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1
H.R.H. "Divided Nations and the Politics of Borders." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408452.
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The ghost of Trianon continues to haunt Central Europe. The consequences of the unmaking of the Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary still confront diplomats, even more so now in the aftermath of communism and the demise of Soviet hegemony. The plight of Hungarian minorities in Hungary's neighboring states is a constant concern to diplomats as satisfactory accommodation of ethnic minorities fails throughout post-communist Eastern Europe. Specifically, a fear of destabilization on account of a crisis related to the several Hungarian minorities scattered in half a dozen adjacent states is never far from the surface.
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Kaminska, Joanna. "The Link between National Foreign Policy and the Performance of a Country in the European Union: The Polish Case." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 1 (May 13, 2010): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i1.187.
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This article examines the link between the adaptation of national executives and diplomats to the EU and the capacity of a state to influence EU foreign policy outcomes. It argues that, in the case of Poland, the politicization of the domestic administrative structures before 2004 constrained the ability of the state to impact on the EU’s external agenda after the enlargement. It also claims that a rapid adaptation to the EU occurred only after the Polish accession to the EU, as the will to influence the EU’s policy towards Eastern Europe was a main driver for changes in the national diplomacy.
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Prousis, Theophilus C. "Reporting from the city: Vignettes from Constantinople in the Dispatches of Lord Strangford during the Eastern Crisis of the 1820s." Chronos 35 (November 4, 2018): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v35i0.204.
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The tangled web of the Eastern Question became the single most explosive force in European great power politics during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and Constantinople became the epicenter of this contentious dispute in Ottoman-European relations. Eyewitness commentaries by diplomats, travelers, residents, and others who visited this fabled city conveyed images and episodes about various topics, including European interactions with the Ottoman Empire, European designs on contested lands, and Ottoman politics and policy. These scenes and stories not only shed light on the geopolitical heart of the Eastern Question but also reinforce the centrality of this volatile issue in the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Europe.
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Parkhalina, Tatiana, and S. A. Romanenko. "International relations in Eastern Europe: problems, approaches and research limits." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.01.
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The editors of the introduction substantiate the themes, problems,and methodology of the study of the development of international relations in Eastern Europe. The authors justify the chronological framework of the research, the topics and problems, the structure of the materials, the general characteristics of the sources used by the authors, and gives a description of the research methods. The authors' team consists of representatives of various disciplines – historians, internationalists, political scientists, diplomats, working both in research institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences and in scientific and pedagogical institutions. The focus is on the period 2014–2021 – the turn in relations between Russia and the West (NATO and the EU), including the countries of Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, due to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine up to the sharp aggravation of relations at the regional and global levels, which manifested and, in part, the cause of which was the Russian military operation on the territory of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The studies included in this issue are written on the basis of different types of sources – official documents (international treaties, declarations, diplomatic and political documents of Russia, EU and NATO, Central Eastern and South-Eastern European countries, media materials, journalism, scientific and analytical works. On the basis of these materials the general picture of the international relations in the East (Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe) during the specified period is created, the essence of various forms of interaction of the countries of the region between themselves, with the Russian Federation and the European and Euro-Atlantic structures, and also the essence of global and Eurasian relations is revealed.
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Magadeev, I. E. "French diplomats and the military on Soviet Russia and the balance of power in Central-Eastern Europe in 1922." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 128–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-128-162.
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The consolidation of the Soviet state in 1922 and the activities of Soviet diplomacy in the key international forums had a direct impact on the strategic situation in Europe. The eventual strengthening of Soviet Russia/the USSR was both a threat and an opportunity for France as one of the leading European powers of that period, which had obligations and interests in Central and Eastern Europe. The author aims to identify the main approaches of French diplomats and the military to a set of issues related to the possible development of Soviet Russia in 1922 and its place in the European balance of power. The study is based on a wide range of primary sources from the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, the National Archives of France, the Historical Service of the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the Fifth Republic, as well as on recently published French diplomatic and military documents. The author concludes that the French elites had a rather ambiguous attitude towards the process and the first results of political consolidation and socio-economic development of the Soviet state. On the one hand, the formation of the USSR was an obvious manifestation of the growing Soviet power that somewhat diminished the hopes of French officials for the imminent fall of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, diplomats and the military both in Paris and on-site were often skeptical about the prospects for the development of the Soviet economy, noting the catastrophic consequences of hunger, economic and financial ruin. Moderate optimism about the opportunity to intensify trade and economic contacts with Soviet Russia as its economy recovers coexisted with pronounced pessimism. The French assessments of the military potential of the Soviet state were marked by the same ambivalence. The acknowledgement of the current limited capabilities of the Red Army and the Red Fleet was accompanied by the growing recognition that the basis of the military power of the Soviet state had not been undermined. All this could help Moscow improve its international stance in the future, which would inevitably affect the balance of power in Europe. Under these circumstances, the French elites debated the prospects for the ‘normalization’ of the Bolshevik regime and its incorporation into the Versailles order. The author argues that all these contradictory attitudes, views and assessments that surfaced in 1922 to a large extent predetermined the overall direction and specific content of the French policy towards the USSR in the following years.
6
CHAMEDES, GIULIANA. "THE VATICAN AND THE RESHAPING OF THE EUROPEAN INTERNATIONAL ORDER AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 56, no. 4 (October 30, 2013): 955–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000320.
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ABSTRACTThe Vatican is often cast as a marginal player in the reshaping of the European international order after the First World War. Drawing on new archival material, this article argues for a reassessment of the content and consequences of papal diplomacy. It focuses on the years between 1917 and 1929, during which time the Vatican used the tools of international law and state-to-state diplomacy to expand its power in both eastern and western Europe. The Vatican's interwar activism sought to disseminate a new Catholic vision of international affairs, which militated against the separation of church and state, and in many contexts helped undermine the principles of the League of Nations’ minority rights regime. Thanks in no small part to the assiduity of individual papal diplomats – who disseminated the new Catholic vision of international affairs by supporting anti-communist political factions – the Vatican was able to claim a more prominent role in European political affairs and lay the legal and discursive foundations for an alternate conception of the European international order, conceived in starkly anti-secular terms.
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Magadeev, Iskander. "“Shadow of Empires”: Ways and Means of Stability in Central and Eastern Europe Viewed by the British Diplomats and Political Leaders in the 1920s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013654-7.
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Using the evidence from the National Archives of Great Britain and published diplomatic documents, this article analyses the role, which the “shadow of empires” played in the British diplomatic estimates of the 1920s regarding the international stability in Central and Eastern Europe. This “shadow” is interpreted as the influence caused by the idea that the past images and realities of the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe before 1914, dominated by empires, could re-emerge. The author defined three main manifestations of this pattern. First, the fears that Germany and Russia would drift towards each other at the expense of Poland, and the feeling of risks, which emanated from the eventual growth of the Russian influence in the Balkans. Second, the British desire to reestablish the common economic space of the former Austro-Hungary in Danubian Europe. Finally, the criticism of nationalism of created/re-created states and the attempts to group them in confederations or blocs, which was rather widespread in the Foreign Office circles. The author concludes that the “shadow of empires” played a significant role in the British estimates of the post-war stability in Central and Eastern Europe though its influence and nature remained controversial. It was characterised, on the one hand, by the pragmatism and the desire to defend the British strategic and economic interests, but on the other, by the stereotypes and biased conceptions.
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Nekola, Martin. "International Federation of Free Journalists: Opposing Communist Propaganda During the Cold War." Media and Communication 5, no. 3 (September 27, 2017): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i3.1049.
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The topic of supranational organizations of East-European émigrés during the Cold War still remains a lesser-known topic. There were a number of anti-Communist organizations between 1948–1989, consisting of former politicians, diplomats, soldiers, lawyers or academics from behind the Iron Curtain. The community of exiled journalists was represented by the International Federation of Free Journalists, officially founded in November 1948 in Paris by delegates from twelve nations. Its membership base soon grew to 1,400 people. The Federation warned the Western public against the injustices, false propaganda and the red terror in Eastern Europe for four decades.
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Kovic, Milos. "The beginning of the 1875 Serbian uprising in Herzegovina the British perspective." Balcanica, no. 41 (2010): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1041055k.
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The main goal of this article is to scrutinize the contemporary British sources, in order to establish what they say about the causes of the insurrection in Herzegovina which marked the beginning of the Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878. The official reports of British diplomats, the observations of newspaper correspondents, and the instruc?tions of London policy makers support the conclusion that the immediate cause of the insurrection was agrarian discontent, especially tithe collecting. In considering the ?external influences? on the outbreak of the insurrection, the British emphasized the role of Austria-Hungary and Montenegro. Behind these countries, they saw the shadow of the Three Emperors? League, which was perceived as the main threat to the Ottoman Empire and, consequently, to the balance of power in Europe. Serbia was not seen as directly involved in the events in Herzegovina. Later on, at the time of Prince Milan?s visit to Vienna, and as volunteers from Serbia began to be despatched to Herzegovina, the British diplomats increasingly perceived Serbia, in addition to Montenegro, as another tool of the Three Emperors? League.
10
Zorin, A. V. "The Czechoslovak Crisis of 1948 in the Perception of American Diplomats and Media." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 4 (September 9, 2021): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-4-79-26-50.
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In February 1948, during the political crisis in Czechoslovakia was established a communist regime. This event completed the formation of the Soviet bloc in Europe. It directly impacted the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. Based on archival documents and newspapers articles, the research studies these events through their perception by American media and diplomats, whose opinions and interpretations had great and decisive importance for the US public opinion and its government official reaction. The author concludes that the Czechoslovak crisis of 1948 aroused considerable interest and severe reaction in the United States. It was considered as a part of growing Soviet-American contradictions and international tension. Despite the fears of a communist coup in Czechoslovakia expressed back in 1947, American experts could not accurately predict the onset time of the crisis and its nature. The rapidity of the crisis, the Communist’s reaction, and decisiveness, lack of direct Soviet intervention, as well as the absence of democratic resistance, became a surprise for American journalists and diplomats. They believed that the communist takeover was a manifestation of Soviet expansion and the Kremlin’s desire to consolidate its control over all Eastern Europe. Despite the external legitimacy, the transfer of power to the left forces was interpreted as a coup d'état that final ized the establishment of the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, the US government refused to sever diplomatic relations with Prague and to initiate an international investigation. Washington found no direct evidence of Soviet intervention. It had to accept the changes in Czechoslovakia, focusing its forces on the inadmissibility of this scenario in Western Europe. The crisis directly influenced the adoption of the Marshall Plan and the intensification of the containment policy.
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Taki, Victor. "MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA IN THE EYES OF RUSSIAN OBSERVERS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY." East Central Europe 32, no. 1-2 (2005): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-90001034.
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Taking as its starting point the Enlightenment discourse about Eastern Europe, thc article examines the way Russian elites responded to the emergence of the West-East symbolic divide through discovery and appropriation of their own "Orient." The encounter of the Westernized Russian officer corps and diplomats with the Hellenized Romanian boyar elite of Moldavia and Wallachia in the course of the Russian-Ottoman wars provides an illustration of this phenomenon. Deriving from the classic oppositions between "Europe" and "Orient," "civilization" and "barbarity," the Russian discourse on Moldavia and Wallachia differed from West European models through the recognition of common religion and the similarities between the lifestyle of the Romanian elite and the old Muscovite ways. This interplay of "sameness" and "otherness" served the Russian imperial elite to monopolize the civilizing mission in the region and assert its European identity in the period when the latter became increasingly questioned both intemationally and domestically.
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TAKI, VICTOR. "MOLDA VIA AND WALLACHIA IN THE EYES OF RUSSIAN OBSERVERS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY." East Central Europe 32, no. 1 (2005): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1876330805x00054.
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Abstract: Taking as its starting point the Enlightenment discourse about Eastern Europe, the article examines the way Russian elites responded to the emergence of the West-East symbolic divide through discovery and appropriation of their own "Orient." The encounter of the Westernized Russian officer corps and diplomats with the Hellenized Romanian boyar elite of Moldavia and Wallachia in the course of the Russian-Ottoman wars provides an illustration of this phenomenon. Deriving from the classic oppositions between "Europe" and "Orient," "civilization" and "barbarity," the Russian discourse on Moldavia and Wallachia differed from West European models through the recognition of common religion and the similarities between the lifestyle of the Romanian elite and the old Muscovite ways. This interplay of "sameness" and "otherness" served the Russian imperial elite to monopolize the civilizing mission in the region and assert its European identity in the period when the latter became increasingly questioned both internationally and domestically.
13
Chatterjee, Choi. "Transnational Romance, Terror, and Heroism: Russia in American Popular Fiction, 1860–1917." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 3 (June 25, 2008): 753–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000327.
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Scholars of Russian-American relations in the late nineteenth century have long been concerned with the personalities and writings of university-based experts, journalists, diplomats, and political activists. We are well acquainted with the observations of various American commentators on the backward state of Russian state, society, economy, and politics. While the activities of prominent men such as George Kennan have effortlessly dominated the historical agenda, the negative discourses that they produced about Russia have subsumed other important American representations of the country. Since the period of early modern history, European travelers had seen Russia as a barbarous land of slave-like people, responsive only to the persuasions of the whip and the knout wielded by an autocratic tsar. Subsequently, Larry Wolff has shown that Voltaire and other Enlightenment philosophers created images of a despotic and backward Eastern Europe in order to validate the idea of a progressive, enlightened, and civilized Western Europe.
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Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.
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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.
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Kempton, Daniel R., and Richard M. Levine. "Soviet and Russian Relations with Foreign Corporations: The Case of Gold and Diamonds." Slavic Review 54, no. 1 (1995): 80–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501121.
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When the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia and the other successor states lost much of their collective strategic significance for the international community. Russia's role as a new member of the nuclear club is potentially destabilizing but does not present the overriding nuclear threat once posed by the USSR. Although Russia is attempting to reestablish its traditional roles in Eurasia, the Balkans and eastern Europe, its political importance has generally decreased commensurate with the collapse of the Soviet military machine; Russia is important economically only insofar as it is a powerful magnet for western aid and investment. While this perception of gradual marginalization, apparently shared by western diplomats, academics and journalists, may be largely accurate, it is incomplete. It overlooks Russia's potential role as a source of natural resources.
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Sawicki, Mariusz. "Warfare in Livonia at the beginning of the 18th century in relations of English ambassador Philippe Plantamour from Berlin." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-40-46.
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An important element in current historical research is the analysis of diplomatic relations focusing on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They show the history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, its internal and foreign policy from a different historical perspective. In 1700, the Great Northern War broke out and changed the political power system in Central and Eastern Europe for the next decades. Diplomats from foreign courts were interested in this war, including Philippe Plantamour, secretary of the British embassy in Berlin. He sent his reports to the British Isles in which he posted information on warfare in Livonia. The aim of the article will be to analyze diplomatic reports that can help us answer the question of how the Great Northern War was seen in London. The method used is a critical analysis of the manuscript. The research will explain what information was included in Philippe Plantamours reports and whether they were true.
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Jankowiak, Marek. "What Does the Slave Trade in the Saqaliba Tell Us about Early Islamic Slavery?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816001240.
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The Saqaliba—a term that in medieval Arabic literature denoted the Slavic populations of central and eastern Europe (and possibly some of their neighbors)—offer a particularly insightful case study of the mechanisms of the early Islamic slave trade and the nature of the Muslim demand for slaves. What makes them such an ideal case study is their high visibility in texts produced in the Islamic world between the early 9th and early 11th centuries. Arab geographers and diplomats investigated their origins, while archaeological material, primarily hundreds of thousands of dirhams found in Scandinavia and the Slavic lands, contains traces of the trade in them. By combining these strands of evidence, we can build an exceptionally detailed image of slave trade systems that supplied Saqaliba to the Islamic markets, which, in turn, can be used to illustrate more general mechanisms governing the trade in and demand for slaves in the medieval Islamic world.
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Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.
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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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Foglesong, D. S. "How to End a Cold War." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-49-59.
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Histories of the end of the Cold War that have focused on the roles of the top leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union have neglected an important dimension of the ending of the antagonism between the West and the East. Before Ronald Reagan and M.S. Gorbachev met at Geneva in November 1985, citizens of the USA, the USSR, and European nations who were alarmed by the danger of nuclear war formed new organizations dedicated to overcoming the hostility between their nations. British members of European Nuclear Disarmament and American activists in groups such as Beyond War and Peace Links established connections to independent groups in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union as well as the Committee of Soviet Women and the Committee for the Defense of Peace in the USSR. These relationships made it possible to organize very ambitious citizen diplomacy projects. Hundreds of Soviet citizens made extensive speaking tours in the United States while numerous British and American activists visited the Soviet Union. These exchanges dispelled negative stereotypes and helped to end the mutual demonization that had been central to the Cold War since the late 1940s. Analysis of the experiences of the citizen diplomats in the 1980s yields lessons for contemporary international relations about the importance of avoiding one-sided blame for conflicts and the need to move beyond recriminations about the past in order to develop cooperation in the present and future.
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Pierce, J. Mackenzie. "Global Chopin: The 1949 Centenary and Polish Internationalism during the Early Cold War." Journal of the American Musicological Society 75, no. 3 (2022): 487–545. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2022.75.3.487.
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Abstract The 1949 Chopin Year was a large-scale cultural mobilization whose purpose was to bring Chopin’s music to hundreds of thousands of Poles and to promote it around the world, all funded and overseen by Poland’s newly established Communist state. Among the most striking aspects of the Chopin Year was its extensive international programming: not only did Polish diplomatic missions convince around thirty countries to organize Chopin celebrations that paralleled those in Poland, but they targeted countries outside the Soviet-dominated Eastern Bloc, despite the strictures of Stalinist-era anti-Westernism then growing across Eastern Europe. This article draws on unstudied archival sources from Polish ministries, musical institutions, and diplomatic missions to explore the historical and political forces at play in Poland’s Chopin-centered internationalism during the early Cold War. I demonstrate that cultural officials, composers, diplomats, and performers—all with varying stakes in state socialism—competed over the meaning of Chopin and his accomplishments when planning the Chopin Year. These various factions often agreed, however, on a decades-old view of the composer as both a national and an international figure, whose legacy was uniquely capable of promoting Polish causes on the global stage. By showing how the Chopin Year drew on and perpetuated a longue durée of Polish transnational contacts and discourse about the global Chopin, the article places Cold War internationalism within a longer lineage of border-crossing that had been a central aspect of European musical culture since at least Chopin’s lifetime.
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Ciobanu, Veniamin. "International reactions to the Russian suppression of the Polish insurrection (November 1830)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, no. 1 (August 15, 2013): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i1_7.
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The outburst of the Polish insurrection and its evolution attracted the attention of the European Powers, due to the international political context in which it started, that of the liberal-bourgeois revolutions in France, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and of the implications that were expected to occur due to power balance on the continent and in the Eastern Question. Russia’s position in the political systems mentioned above depended on how the Polish Question would be solved. By subordinating all the Kingdom of Poland, whose political individuality, in the Russian political and institutional system, in which the decisions of the „Final Act” of the Peace Congress in Vienna (June 9th 1815) placed it, was about to be abolished by the Tsar, opened to the Russian Empire the path towards the consolidation of its positions in the Baltic region, strategically, political an economical, thus upsetting the other Powers in the European political system, on one hand. And secondly, because it would have relieved it of the necessity to divide its forces to oversee the evolution of the embarrassing Polish Question and would have been capable to focus its attention on a solution to the other problem, the Eastern one. This perspective was likely to happen, especially in the conditions of the peace Treaty that Russia had imposed to Turkey, at Adrianople, on September 14th 1829, which ensured the latter’s „passivity” towards the Oriental policy of its victor. These perspectives affected, in particular, Great Britain and France, the secular rivals of Russia in that area, so they tried, using only diplomatic means because of the very complicated international situation at the beginning of the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, to determine Russia to adopt a more conciliatory attitude towards the Polish insurgents. The rivalries that aggravated the Franco-British relations, especially in Western Europe, prevented the two Powers to adopt a unitary position towards Russia, a fact that allowed the latter to dictate the law in the Kingdom of Poland. A position, in some way singular, towards the Polish Question was adopted by another state, with direct interests in the Baltic sea area and with more specific ones in the Eastern Question. It is the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, created in the letter and the spirit of the Swedish-Norwegian Convention from Moss, on August 14th 1814. Sweden’s internal and external political circumstances in which, in 1810, the famous marshal of Napoleon I, Jean Baptiste Sebastien Bernadotte, prince of Pontecorvo, was proclaimed crown prince under the name Karl Johan, King Karl XIV Johan, from 1818, as the creation of the Swedish-Norwegian personal Union, determined the Swedish-Norwegian diplomacy favor the Russian interests in the Polish Question as well as in the Eastern Question. In the Polish Question, the one under our analysis, this was also because the insurrection of November 1830 started in the international conditions mentioned above and due to the fact that the liberal internal opposition to the conservative and absolutist monarchical policy of King Karl XIV Johan was becoming more active and could have constituted a reason for the Norwegians to evade the personal Union, which they did not favor and against which they fought, first through arms then by institutional means. The forms in which Great Britain, France and Sweden took position in regard to the reprisal of the Polish insurrection of November 1830, very well documented by the diplomatic reports of the British diplomats in St. Petersburg and of the Swedish ones, accredited in Petersburg and in London, which we had the opportunity to consult in the funds of manuscripts of British Library, in London, and those of the National Archives of Sweden, in Stockholm, constitute, in our opinion, a contribution to the knowledge of the history of European diplomacy, on one hand, and to the research of the international relations in the first half of the nineteenth century, on another. This is the reason why we intend to approach them in this study. All the documents selected from Sveriges Riksarkivet, in Stockholm and cited in these pages are included in the volume X, part I, of the Collection “Europe and the Porte”, which is still in manuscript, for this reason we indicated the archive quotations.
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Path, Kosal. "The Origins and Evolution of Vietnam's Doi Moi Foreign Policy of 1986." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 8, no. 2 (March 20, 2020): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2020.3.
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AbstractDrawing on new archival evidence, this paper focuses on the origins of Vietnam's foreign economic policy of 1986, better known as doi moi (renovation). The existing scholarship contends that doi moi ideas emerged amid Vietnam's socio-economic crisis during the late 1970s through a bottom-up process of market-oriented activities by local authorities. I argue, however, that these scholars overlooked the early ideas of economically engaging the West to obtain advanced technology to raise the Vietnamese products’ quality, and therefore, their competitiveness in the socialist bloc. Following the Paris Peace Accords in January 1973, Vietnamese diplomats-turned reformists studied the role of western technology and capital investment in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The Politburo entrusted Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Nguyen Co Thach, a senior advisor to Hanoi's chief negotiator Le Duc Tho in Paris, to conduct a series of clandestine studies on the role of western technology in economic relations between East and West. Thach's learning about the West's technological revolution led them to the shocking conclusion that the Soviet bloc was at least a decade behind the West in technological development. The fear of Vietnam being trapped in economic backwardness propelled these reformers to advocate bold ideas of economically engaging the West in the post-Vietnam War era to extract advanced technology to support post-war economic development and modernisation. However, it took an economic crisis (1977–78), followed by another costly two-front war against Cambodia and China between 1979 and 1985, for reformist Nguyen Co Thach's ideas to prevail over the conservative faction's military-first policy.
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Carminati, Lucia. "Alexandria, 1898: Nodes, Networks, and Scales in Nineteenth-Century Egypt and the Mediterranean." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 1 (January 2017): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000554.
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AbstractIn October 1898, the Italian vice-consul in Alexandria charged a group of Italians with participating in an anarchist plot to attack German Emperor Wilhelm II during his planned tour through Egypt and Palestine. This collective arrest produced unexpected outcomes, left a trail of multi-lingual documents, and illuminated specific forms of late nineteenth-century Mediterranean migration. Anarchists were among those who frequently crossed borders and they were well aware of and connected to what was happening elsewhere: they sent letters, circulated manifestos, raised and transported money, and helped fugitive comrades. They maintained nodes of subversion and moved along circuits of solidarity. Similarly, diplomats of Europe, Cairo, Istanbul, and local consular officials operated across borders and cooperated to hunt anarchists down. By following people who were on the move on boats, in post offices, and in taverns, I make a methodological and historiographical argument. First, I examine the Mediterranean as a space of flows and show how theMaghreb/Mashreqdivide in Middle Eastern history has concealed webs and connections. Because anarchists and authorities acted on multiple fronts simultaneously, so must scholarship of this part of the world take account of several histories at once. Second, I look beyond the micro-macro binary to emphasize the interconnections and mutual implications of the micro, the macro, and everything in between. I highlight competing, intersecting, and even contradictory trajectories of some of these anarchist migrants’ belonging. As the affair of the bombs unfolded, all of these contradictions and scales of analysis became visible at once.
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Smołucha, Janusz. "Idea jedności słowiańskiej w działalności dyplomatycznej w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej nuncjusza papieskiego Aleksandra Komulovića w latach 1594-1597." Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 17 (2021): 33–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561ksr.21.003.14414.
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Gdy w 1593 roku wybuchła kolejna wojna austriacko-turecka, papież Klemens VIII rozpoczął budowanie Ligi Świętej, złożonej głównie z państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej, która miała się przeciwstawić kolejnej agresji ze strony muzułmanów. Ze swoich planów kuria rzymska nie wyłączała Moskwy. Ideę bliskiej z nią współpracy pozostałych państw słowiańskich głosił w tamtym czasie pochodzący z Dalmacji duchowny i dyplomata papieski, Aleksander Komulović. Autor postarał się zrekonstruować misję dyplomatyczną Komulovicia do Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w latach 1594-1597 wraz z oceną szans jej powodzenia w ówczesnych warunkach religijnych i geopolitycznych. The Idea of Slavic Unity in the Diplomacy of Alexander Komulović, the Papal Nuncio to Central and Eastern Europe in 1594-1597 The outbreak of another Austro-Turkish war in 1593, urged Pope Clement VIII to establish the Holy League which mainly consisted of the Central and Eastern European states, and the aim of which was to oppose another Muslim aggression against Christians. The Roman Curia decided to include Muscovy in the plan as well. The idea of close cooperation with all Slavic states was put forward at that time by Aleksander Komulović – a priest and papal diplomat from Dalmatia. The author’s aim was to reconstruct the Komulović’s diplomatic mission to Central and Eastern Europe in 1594-1597, and provide an assessment of the chances of its success in the light of religious and geopolitical underpinnings of the period.
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Maksymiuk, Jan. "Eastern Europe: Diplomatic dustup." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 62, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/062001005.
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Nagornaia, Oksana Sergeevna, and Olga Jurievna Nikonova. "Sowjetische Kulturdiplomatie in Osteuropa in der Nachkriegszeit." Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 66, no. 2 (2018): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/jgo-2018-0011.
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Marcu Istrate, Daniela, and Annamaria Diana. "The Black Church Cemetery: Interdisciplinary approaches to the study of a medieval urban skeletal assemblage (Braşov, Romania)." Studies in Digital Heritage 1, no. 2 (December 14, 2017): 364–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/sdh.v1i2.23233.
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The aim of this paper is three-fold: 1) to present results of the archaeological excavations conducted in the area surrounding the Black Church in Braşov (Transylvania, Romania); 2) to show the outcome of the analysis of a small human skeletal sample, and 3) to stress the importance of biocultural interpretations of burial sites for a better understanding of the process of urbanization in southern Transylvania.During the Middle Ages Braşov, founded in the 12th century by Central European colonists, was a flourishing multi-cultural and multi-ethnic urban community located in the heart of the Carpathian Mountains (Transylvania, Romania), and a busy crossroad for travellers, merchants and diplomats from Romania, other European countries and the Middle East. Between 2012 and 2013 a team of archaeologists conducted rescue excavations in the area surrounding the Black Church, unearthing a stratigraphically challenging complex of structures formed by centuries of uninterrupted human habitat, and over 1,400 graves in the medieval cemetery annexed to the church. The observation and interpretation of burial practices, grave goods and funerary topography, integrated with the demographic and pathological profile of human skeletal remains from 170 burials have shed new light on the life and death of the members of this middle-class population. In fact, bio-social and bio-cultural patterns were identified through the integration of multi-disciplinary sources of evidence.The team involved in the post-excavation processing of archaeological materials from the Black Church cemetery is keen to promote further investigations of the herein presented archaeological site, of inestimable value for the reconstitution of the development of urban life in medieval and modern Eastern Europe, and to divulgate the lesser-known, albeit not less interesting, Romanian cultural heritage to the international scholarship and the general public.
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Bohaievsky, Yurii, and Ihor Turianskyi. "His Contribution to the Development of Ukrainian Diplomacy should not be forgotten." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-10.
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The article is dedicated to Heorhiy H. Shevel, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Soviet Ukraine from August of 1970 to November of 1980.The authors presented sincere recollections about this well known person, under whose leadership they began their diplomatic service that lasted for several decades. The decision to share those memories with readers of Diplomatic Ukraine was prompted by the fact that on May 9 this year was Mr. Shevel`s 100 anniversary. Unfortunately, neither the researchers of the history of Ukrainian diplomacy, nor those in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Diplomatic Academy paid the necessary tribute to this event. The authors of the article focus on the fact that with no previous experience in foreign policy matters Mr. Shevel managed in the conditions of a totalitarian Soviet system to realize important ideas in the interests of the Ukrainian diplomatic service and its development. From the very start of his duties as Minister of Foreign Affairs he undertook many practical steps to promote and improve the professional skills of his subordinates, to ensure their perfect command of foreign languages and to provide the Ministry`s staff and Ukraine`s permanent missions at the United Nations in New York, UNESCO in Paris and at other international organizations with a skilled personnel. Moreover, despite essential dependence on the policy of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Shevel also succeeded in ensuring more visible results of participation of the Ukrainian SSR in the activities of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and in the International Labour Organization. During his term as Minister for Foreign Affairs, representatives of the Ukrainian SSR were elected 37 times to the governing bodies of various international organizations, their sessions and conferences. As an evidence of substantial resurgence of Ukrainian diplomacy of the said period is the fact that the Ukrainian SSR also signed and ratified 64 multilateral international documents. Minister Shevel also paid particular attention to establishing Ukraine`s image abroad as one of the original members of the United Nations, by promoting its achievements in scientific, cultural and humanitarian fields, as well as to strengthening ties with Ukrainian communities in various foreign countries. This very important component of its work the Ministry of Foreign Affairs accomplished in close cooperation with two public organizations – the Society for ties with Ukrainians abroad (Society Ukraina) and the Ukrainian Society for friendship and cultural relations with foreign countries. Minister H. Shevel was also the initiator of the construction in Kyiv of several buildings to locate Consulates–General of Eastern-European states. Nowadays, these buildings are used by diplomatic missions of respective foreign states accredited in independent Ukraine. The authors of the reviewed article are confident that despite various fabricated and often unfounded conclusions about the Ukrainian diplomacy of the Soviet period the irrefutable fact is that during Minister Shevel`s years it acquired and strengthened the necessary practical experience and professional diplomatic skills. Therefore, they support as indisputable the conclusion made several years ago by one of the researchers of the history of National diplomacy that “it would be incorrect to consider the 1970s of the past century as such that passed off in vain for the Ukrainian foreign-policy office”.30 years have passed since the untimely death of Heorhiy H. Shevel on July 17, 1989. Being a man of his times and performing highly responsible duties of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in actually limited framework, he was at the same time a peculiar and extraordinary personality. And as such a figure he will always remain in the memory of all who knew him well and had the opportunity to work under his management. Because memory, emphasize the authors of the noted article, means first and foremost the ability not to forget the past. And this, they remark, is what the present generation of Ukrainian diplomats must keep in view and never forget. Keywords: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ukrainian diplomacy, foreign policy, international organizations, diplomatic service, memory.
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Habro, Iryna, Mykhailo Fedorenko, Liudmyla Vovchuk, and Tatiana Zholonko. "Preventive diplomacy as a tool for conflict solutions in Eastern Europe." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 71 (December 25, 2021): 492–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3971.27.
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The modern world community is concerned about the search for humane, non-forceful methods for solving hybrid conflicts that characterize the system of international relations of the 21st century. That is why the concept of preventive diplomacy has become popular and in demand. The conflict in the East of Ukraine has shown that this concept has some flaws in terms of its implementation in practice. Using the historical method, the key means of implementing preventive diplomacy are revealed. The article analyzes examples of the use of preventive diplomacy methods for solving conflicts in Europe by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The authors used the method of comparative analysis to compare examples of implementation of the principles of preventive diplomacy by different international players. Attention is drawn to the fact that excessive caution of the OSCE and unwillingness to call Russia a participant in the conflict and even more, so an aggressor country led to skepticism about the organization itself in Ukraine.
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Martin, Donald. "Diplomacy Through Disaster Response Training in Eastern Europe." Military Medicine 176, no. 2 (February 2011): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.7205/milmed-d-10-00410.
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Gao, Yujie. "An exploration of the unification policy in West Germany during the Brandt period." BCP Business & Management 24 (August 10, 2022): 260–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v24i.1500.
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After the Haldensianism of Adenauer, Brandt decided to change his usual aggressive Eastern diplomacy and made diplomatic attempts with East Germany, Eastern Europe, and even the Soviet Union and put forward the New Eastern Policy as his fundamental policy of reunification. From the 1960s to the 1970s, West Germany marked a turning point in the resolution of the German question.
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Korey, William. "Minority Rights After Helsinki." Ethics & International Affairs 8 (March 1994): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1994.tb00161.x.
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The “sexiest acronym in international diplomacy.” Such was a Washington pandit's roguish, if appropriate, characterization of the CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe) just a few of years ago in 1990 after it critically helped ignite the revolutions in Eastern Europe and torpedo the Berlin Wall. Other, more serious, foreign affairs analysts were equally enthusiastic about CSCE. A prominent commentator called it the “premier post-Cold War political forum.”
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Elezovic, D. M. "The role of Dmitry Kantemir’s writings for the Western educational historiography (a case study of the manuscript “The History of Turkey” of the 18th century)." Rusin, no. 63 (2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/63/3.
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The article uses a case study of the manuscript The History of Turkey written by an anonymous author in French in the 18th century and kept in the Bern City Library archives, to discuss West European writers’ evaluation of Dmitry Kantemir’s works. Dmitry Kantemir was not only a prominent political leader and diplomat, but also one of the most educated people in Eastern Europe of his time. When living in Constantinople, he attended a theological school, then studied history, philosophy, literature, art, theology, and ancient languages (he knew eight languages). Highly regarded in Russia, his writings attracted attention in the West and were used as sources by European historians. As an outstanding scientist and diplomat in Eastern Europe, Dmitry Kantemir earned the recognition of his Western European contemporaries as well as historians of later periods, who highly appreciated his works. This article analyses one historical plot, which has not been in the focus of scholarly studies so far: Kantemir’s History of the Growth and Decay of the Ottoman Empire is mentioned as one of the main sources in the manuscript The History of Turkey and repeatedly quoted there.
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Niu, Ke, and Mingze Sun. "A systematic review on Post-Cold War Eastern European Patterns Led by Constructivism." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 1 (July 6, 2022): 259–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v1i.670.
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This article will explain the reasons why the former European socialist countries chose to embrace the West after the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, and the post-Cold War Eastern European Patterns Led by constructivism. This will find a more plausible theory in the theory of international relations to explain what happened in a specific area in this specific historical period. Literature review is applied in this article to explore definitions of theories and specific policies and data across countries. This article uses some authoritative books on international relations, as well as materials from the World Trade Organization. Some of these materials are the most targeted data provided by the International Trade Organizations to indicate the policy tendency of former Yugoslav countries. In the article, the cases from different regions point out that constructivism is the most reasonable explanation for the former European socialist countries to embrace the West after the dramatic change in Eastern Europe. The article will provide some more specific policy trends in the history of the region for the situation in Eastern Europe that has gradually heated up in recent times. Under the influence of constructivism, the vast majority of former socialist countries in Eastern Europe invariably adopt pro-Western behaviors. There are many reasons for constructivism to become the mainstream theory of diplomacy in Eastern Europe, including the legacy of history and the influence of the "Iron Curtain".
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Constantinides, Aristoteles. "The Involvement of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in Issues of Minority Protection." Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 2 (June 1996): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000258.
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The close relationship between security and minority protection is more than ever before manifest in today's (eastern) Europe. The adoption of far-reaching substantive commitments in the fields of the OSCE, and its increasing intrusion upon traditionally internal affairs of states, constitutes a positive framework for minority protection. A constructive combination of implementation mechanisms, preventive diplomacy instruments, and dispute-settlement efforts has produced positive results. Primarily concerned with the maintenance of security in Europe, the OSCE involves itself in minority issues, subject to the (dis)advantages of its political character. Despite its inherent weaknesses, the OSCE system has already contributed to the protection of minorities in Eastern Europe in various ways during the political transition in the former communist states, and it is prepared to continue, especially in the absence of other more effective systems.
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Scott-Smith, Giles. "Transatlantic Cultural Relations, Soft Power, and the Role of US Cultural Diplomacy in Europe." European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Special Issue (August 1, 2019): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019017.
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This article considers the cultural relationship in the transatlantic space from the perspective of US cultural diplomacy. It interprets cultural diplomacy as the mobilization of soft power resources in the support of foreign policy goals, as distinct from the cultural relations pursued by non-state actors. During the second half of the twentieth century, a large-scale investment by US cultural diplomacy was aimed at developing and nurturing the cultural ties with Europe, as part of the wider integration of (Western, later also Eastern) Europe into a US-led world order. This involved combining the unique outreach possibilities provided by the appeal and excellence of US cultural producers with an anti-communist agenda that sought to reverse the negative perception of the United States as culturally ‘barren’. This effort declined following the end of the Cold War, since it was no longer considered important. The shock of 9/11 once again directed attention to how the US portrays itself abroad, reviving interest in cultural diplomacy and generating a wide range of programmes to (re-)engage with European publics, particularly minorities. The article begins by introducing the concept of cultural diplomacy, and examining its uses during the Cold War. It then evaluates the specific cultural tools that have been used to establish transatlantic connections in the wake of 9/11. It concludes by considering the growing significance of the ‘transnational transatlantic’ for developing goal-driven ties between the US and Europe across a range of issues.
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Tudda, Chris. "“Reenacting the Story of Tantalus”: Eisenhower, Dulles, and the Failed Rhetoric of Liberation." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 4 (October 2005): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397055012479.
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This article examines Dwight Eisenhower's and John Foster Dulles's publicly declared goal to achieve the “liberation” of Eastern Europe, a goal that they claimed would replace the Truman administration's “passive” containment policy.But the evidence shows that Eisenhower and Dulles were unwilling to risk war with the Soviet Union and believed that liberation, if actually pursued, would induce the Soviet Union to react violently to perceived threats in Eastern Europe. Hence, in top-secret meetings and conversations, Eisenhower and Dulles rejected military liberation, despite their public pronouncements. Instead, they secretly pursued a tricky, risky, and long-term strategy of radio broadcasts and covert action designed to erode, rather than overthrow, Soviet power in Eastern Europe. In public, they continued to embrace liberation policy even when confronted with testimony from U.S. allies that the rhetorical diplomacy of liberation had not worked. This reliance on rhetoric failed to deter the Soviet Union from quashing rebellions in East Germany in 1953 and Hungary in 1956. If anything, the Eisenhower administration's rhetorical liberation policy may have encouraged, at least to some degree, these revolts.
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Joonseok YANG and 김명섭. "Eastern Europe in the ROK Diplomatic History: Focusing on the Change of Cognition and Diplomatic Organization." Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 37, no. 1 (August 2015): 101–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.37.1.201508.101.
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ILIK, Goran, and Vesna SHAPKOSKI. "The EU's response vs. Chinese vaccine diplomacy in Central and Eastern Europe." Eastern Journal of European Studies 13, no. 2 (2022): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/ejes-2022-0205.
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Junkiert, Maciej. "Easternisation and Enlightenment. Larry Wolff, Marquis de Ségur and the Younger Europe." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 23 (February 10, 2023): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2022.23.2.
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The article describes two accounts of Poland and the culture of its people. The first of these dates from 1784 and was written by the Marquis de Ségur, a French diplomat travelling to St Petersburg. The second, from 1840, was written by the Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz, at the time working as a professor at the Collège de France in Paris. I try to show the most important differences between the Enlightenment and Romantic images of Poland. An important context is provided by Larry Wolff’s monograph, which 30 years ago initiated a new phase in research on the European invention of Eastern Europe.
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CHERHAȚ, Tudor. "CHINA’S ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN EUROPE: THE “17+1” INITIATIVE AND IMPLICATIONS FOR NATO’S EASTERN FLANK SECURITY." Strategic Impact 79, no. 2 (October 7, 2021): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-01.
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This paper illustrates how People’s Republic of China has applied a form of economic diplomacy to Central and Eastern Europe in order to extend its regional political influence. Using the “17+1” Initiative, the Chinese state sought to provide financial privileges to member states so that they would later become dependent on Beijing’s political and economic visions. However, despite the European Union’s concern, the results of the project were not as expected, with great doubts about the initiative’s future. These were confirmed by the position of NATO, which considered that China’s efforts do not represent a security issue for the Alliance’s eastern flank.
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Tóth, György. "Shadow Memorial Diplomacy: The Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 13, no. 1 (July 12, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0002.
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Abstract This article examines the use of the memorialization of Reagan in transatlantic relations – specifically in the commemorations of the Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in 2011 in Central and Eastern Europe. Extrapolating from the case of Hungary, the article argues that because of the contemporary political status of its drivers and its oblique message, the Reagan Centennial’s campaign in Central Europe can be called “shadow” memorial diplomacy, which in 2011 used the former president’s memory to articulate and strengthen a model of U.S. leadership and foreign policy parallel to and ready to replace those of the then Obama administration. This study can serve as an international extension of previous scholarship on the politics of the memory of Ronald Reagan within the United States, as well as a case study of the use of memory in international relations.
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Zagkos, Christos, Argyris Kyridis, Paraskevi Golia, and Ifigenia Vamvakidou. "Greek University Students Describe the Role of Greece in the Balkans: From Equality to Superiority." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 341–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254383.
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The role of Greece in the Balkans has been a rather ambiguous but extremely interesting issue for both Greek and European diplomacy for more than 15 years, since the fall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. As with every phenomenon associated with that “dangerous” and “explosive” part of the European Continent, the Greek position in the specific region should be discussed and analysed thoroughly and comprehensively rather than partially.
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Ciobanu, Veniamin. "Aspects of the Eastern Question found in Swedish diplomatic reports (1813)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_3.
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The documents selected by the editor from the National Archives of Sweden offer information reflecting the preoccupation of the Swedish diplomacy to be well informed with regard to the Eastern Question developments. In 1813 such information was necessary in order to guide the Swedish government’s policy in reaching its essential goal, the integration of Norway in the Swedish political system. In order to have a broader perspective on the international events and circumstances of the period marking the end of the Napoleonean Empire is necessary that these documents shall be corroborated with other documentary sources, such as, for instance, the ones included in the seventh volume of the foreign policy documents collection entitled “Europe and the Porte. New Documents on the Eastern Question”. Résumé: Les documents sélectés par l’éditeur des Archives Nationales de la Suède offrent des informations qui reflètent la préoccupation de la diplomatie suédoise d’être bien informée sur le cours du développement de la question orientale. Pendant l’année 1813 ces informations ont été nécessaires pour l’orientation de la politique du Cabinet de Stockholm en vue d’accomplir son but essentiel d’alors, c’est-à-dire l’intégration de la Norvège dans le système politique suédois. Mais pour avoir une perspective plus large sur les événements et les circonstances politiques internationales de la période qui a marqué la fin de l’Empire Napoléonien il est nécessaire que ces documents soient corroborés avec d’autre sources documentaires, comme par exemple celles incorporées dans le tome VII de la Collection de documents extérieurs intitulée „Europe and the Porte. New Documents on the Eastern Question”.
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Dahl, Michał. "India’s foreign policy towards Central and Eastern Europe in 2014-2019." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6469.
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It has been said that Central and Eastern Europe can be seen as an interesting direction for Indian political and economic expansion. Both the data on diplomatic activity and India’s trade with the countries of CEE, however, prove that the region is not of key importance for New Delhi’s foreign policy. On the other hand, a steadily growing trade turnover allows assuming that the current situation will gradually change. The conclusions may be confirmed by the analysis of New Delhi’s diplomacy directions in the region. The Indian leaders (not the most important figures, taking into account symbolism and real significance) visited in the years 2014-2019 the CEE countries with the highest trade turnover with India, namely Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Romania. They also paid visits to Bulgaria, Croatia and Serbia, that is countries with which India’s trade turnover is relatively low, but steadily growing. It may indicate a desire to establish more active diplomatic and economic involvement in this region than previously.
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Zhang, Chun. "China’s Whole-of-Region Diplomacy Revisited: Past Experience and Future Prospects." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 01 (January 2019): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500039.
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Targeting a group of developing nations in a specific region, whole-of-region diplomacy as a relatively new practice of China’s diplomacy has caught much attention across the world. Since the 1990s, China’s whole-of-region diplomacy has achieved remarkable breakthroughs in terms of its geographical coverage, extending from Southeast and Central Asia to the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, and even Central and Eastern Europe. Through whole-of-region diplomacy, China has not only fulfilled its political commitment and strategic reassurance toward developing nations, but also enhanced the collective identity of various developing regions. Despite the great achievements, China’s whole-of-region diplomacy is far from fully developed and needs further upgrading so as to lay a solid foundation for the country’s sustainable rise. In the future, China’s whole-of-region diplomacy can be advanced by clarifying its strategic position, renovating its institutional framework and scaling up its capacity-building efforts. In the long run, whole-of-region diplomacy, as a key component of the “Xi Jinping thought on diplomacy” and “major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics,” is expected to help China tackle challenges of interest, identity and influence in the developing world and to ultimately achieve its peaceful rise.
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Chechelnytska, Hanna. "State activity of the Ukrainian People's Republic Central Council: a comparative analysis against the background of diplomacy in Central-Eastern Europe." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3C (September 30, 2021): 369–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173c1632p.369-380.
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The article describes the state activities of the Ukrainian People's Republic against the background of the implementation of its diplomacy in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. At the same time, the process of formation of the executive diplomatic body of the Ukrainian People's Republic - General Secretariat of International Affairs is highlighted. The Ukrainian leadership offered the utopian idea of forming a federation to the regional governments of Kuban, Crimea, the Don, and Siberia. Thus, the article analyzes the main blunders of the Central Rada on the way of formation of statehood and highlights the main vectors of discussion on this issue. The main geopolitical climate, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe, which existed for the diplomatic activity of the Ukrainian state is also investigated. In particular, it is noted that the diplomatic situation in general was not particularly favorable for the state activity of Ukraine.
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Garamvölgyi, Bence, and Tamás Dóczi. "Sport as a tool for public diplomacy in Hungary." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 90, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcssr-2021-0012.
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Abstract Sport is often utilized as a tool by governments and nation-states in building a favorable international image, seeking external political legitimacy, and strengthening nation-building endeavors across borders. Given its universal appeal, sport is often perceived as a valuable soft power asset for conveying positive messages to foreign publics. Against this backdrop, the present study aims to introduce the sports diplomacy approach of Hungary, specifically focusing on the state-led utilization of sport in public diplomacy under the recent government of Viktor Orbán (2010–2020). With the institutionalization of sport in public diplomacy, Hungary has become a pioneering country in Central and Eastern Europe that can provide an example for other nation-states in the region. The Hungarian government’s sports diplomacy ambitions have not been curbed by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the country continues to invest large amounts of public funding in attracting and organizing international sporting competitions. Hosting the Summer Olympic Games in Budapest remains the ultimate goal of the current government’s sports diplomacy strategy, which focuses on elite sport.
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Garlick, Jeremy. "China’s Economic Diplomacy in Central and Eastern Europe: A Case of Offensive Mercantilism?" Europe-Asia Studies 71, no. 8 (September 5, 2019): 1390–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2019.1648764.
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Richter, Solveig, and Uwe Halbach. "A dangerous precedent? The political implications of Kosovo's independence on ethnic conflicts in South-Eastern Europe and the CIS." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 3 (2009): 223–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309789192496.
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AbstractKosovo's declaration of independence on 17 February 2008 has re-ignited debates about the interaction among the fundamental international legal principles of self-determination, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The question of conformity with international law was interrelated to scenarios on the political implications of secession. After more than one year the following article elaborates if the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo had a precedent-setting impact for long-standing autonomist and secessionist conflicts in South-Eastern Europe and in CIS. The Kosovo-precedent formula had its biggest impact in the secessionist conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where a powerful external actor Russia, made effective use of the precedent-formula in its coercive diplomacy against Georgia. Generally speaking, in South-Eastern-Europe, the independence of Kosovo had only minor destabilizing effects with the exception of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Macedonia where political entrepreneurs used the opportunity to play the nationalist card and to profit from worst case scenarios of a disintegration of their country.