaume. "Savoirs en diplomatie : une histoire sociale et transnationale de la politique universitaire internationale de la France (années 1870 - années 1930)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010714.
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Contre une historiographie de la diplomatie culturelle, qui tend à épouser les cadres conceptuels du Quai d'Orsay en utilisant le motif englobant du «culturel» pour désigner des actions de politique étrangère distinctes du militaire, du politique et de l'économique, le propos de la thèse est de montrer qu'il a existé en France, entre la fin du XIXe et le premier XXe siècle, une forme d'action, cohérente et autonome, à caractère international et transnational : la «diplomatie universitaire». Né autour des années 1870-1900, à la confluence de dynamiques socio-économiques pluriscalaires (locales, nationales, globales) tendant à internationaliser le champ universitaire français et à universitariser l'exportation des savoirs, ce domaine d'intervention a été, à partir des années 1900-1910, intégré à une politique universitaire internationale étatisée, sous la conduite du ministère de l'Instruction publique et de réseaux d'acteurs à la croisée du public et du privé (comme l'Office national des universités et écoles françaises). L'après-guerre constitue un moment d'hétéronomisation du secteur, lequel est investi par des acteurs dont les logiques sont extérieures à celles ayant jusqu'ici prévalu : ainsi des entrepreneurs en diplomatie culturelle au Quai d'Orsay, avec qui les acteurs de la diplomatie universitaire sont en situation de collaboration et de concurrence dans les années 1920-1930, et vis-à-vis desquels ils tentent de préserver leur autonomie, tandis que la politique universitaire internationale de la France est peu à peu intégrée au champ de la diplomatie culturelle. À partir d'archives et de sources inédites, la thèse retrace l'histoire de cette autonomie perdueCriticizing the notion of "cultural diplomacy" spread by the Foreign Affairs Departments of European countries and of the United States, this thesis focuses on the unknown history of the French "academic diplomacy". This international and transnational action was built by the universities of the French Third Republic in order to attract foreign students and academics, and to export the French knowledges abroad. It was born between the late l 870s and the mid l 900s, at the intersection of social and economical dynamics, that the dissertation analyses at different scales (local, national, global) with the tools of history and sociology. In the l 900s and 1910s, under the influence of some members of Parliament and some academic networks like the Office national des universités et écoles françaises, ONUEF), this sector was gradually invested by State and placed under the control of the French Ministry of Education and its new international academic policy. The Great War reinforced the weight of the interstate et political logics. In the 1920s and 1930s, actors of academic diplomacy were increasingly in competition with the new actors of cultural diplomacy, related to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Without success, they tried to preserve their autonomy, but the international academic policy of France was gradually integrated into the cultural diplomacy area. The loss of academic autonomy is the central question of the thesis
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Fett, Denice Lyn. "Information, Intelligence and Negotiation in the West European Diplomatic World, 1558-1588." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275425139.
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Speeckaert, Jean-Charles. "Construire une relation pacifiée. Les ministres de France à Bruxelles dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Pratiques et réseaux." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/256988.
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Des relations entre la France et les Pays-Bas méridionaux, l’histoire a surtout gardé le souvenir des affrontements et de la soif de conquête. Le renversement des alliances de 1756 met fin à ce voisinage conflictuel. Cette alliance inédite amène Louis XV et Marie-Thérèse d’Autriche à pacifier leurs rapports. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’examiner comment la mise en place et le maintien de cette paix se concrétisent entre la France et les Pays-Bas, qui dépendent de Vienne depuis le traité d’Utrecht (1713). Ce sont près de deux générations des populations de ces pays qui vivent une rare période de paix. La première partie du travail porte sur la signification diplomatique et politique de l’envoi de ministres à Bruxelles - au cœur d’un territoire qui n’est pas souverain. En analysant les formes de la représentation diplomatique et la mission de ces envoyés, c’est la question des provinces belgiques comme lieu et enjeu des relations internationales qui est posée. La seconde partie s’intéresse aux hommes et aux femmes au cœur de ces relations, aux ressources qu’ils mettent en œuvre, c’est-à-dire leurs pratiques et les réseaux qu’ils forment. Dans le contexte de relations transfrontalières, l’accent est mis sur l’intervention de personnes variées, parfois éloignées des cercles et des lieux de pouvoir.Doctorat en Histoire, histoire de l'art et archéologie
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Greth, Karine. "Les représentations de la France à Saint-Pétersbourg et le déploiement de la diplomatie culturelle française en Russie de 1991 à 2010. Échanges bilatéraux : enjeux politiques, stratégiques et géopolitiques." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040123.
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Les Français ont compris très tôt l’importance de l’image de la France à l’étranger et établi ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui un modèle français de diplomatie culturelle qu’ils s’attachent à défendre et promouvoir à travers le soft power. La présence, depuis plus d’un siècle, d’un dispositif culturel et diplomatique français financé par l’Etat en Russie, témoigne de la portée stratégique que représente le rayonnement de la France dans ce pays. Mais est-ce que les retombées économiques et politiques sont à la hauteur des moyens investis par la France dans le déploiement de son dispositif culturel et diplomatique en Russie ? Quels sont les effets de l’action française ? Nos travaux de recherche ont consisté à étudier l’évolution de l’action française en Russie, ainsi qu’à examiner, évaluer et mettre en lumière le rôle et les enjeux de la présence française dans ce pays aujourd’hui. Cela a nécessité une compréhension contemporaine, mais aussi historique, des rapports bilatéraux franco-russes et du regard que chacun porte sur l’Autre. Cette thèse présente donc une analyse du dispositif mis en place par la France en Russie et plus particulièrement à Saint-Pétersbourg, ainsi que les enjeux diplomatiques, économiques et stratégiques de l’activisme culturel développé par la France en Russie au tournant du XXIe siècle. Enfin, elle a pour but d’éclairer sur le positionnement de la France aujourd’hui dans la relation Est-Ouest et sur l’état de la relation bilatérale franco-russeThe French have long understood the importance of France’s image abroad and established what’s called today the French model of cultural diplomacy, which they defend and promote through soft power. For over a century, the French Government has financed the action of multiple players in its cultural and diplomatic outreach in Russia. This speaks to the strategic importance of having France shine in Russia. But do the economic and political repercussions match the resources deployed by France in its cultural and diplomatic activities in Russia ? What are the results of France’s actions ? Our research has studied the evolution of France’s actions in Russia, examined and highlighted the role and parameters of French presence in today’s Russia. This has required a contemporary and historical understanding of the Franco-Russian bilateral relationship and how each regards the Other. This thesis analyzes the resources used by France in Russia, more particularly St. Petersburg, as well as the strategic, economic and diplomatic parameters of France’s cultural activities that it pursued in Russia at the beginning of the 21st century. Finally, it aims to clarify France’s position in the rapport between East and West and the state of the Franco-Russian bilateral relationship
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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Political and diplomatic relations between the Republic of Lithuania and France in 1919–1940." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092603-04021.
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The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.
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Ortiz, Vásquez Luis Carlos. "La correspondance politique des diplomates français en Colombie : 1860-1903." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA010542.
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La seconde moitié du 19e siècle se caractérise, tant en France qu'en Colombie, par des transformations politiques durables. Ces deux processus indépendants l'un de l'autre servent à délimiter et orienter l'analyse de la correspondance. Cette dernière, de source de documentation est devenue l'objet même de la recherche et c'est en cela que réside la spécificité de ce travail. Elle se trouve regroupée dans la correspondance politique (1860-1894) et dans la correspondance politique et commerciale (1895-1903) des archives du quai d’Orsay. Les évolutions politiques dans les deux états, ses incidences sur les relations diplomatiques et sur les opinions des diplomates français sont les sujets de la période 1860-1880. Pour les années 1880-1895, ceux-ci sont l'affermissement de la "régénération" et le débat sur le statut juridique de la concession de la compagnie universelle du canal de panama. La dernière partie, après 1895, traite sur la séparation de panama. Les diplomates expriment dans la correspondance une version stéréotypée de la Colombie laquelle nous permet d'analyser leurs mentalités et leurs conceptions idéologiques.
Books on the topic "Diplomats – France – History"
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Les diplomates: Derrière la façade des ambassades de France. [Paris]: Nouveau Monde, 2010.
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Les diplomates: Derrière la façade des ambassades de France. Paris: Nouveau Monde Éditions, 2011.
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Waquet, Jean-Claude. Francois de Callieres: L'art de negocier en France sous Louis XIV. Paris: Rue d'Ulm, presses de l'ecole normale superieure, 2005.
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Waquet, Jean-Claude. François de Callières: L'art de négocier en France sous Louis XIV. Paris: Editions Rue d'Ulm, 2005.
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Waquet, Jean-Claude. François de Callières: L'art de négocier en France sous Louis XIV. Paris: Rue d'Ulm, 2005.
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Duluc, François. Le marquis de Bonnay: Le père oublié de la Déclaration des droits de l'homme. Paris: Passés-composés, 2022.
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Talleyrand: Le prince immobile. [Paris]: Fayard, 2003.
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Sauveur, Villeneuve Louis. Les rapports de Louis-Sauveur, marquis de Villeneuve, ambassadeur du roi de France, auprès de la Sublime Porte ottomane (1728-1741). Istanbul: Les éditions ISIS, 2019.
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Salkin-Laparra, Geneviève. Marins et diplomates: Les attachés navals français, 1860-1914. Vincennes: Service historique de la marine, 1990.
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Jean Nicot. Lyon: La Manufacture, 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Diplomats – France – History"
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Mokhberi, Susan. "Introduction to the Mirror." In The Persian Mirror, 1–7. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190884796.003.0001.
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During the seventeenth century, French missionaries, travelers, diplomats, and writers raised comparisons between France and Persia that established Persia as a suitable mirror for France. The two countries were connected through diplomatic contacts, images, material objects, and texts, which together laid the basis for an imagined relationship. Frenchmen created an image of Persia that matched their own tastes and political circumstances and evolved over the course of the century. Inspired by new trajectories in global history, the case study of France and Persia challenges traditional ideas of Orientalism by uncovering the variety of European responses to Asia in the early modern period.
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Watkins, John. "Interdynastic Marriage, Religious Conversion, and the Expansion of Diplomatic Society." In After Lavinia. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501707575.003.0003.
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This chapter focuses on interdynastic marriage in Roman successor states beyond the Alps, the kingdoms of the Merovingian Franks and the Anglo-Saxons during the northern European conversions to Christianity. It considers religious conversion stories that document the expansion of a Latin-based, premodern diplomatic society, beginning with a discussion of Historiae, Gregory of Tours's account of the Burgundian princess Clothilde's conversion of her Frankish husband, Clovis, and its place in the history of marriage diplomacy. The chapter proceeds by analyzing Bede's Historia ecclesiastica, which suggests that clerics may have supplanted royal women as actors in the expansion of diplomatic society after the great conversions. Gregory of Tours and Bede both advocated interdynastic marriage as a vehicle for the Christianization of Europe. Clerical marriage was a regular feature of diocesan life in sixth-century Francia, and Gregory frequently refers to the wives of priests and of his brother bishops.
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Brady, Steven J. "“Its Peculiar Moral Force”." In Chained to History, 153–79. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761058.003.0007.
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This chapter highlights the role of slavery in US international relations amidst the war. It explains how European intervention is the key to diplomatic success while referencing the stance of Russia, France, and Britain. The administration of President Abraham Lincoln appeared to have had a strong motivation for stressing slavery as the cause of the war while simultaneously aiming for emancipation. The chapter looks into the Trent Affair that resulted in the greatest threat of a third Anglo-American war. It explicates how slavery proved to be less of an advantage that the United States could actively exploit in its diplomacy through colonization and emancipation.
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Siracusa, Joseph M. "3. Diplomatic origins of the Great War and Versailles." In Diplomatic History: A Very Short Introduction, 32–56. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192893918.003.0003.
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‘Diplomatic origins of the Great War and Versailles’ looks at the diplomatic origins of the Great War and its aftermath Versailles, which carried away five empires and an entire generation of young men. Based on Europe’s rival alliances and age-old ambitions, the Great Powers found themselves engulfed in war that began with the assassination of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, in Sarajevo, 28 June 1914. A case can be made that the Treaty of Versailles, with its emphasis on German war guilt and reparations, achieved the exact opposite of what the diplomats set out to do, inexorably, tragically, laying the groundwork for the next, more horrible world war.
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Siracusa, Joseph M. "2. Diplomacy of the American Revolution." In Diplomatic History: A Very Short Introduction, 11–31. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192893918.003.0002.
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‘Diplomacy of the American Revolution’ considers the United States' battle for independence and the diplomatic efforts required to reach agreement with Great Britain. In order to win independence, the United States had found it necessary to involve itself in the international rivalries and politics of Europe. The negotiations between the US peace commissioners — John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay — and the Comte de Vergennes, the French Foreign Minister, the Earl of Shelburne, Richard Oswald, and the Spanish are worth examining at this point. A number of key treaties were signed during the negotiations, including the 1778 Treaty of Amity and Commerce and Treaty of Alliance between America and France.
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DELLANEVA, JOANN. "Storytelling at the Crossroads of Diplomacy, History, and Poetry:." In Storytelling in Sixteenth-Century France, 125–51. University of Delaware Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2v55gsc.9.
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Zagare, Frank C. "The Moroccan Crisis of 1905–6." In Game Theory, Diplomatic History and Security Studies, 41–60. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831587.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on the Moroccan crisis of 1905–6, which was the first in a series of early twentieth-century confrontations that are generally considered to have led to World War I. The chapter interprets this crisis in the context of an incomplete information game model, the Tripartite Crisis Game, and one of its proper subgames, the Defender–Protégé subgame. British support of France during the 1906 Algeciras Conference, which ended the crisis, the firm stand that France took at the conference, and the German decision to press for a conference, are explained in terms of the model’s principal variables. In addition, the chapter discusses the Entente Cordiale and the “deterrence vs. restraint dilemma” associated with it, and similar strategic relationships. While the analysis is not necessarily at odds with the conclusions of some historians, it is more powerful because it is explicit about the causal mechanisms at work.
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"Part Three. The Franco-American Alliance." In A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution, 73–104. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300162172-004.
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Zagare, Frank C. "Introduction." In Game Theory, Diplomatic History and Security Studies, 1–4. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831587.003.0001.
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History, it is oftentimes said, is just one damned thing after another. Generally speaking, highly skilled diplomatic historians and security studies specialists have performed the task of describing each of these “things” with great acumen. Trachtenberg (1990/1991: 136), for example, convincingly and insightfully shows that the sudden change in German foreign policy on the eve of World War I was precipitated by Russia’s partial mobilization and not, as is oftentimes argued, by a warning in Berlin by the German ambassador in London that Great Britain was unlikely to stand aside in any war that involved France....
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"Appendix 1. The Franco-American Treaty of Alliance." In A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution, 165–69. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300162172-007.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Diplomats – France – History"
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Ryabov, S. M. "“Discourse on the overthrow of the king of Sweden” of Charles de Danzay: source on the history of the Baltic question 60-70 years of the XVI Century." In VIII Information school of a young scientist. Central Scientific Library of the Urals Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32460/ishmu-2020-8-0032.
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“Discourse on the overthrow of the king of Sweden” was written by the French diplomat resident in Copenhagen Charles de Danzay in 1568. It tells about the events of the overthrow of the Swedish monarch Eric XIV that occurred in the same 1568 by his brothers: Dukes Karl and Johan. Danzay in his “Discourse” gives estimates of the regime of Eric XIV. The work allows us to compare it with The Opritchnina regime of Ivan IV the terrible. The article also discusses the “Muscovite plot” related to the overthrow of Eric XIV: the so-called “the case of Katerina Jagiellonka”. In addition, the topic of Franch presence in the Baltic is briefly touched upon. In the article, the author comes to the conclusion that “Discourse” Danzay is a valuable source on the history of Sweden and Russia, the Baltic question in the XVI century Northern Seven years' war, which can shed light on many until today the dark questions.
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Gila, Cristina Iulia. "Challenges and Achievements of European Education Ministers on Information Exchange and Collaboration within the European Economic Community between 60s and 80s." In World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/25.
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This article examines the concerns of all national education systems in Europe regarding exchanges of information, ideas and collaborations since the beginning of the configuration of the European Community in the 1960s. The idea of working together member states for a better future for the younger generation was found both in the documents of the Conferences of Heads of State on Education and in the consultations of education experts. This was pointed out by education ministers, such as Edgar Faure or Olivier Guichard, in France, who made strong arguments, demonstrating responsibility for action for future generations. Although the beginning was difficult, in the 1960s the documents referred to the education of the children of migrant workers, the importance of learning modern languages, the recognition of diplomas. In the 1980s, meetings at the level of education ministers highlighted a deepening and strengthening of cooperation to adapt language teaching models, expand the study of European history and European institutions in secondary education increasing access to education for children with special needs, setting up school spaces for language learning, but especially the creation of a European Centre for Education.
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Kosolapov, Vladimir, Ilya Trofimov, Lyudmila Trofimova, and Elena Yakovleva. "100 years of the State Meadow Institute." In Multifunctional adaptive fodder production. ru: Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production and Agroecology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33814/mak-2022-28-76-9-18.
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100 years since the Establishment of the State Meadow Institute the Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production & Agroecology celebrates in June 2022. The State Meadow Institute creation was event of the most important state significance. This event is extremely important for rational nature management, increasing soil fertility, obtaining high and sustainable crop yields, and preserving the productive longevity of our lands. In 1922 the Station for the study of forage plants and forage area was transformed into the State Meadow Institute (SMI). 1930 – SMI was transformed into the All-Union Williams Fodder Research Institute. 1992 – transformation into the All-Russian Williams Fodder Research Institute. 2018 transformation into the Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production & Agroecology. Throughout its history, the Institute has proudly borne the name of its founder – W. R. Williams. Such famous scientists as V. R. Williams, A. M. Dmitriev, L. G. Ramensky, I. V. Larin, S. P. Smelov, T. A. Rabotnov, A. A. Zubrilin and many others worked at the Institute. The Institute's works (books, articles) have been published in England, Belarus, Bulgaria, China, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Israel, Kazakhstan, Korea, Mongolia, New Zealand, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, USA, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, Switzerland, Sweden, and Japan. Scientific and practical achievements of the Institute were awarded 7 times with State prizes of the USSR and the Russian Federation in the field of science and technology, as well as Prizes of the government of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of agriculture of the Russian Federation, diplomas of Exhibitions and other awards. For services to the country, the Institute was awarded the order of Labor Red Banner.