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Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomatic relations'
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Banta, Martha. "Diplomatic Relations." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 113, no. 5 (October 1998): 1071–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900155658.
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Putri, Janardana, and I. Made Budi Arsika. "Pemberian Suaka Diplomatik dalam Hukum Internasional: Dilema antara Aspek Kemanusiaan dan Tensi Hubungan Bilateral." Undang: Jurnal Hukum 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 293–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/ujh.5.2.293-323.
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Diplomatic asylum is a practice of granting international protection outside of state territory which is often carried out based on the extraterritorial theory and the principle of inviolability possessed by a state to carry out its diplomatic mission. In several cases, diplomatic asylum is sometimes regarded as reducing the sovereignty of a state which potentially leads to increasing bilateral tensions. However, humanity considerations as the reasons behind the granting of diplomatic asylum are appreciated by the international society. This article aims to discuss the existence of diplomatic asylum from the perspective of sovereignty and the legitimacy of diplomatic officials to grant diplomatic asylum. This article concludes that international law generally places state sovereignty and non-intervention as fundamental principles that must be respected. Both the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (1963) do not specifically regulate the issue of diplomatic asylum, therefore, its legal basis often refers to state practices. The granting of diplomatic asylum that is not based on humanity's interest may raise a controversy under international law. Instruments of international human rights law justify for diplomatic officials to grant asylum to people in need, especially in critical situations that threaten the safety of that person.
Abstrak
Suaka diplomatik merupakan praktik pemberian perlindungan internasional di luar wilayah teritorial suatu negara yang kerap dilakukan atas dasar eksistensi teori ekstrateritorial dan prinsip inviolabilitas yang dimiliki oleh suatu negara untuk melaksanakan misi diplomatiknya. Dalam beberapa kasus, pemberian suaka diplomatik terkadang dianggap mereduksi kedaulatan suatu negara sehingga berpotensi meningkatkan tensi hubungan bilateral. Hanya saja, dalil kepentingan kemanusiaan sebagai dasar pemberian suaka diplomatik justru diapresiasi oleh masyarakat internasional. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas mengenai eksistensi suaka diplomatik yang ditinjau dari perspektif kedaulatan dan legitimasi pejabat diplomatik untuk memberikan suaka diplomatik. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa hukum internasional pada umumnya menempatkan kedaulatan negara dan non-intervensi sebagai prinsip-prinsip penting yang harus dihormati. Baik Konvensi Wina mengenai Hubungan Diplomatik (1961) maupun Konvensi Wina mengenai Hubungan Konsuler (1963), tidaklah secara spesifik mengatur persoalan suaka diplomatik, oleh karenanya suaka diplomatik berkembang pada praktik negara-negara. Pemberian suaka diplomatik yang tidak didasarkan dengan kepentingan kemanusiaan dapat memunculkan kontroversi dalam hukum internasional. Instrumen hukum hak asasi manusia internasional memberikan justifikasi bagi pejabat diplomatik untuk memberikan suaka kepada orang yang membutuhkan, khususnya dalam situasi genting yang mengancam keselamatan orang tersebut.
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Noor Muhammad, Salmah Jan. "Leadership of Malacca Sultanate Rulers In Establishing Diplomatic Relations." Malay Literature 30, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.30(2)no1.
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Leadership is the ability of a government in shaping the people’s mind to achieve goals that have been planned together in order to strengthen its administration especially in establishing diplomatic relations with other countries. Without the mobilization of intellectual and physical cooperation from these two groups, it is impossible for a government to succeed in its diplomatic missions. Therefore, this article will discuss the leadership of the Malay sultanate in establishing diplomatic relations through data analysis of the events described in historiographic manuscripts such as Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa and Tuhfat al-Nafis . In addition, this article also describes the effectiveness of this leadership in response to the diplomatic relations that had been initiated by and accepted from other governments. The result of the study will show that a variety of methods or approaches were used by the rulers of the Malay sultanate in advancing the government’s reputation from the economic, social and physical aspects. Keywords: leadership, leaders/rulers, Malay sultanate, diplomatic, historiography Abstrak Kepemimpinan merupakan upaya pemerintah dalam usaha membentuk jiwa dan minda rakyat untuk bersama-sama merealisasikan matlamat yang telah direncanakan bagi memantapkan tadbir urus kerajaan, khususnya, dalam usaha menjalinkan hubungan diplomatik dengan kerajaan lain. Tanpa penggemblengan daya fikir dan fizikal daripada dua golongan ini, adalah mustahil untuk sesebuah kerajaan itu berjaya dalam misi diplomatiknya. Oleh itu, makalah ini akan membincangkan kepemimpinan pemerintah kesultanan Melayu dalam hubungan diplomatik dengan menggunakan kaedah analisis data terhadap peristiwa yang terdapat dalam naskhah historiografi seperti Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa dan Tuhfat al-Nafis . Selain itu, tulisan ini juga menghuraikan keberkesanan kepemimpinan tersebut terhadap hubungan diplomatik yang ditawarkan dan diterima daripada kerajaan luar. Dapatan menunjukkan bahawa terdapat pelbagai kaedah kepemimpinan yang digunakan oleh pemerintah kesultanan Melayu untuk melonjakkan nama kerajaan yang diperintah dari aspek ekonomi, sosial dan fizikal. Kata kunci: kepemimpinan, pemerintah, kesultanan Melayu, diplomatik, historiografi
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Fong, Yang Lai, and Teoh Yong Chia. "Framing Diplomatic Relations." China Report 53, no. 4 (October 13, 2017): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517727925.
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Malaysia and China have been enjoying cordial relations since 1974. In 2015, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang paid an official visit to Malaysia at the invitation of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Abdul Razak. This study aims to examine the framing of Malaysia–China relations as well as Premier Li’s visit to Malaysia by the mainstream Malay, English and Chinese-language newspapers in Malaysia, as well as the mainstream press in China. The findings indicate that the newspapers reported the topic with differing intensity and prominence, while employing different news sources. Economics and trade was found to be the most salient frame in the coverage by both the Malaysian and Chinese newspapers. In addition, this study also found that both Malaysian and Chinese newspapers mostly used neutral valence in reporting about Malaysia–China diplomacy and Premier Li’s visit to Malaysia. The frame built by the newspapers can be attributed to the fact that they have the inclination to serve the political and economic vested interests of their own countries.
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Nte, Ngboawaji Daniel, Oluka Nduka Lucas, Awajiowa Daniel Nte, and Awwal Isah. "The Dynamics And Vicissitudes of China- India Relations in The Post-2017 Border Conflict." Jurnal Global & Strategis 15, no. 2 (October 11, 2021): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.15.2.2021.429-450.
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This study argued that one of the primary reasons China-India renewed diplomatic intercourse after the border conflict of 2017 was the fear of emergent cross-border terrorism in the Southern Asia region. It also argued that, although both nations have different approaches to terrorism, there was a need for a collective fight against the emerging cross-border terrorist groups believed to have been strengthened by ISIS affiliation. Furthermore, the study revealed that India and China’s rising economic posture contributed to the renewed diplomatic ties. On these premises, this study is posed to examine the reasons and benefits of China-India’s renewed economic, diplomatic intercourse after the border conflict of 2017.Keywords: China-India, Economic Relations, Diplomatic Relations, Cross- border terrorismTulisan ini berargumen bahwa salah satu alasan utama China-India memperbarui hubungan diplomatik setelah konflik perbatasan tahun 2017adalah karena ketakutan akan terorisme lintas batas yang muncul di kawasan Asia Selatan. Tulisan ini juga berpendapat bahwa, meskipun kedua negara memiliki pendekatan berbeda terhadap terorisme, ada kebutuhan untuk perjuangan kolektif melawan kelompok teroris lintas batas yang diyakini telah diperkuat oleh afiliasi ISIS. Lebih lanjut, tulisan ini mengungkapkan bahwa postur ekonomi India dan China yang sedang rising berkontribusi terhadap hubungan diplomatik kedua negara paska konflik perbatasan 2017. Berdasarkan premis-premis tersebut, penelitian ini diajukan untuk mengkaji alasan dan manfaat hubungan ekonomi dan diplomatik China-India yang diperbarui setelah konflik perbatasan tahun 2017.Kata-kata Kunci: China, India, Hubungan Ekonomi, Hubungan Diplomatik, Terorisme lintas batas
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James, A. "Diplomatic Relations and Contacts." British Yearbook of International Law 62, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 347–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bybil/62.1.347.
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DREPHAL, MAXIMILIAN. "Corps diplomatique:The body, British diplomacy, and independent Afghanistan, 1922–47." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (July 2017): 956–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000111.
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AbstractThis article studies diplomatic history in its physical dimensions. Its point of departure is the interpretation of the term ‘corps diplomatique’ in a literal sense. The article introduces the concept of the diplomatic body as a diplomat's body and as a body with diplomatic functions and meanings. Based on material relating to the British Legation in Kabul from 1922 until 1947, the body's ubiquity in international relations is revealed through the themes of space, language, and medicine. The article first looks at the impact of Kabul's spatial conditions and the physical reactions it excited in British diplomats. It then considers the bodies of Afghanistan's ruling elite as objects of British attention, whose appearance was documented in diplomatic records. Descriptions of these bodies in diplomatic language expressed intimacy and consensus as well as estrangement in British–Afghan relations. In addition to the metaphorical use of the diplomatic body, the provision of healthcare through the Legation's medical unit addressed the needs of British and Afghan bodies alike. It was also employed to further diplomatic ends by extending colonial medicine to the Afghan population. The study of the Legation's physical practices ultimately reveals the diplomatic mission's colonial origins and character.
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Kakhorova, Zabarjad. "RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND GERMANY: STAGES OF FORMATION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS." International Journal Of History And Political Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijhps/volume04issue01-06.
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Of particular importance are the relations of the Republic of Uzbekistan with countries of the world, diplomatic relations, economic and investment cooperation, relations between countries in the cultural and humanitarian spheres. The Republic of Uzbekistan and the Federal Republic of Germany have one of the most important and complex bilateral relations. Coordination and intensive implementation of the programs of cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with the Federal Republic of Germany in political,economic, scientific and technical and cultural spheres, formation of a mutually beneficial atmosphere of trust and interest between Uzbek and German partners, investment of Germany, the main directions, such as creating favorable conditions for the implementation of economic changes in Uzbekistan with the involvement of management experience and technologies, are precisely the factors that indicate the relevance of this topic. The strategic competition they provide is one of the pressing issues of particular importance. The Federal Republic of Germany has taken a strong position in its relations with the Republic of Uzbekistan, working closely with its allies and partners to protect their interests and values. Currently, the policy of the two countries in world politics is taking its toll on other countries.
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Latinovic, Goran. "Yugoslav-Italian Economic relations (1918‒1929): Main aspects." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546171l.
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The article looks at some aspects of Yugoslav-Italian economic relations from the end of the First World War to the beginning of the Great Depression. Those relations were not always driven by pure economic interests, but they also had political and strategic aims. Although Yugoslav-Italian political and diplomatic relations were well served in both Serbian/Yugoslav and Italian historiography, little has been written about economic relations between the two countries. Therefore, the article is mainly based on the documents from the Central State Archives (Archivio centrale dello Stato) and Historical-Diplomatic Archives of Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Archivio storico-diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri) in Rome, as well as from the Archives of Yugoslavia (Arhiv Jugoslavije) in Belgrade.
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Tobing, Fredy B. L., and Asra Virgianita. "Functional multi-track and multilevel economic diplomacy to strengthen trade relations between Indonesia, Chile, and Peru." Regions and Cohesion 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2020.100106.
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English abstract: This article analyzes the causes of low trade relations between Indonesia and Latin American states, arguing that dynamics of international political economy have opened opportunities to increase trade relations between those countries. Having good diplomatic and political relations with similar emerging economies, like Peru and Chile, should drive closer economic relations among them. A qualitative study was conducted using literature reviews, archival analysis, and in-depth interviews. Political will and lack of knowledge pertaining to the business character of each country hamper external relations. Thus, a functional multi-track diplomacy that incorporates state and non-state actors from various fields is crucial for enhancing economic relations among these countries. Trade relations can be particularly strengthened by maximizing cooperation among actors at various levels.Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza las débiles relaciones comerciales entre Indonesia y América Latina, argumentando que la dinámica de la economía política abre oportunidades para mejorar estas relaciones. Las buenas relaciones diplomáticas y políticas entre Perú y Chile, debería estrechar sus relaciones económicas. Pero la escasa voluntad política y falta de conocimiento del carácter empresarial de cada país, obstaculizan sus relaciones externas. La investigación incluyó revisión de literatura, análisis de archivos y entrevistas en profundidad. Los resultados subrayan la necesidad de una diplomacia funcional de múltiples rutas que incorpore instituciones estatales y no estatales de diversos campos para mejorar las relaciones económicas. Las relaciones comerciales particularmente pueden fortalecerse entre países maximizando su recíproca cooperación en cada nivel (diplomacia multinivel).French abstract: Cet article analyse les causes de la faiblesse des relations commerciales entre l’Indonésie et les pays d’Amérique latine en faisant valoir que la dynamique de l’économie politique internationale a ouvert des opportunités pour stimuler les relations commerciales entre ces pays. Cette étude qualitative a été menée sur la base d’une étude de la littérature existante, d’analyses archivistiques et d’entretiens approfondis. Le manque de volonté politique et surtout de connaissances réciproques des atouts commerciaux de ces pays entravent leurs relations extérieures. Ainsi, une diplomatie fonctionnelle à plusieurs voies qui intègre des diplomaties étatiques et non-étatiques dans divers domaines est-elle cruciale pour améliorer leurs relations économiques. Les relations commerciales peuvent notamment être renforcées en maximisant la coopération entre ces pays à chaque niveau (diplomatie multi-niveaux).
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Zhang, Yuwei. "Analyze Russia's Foreign Relations with Three Main Theories of International Relations." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 1 (July 6, 2022): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v1i.625.
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With the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia's foreign relations and diplomatic strategy have become the focus of academic research. However, previous studies on Russian diplomatic relations tend to start from a single theoretical perspective. Although this approach is detailed and in-depth enough, countries do not develop diplomatic strategies from a single perspective, so it is difficult to fully explain Russia's diplomatic motives from a single perspective. This paper will analyze Russia's foreign relations, and speculate the deep needs and diplomatic logic of The Russian authorities in the Russia-Ukraine crisis from the three mainstream theories. The analysis method this paper adopted was literature review, and all papers cited were from CNKI and Google Scholar. Through the analysis and comparison, it is obvious that Russia mainly maintains the neorealist diplomatic strategy in the conflict with Ukraine. Russia aims to maintain the neutral status of Ukraine and promote the establishment of an alliance to compete with the US-led NATO countries. From the perspective of the three major theories, this paper comprehensively analyzes Russia's foreign relations, which is conducive to providing a new analytical perspective for the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It can rationally view the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and have a deeper understanding of the role and purpose of Russia in the conflict, so as to provide help for the settlement of the conflict.
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Rizzo, Alessandro. "Beyond the Dār al-Islām/Dār al-ḥarb Paradigm." Eurasian Studies 20, no. 2 (October 6, 2023): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-20220131.
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Abstract For a long time, scholarship concerning the relations between the Mamluks and Christian powers has been heavily influenced by the traditional dichotomy between dār al-Islām and dār al-ḥarb. This paradigm has often led historians to misinterpret the nature of the diplomatic documents issued by the chancery in Cairo. Taking into account new perspectives on the dialogue between Muslim and non-Muslim powers, the article examines the principles underlying the diplomatic dialogue in wartime and in peacetime through the lens of Mamluk diplomatic sources. Through this analysis, the paper illustrates how the discipline of Diplomatics can offer a direct approach to reconsidering some historiographical narratives and to understanding the real nature of diplomatic exchange and its symbolic representation.
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Mohamed Ahmed ABUJANAH, Anwer. "SEVER DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS. A STUDY IN CONCEPT AND EFFECTS." International Journal of Humanities and Educational Research 5, no. 2 (April 1, 2023): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2757-5403.19.14.
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Sever diplomatic relations. A study in concept and effects, International relations based on consent in times of peace and war. For example, the reason in relation to the diplomatic aspect of diplomatic relations, space science, the state of foreign relations if it is attached, attached, attached, attached. Or an armed conflict between the two countries. The study aims to clarify the concept of severing diplomatic relations between countries, and to identify the most important reasons for it. The importance of this study also comes by clarifying the most important effects of the decision to sever those effects that contradict the reality of experiences with the continuation of diplomatic relations between countries. While this study was divided as follows: The first topic: the concept of severing diplomatic relations The first requirement: the concept of cutting lingu
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moïse, edwin e. "Diplomacy without Formal Diplomatic Relations." Diplomatic History 34, no. 1 (January 2010): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2009.00845.x.
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Cho, lee-ok. "Diplomacy between Silla and Japan in the 9th century seen through the diplomatic document of Silla Jipsa-seong." Bukak History Academy 19 (January 31, 2024): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37288/bukak.2024.19.1.63.
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This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.
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Cho, lee-ok. "Diplomacy between Silla and Japan in the 9th century seen through the diplomatic document of Silla Jipsa-seong." Bukak History Academy 19 (January 31, 2024): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37288/bukak.2024.19.2.63.
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This paper is aimed at approaching the diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan in the 9th century and the realities based on the general understanding of the diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong.’ The diplomatic document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong’ was sent to Dajokan. As this document not only reflects the circumstances of the time, but also reflects the diplomatic issues which were developing around Japan’s diplomatic mission to Tang Dynasty and diplomatic status intended by Silla, it is a valuable data for explaining diplomatic relations between Silla and Japan.
In short, according to the document of ‘Silla Jipsa-seong,’ Japan tried to enforce a diplomatic tool called ‘Gaoyu’ based on Sinocentrism in the process of diplomatic negotiations developing around the dispatch of the diplomatic mission, while Silla was aimed at the restoration of relationship as equal neighbors following the precedent of ‘resumption of diplomatic relations’ during the King Aejang era. Most of all, the gap in diplomatic perceptions between the two countries at the time worked as a significant obstacle to friendly relations between the two countries.
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Mukhamedov, Yakubdjan Kadirovich. "CHOCH TRADE SYSTEM WITH CHINESE DYNASTIES AND DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS." Frontline Social Sciences and History Journal 03, no. 05 (May 1, 2023): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/social-fsshj-03-05-02.
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The Choch oasis is one of the regions that have had trade, economic and cultural relations with the countries of the Central Asian region since ancient times. By the VI-VIII centuries, economic relations reached their peak. During this period, Choch's trade and economic relations with the Chinese dynasties and diplomatic relations took an important place. As early as the III-IV centuries AD, the Choch people had intensive trade relations with the Sughd merchants who had trade colonies in the regions of Eastern Turkestan. The common interests of the Western Turkic Khanate and the upper class of Sughd caused Sughd merchants to take a leading position in trade and economic relations in the eastern direction[21], which created the ground for Choch and Sughd people, who actively participated in these relations, to occupy the international markets of the great Silk Road trade. This article discusses choch trade system
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Revkova, E. "Diplomatic Etiquette in Professional Training of International Relations Students." Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 12, no. 2 (May 18, 2023): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9103-2023-12-2-51-57.
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Introduction. The relevance of the research lies in the consideration of issues of diplomatic etiquette in the process of training future specialists in international relations for professional communication. Diplomatic etiquette includes aspects of future professional activity that international relations students need to know.
The hypothesis of the study includes the assumption that the mastery of diplomatic etiquette contributes to the formation of professionalism of future specialists in international relations.
The purpose of the study is to analyze pedagogical technologies for the formation of skills of diplomatic etiquette application by future specialists in the field of international relations in the context of professional communication.
Methodology and research methods. The research applies such theoretical methods as analysis, systematization and generalization of scientific literature on the research problem. It presents an overview of the works of Russian and foreign scientists on diplomatic etiquette and professional training of international relations students. Empirical methods include pedagogical observation of students’ participation in professionally oriented events related to diplomatic etiquette. The online-survey involved 54 students of the educational program 41.03.05 “International Relations” of Ryazan State University named for S.A. Yesenin.
Results. The article presents the description of pedagogical technologies for improving the knowledge of international relations students about diplomatic etiquette. It shows the analysis of students’ opinions on the importance of knowledge of diplomatic etiquette for future professional activity. The scientific novelty includes the proposed pedagogical technologies for teaching diplomatic etiquette to international relations students about such sections of diplomatic etiquette as diplomatic correspondence, rules of conduct, politically correct vocabulary, cultural differences. The analysis of the results of the online-survey shows that students understand the importance of mastering diplomatic etiquette for their future professional activities.
Practical significance. The proposed pedagogical technologies on diplomatic etiquette can be further used to form the professional identity of international relations students.
Conclusion and directions for further research. In the future, it is advisable to develop pedagogical technologies aimed at the formation of value orientations of specialists in international relations in the conditions of cultural transformation of the world.
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Amirbekova, Aigul, Fariza Ismailova, Kalbike Yessenova, Gauhar Yersultanova, and Guldariga Kenzhebaeva. "2013 Favorite Subscription 2022 PhS Library Issue 5 (june) PhS Library Issue 4 (april) PhS Library Issue 3 (february) PhS Library Issue 2 (december) You are here Home » Archive » 2022 ISSUE No 6 (November) Добавить статью GENERAL AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS Category functions in the process of recategorization Ch.G. Gogichev Pages: 3..11 DOI: 10.20339/PhS.6-22.003 1 Правка The mechanisms of deviation from norms in computer-mediated communication I.G. Ovchinnikova, L.L. Cherepanova Pages: 12..20 DOI: 10.20339/PhS.6-22.012 1 Правка Influence of national characteristics on the formation of conceptual structure of diplomatic style." Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education, no. 6 (November 2022): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.6-22.021.
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The purpose of the article is to form a conceptual structure of the diplomatic style. The diplomatic style is not diplomatic discourse. Both are two different categories. The parameters of diplomatic communication for modern society differ in style. Diplomacy is a diplomatic tactic not only in relations between states but also in the management of social groups and interpersonal relations. Successful diplomatic communication requires effective strategy and tactical skills. Because diplomatic communication is a socio-political relationship, it has a style. The article presents a conceptual structure typical of the diplomatic style. First, the stylistic structure of the diplomatic language was determined, gestures and facial expressions used in diplomatic relations were analyzed. Types of negotiations, the characteristics of a diplomat — the characteristics of a leader were identified. The etiquette of diplomatic speech was defined. The etiquette of diplomatic uniforms has been clarified. All this proved to be a conceptual structure of diplomatic style. Diplomacy of agreement and compromise is not only a peacemaker but also a commercial interest, an invitation to trade, publication, distribution.
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Junaedi, Junaedi. "The Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on Grace Indonesia-Russia Diplomacy Relations." Journal of Public Representative and Society Provision 2, no. 1 (July 7, 2022): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.55885/jprsp.v2i1.137.
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Indonesia's relations with Russia-Ukraine have been very cordial, especially with Russia, both in terms of economic relations as well as defense and security, where Indonesia often buys weapons and combat equipment from Russia. The Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Friendship of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations. Data analysis was carried out using an analysis of the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Friendship of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Friendly Relations of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations. As for the benefits of this research Academically, this research is useful regarding the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Peace of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations, while theoretically, this research can enrich the repertoire of literature in terms of the study of the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Peace of Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia and Russia.
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Wouters, Jan, and Sanderijn Duquet. "The EU and International Diplomatic Law: New Horizons?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 1 (2012): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119112x609185.
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Summary The European Union has a unique sui generis status on the international plane, which is reflected in its capability to enter into diplomatic relations with third states and international organizations. Over nearly six decades, the European Union (EU) has gradually built its own worldwide bilateral and multilateral diplomatic network, which is made subject — through specific agreements with the host country — to the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The ‘Union delegations’ are now operating as the diplomatic missions of the EU as a whole, in contrast to the former Commission delegations. This article examines the relationship between the EU and international diplomatic law. How does the EU establish and conduct diplomatic relations? What legal instruments are being used? How do the Vienna Convention and customary diplomatic law come into play? What is the exact legal status of EU ambassadors and diplomatic staff? By critically analysing these issues, this article assesses the specific contribution the EU makes to the further development of international diplomatic law.
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Saniya, Nurdavletova, and Kyungyon Moon. "Foreign Relations between Kazakhstan and South Korea from the Perspective of Public Diplomacy." Korean Association of Area Studies 41, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.41.2.201.
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Thirty-one years have passed since diplomatic relations between Kazakhstan and South Korea in 1992, and economic, social, and diplomatic exchange and cooperation between the two countries are more active than ever. Korea’s diplomatic strategy for Kazakhstan is at a significant turning point under the Indo-Pacific strategy created amid the Ukrainian war and the U.S.-China confrontation. This paper examined changes in economic, social, and diplomatic cooperation relations after diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1992 under the Korean government's northern policy. From the perspective of public diplomacy, recent changes in the aspect of cooperation between the two countries were tracked. Despite the rapid development of cooperation in public diplomacy between the two countries, this paper concluded that the direction of cooperation is one-sided from Korea to Kazakhstan, and that Korean public diplomacy needs to be improved in the process of being delivered outside the border.
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Brown, Jonathan. "Diplomatic Immunity: State Practice Under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 37, no. 1 (January 1988): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/37.1.53.
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Umami, Rafika Zahra. "Analysis of International Disputes Regarding Diplomatic Relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar." Digest: Journal of Jurisprudence and Legisprudence 1, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/digest.v1i2.48627.
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Analysis of International Disputes Between Saudi Arabia and Qatar (Situation of Diplomatic Relations between the two countries) Abstract: Diplomatic relations by definition are relations with the mediation between representatives of two or more countries that are political in nature. In the international world, each country must have diplomatic relations with other countries, in establishing relations or interactions do not always go well, sometimes it will lead to international disputes such as those between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as an outline of the dispute between the two countries, is caused by Saudi Arabia's view of Qatar which does not respect the gulf state's attitude, namely anti-Iran's attitude by supporting to assist Iranians and militant groups such as Muslim Brotherhood and others. The Gulf especially Arabs and made Arabs issue policies to cut off diplomatic relations with Qatar, this paper will discuss the general picture of the two countries and the history of relations between the two countries. Arabian conduct along with Qatar's response to this matter to efforts to reconcile the two countries by various parties Keywords: Diplomatic Relations, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Disputes
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Okladnaya, Marina, and Viktoriya Slivnaya. "Protocol of credentials in European countries: general and special." Law and innovative society, no. 2 (15) (January 4, 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2309-9275-2020-2(15)-5.
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Problem setting. The purpose of establishing diplomatic relations is to maintain constant relations between the countries at the highest diplomatic level. The main stages of establishing diplomatic relations are regulated by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of April 18, 1961. At the same time, this document in many respects refers to the national law of countries. The presentation of credentials is the final action, after which diplomatic relations are considered established, and the powers of state representatives take effect. However, international law does not specify the specific form and procedure for the presentation of credentials, as it is up to the States to decide. Therefore, each state has its own practice of the presentation of credentials, which depends on its form of government, national characteristics, historical past. Therefore, it is relevant today to compare the protocols of credentials in the practice of different countries to determine the positive and negative aspects. Target research. The aim of the work is to determine the main content of credentials in the process of establishing diplomatic relations, to study the practice of ceremonies of credentials on the example of Europe and Ukraine, to analyze existing problems in this area of international relations and solutions. Analysis of recent research and publication. This topic is the basis of research in many works of recognized authors. Examples are theoretical works Sagaidak O.P. «Diplomatic protocol and etiquette», Tkacha D.I. «Diplomatic protocol in the Republic of Hungary: general, special», Tymoshenko N.L. «Features of diplomatic, business protocol and etiquette of the Netherlands», and other Ukrainian scholars. Also well-known works of foreign authors are the works of Ikanovich S. and Picarsky J. «Diplomatic Protocol and Good Manners», John Wood and Jean Serre «Diplomatic Ceremony and Protocol», Bennett Carol «Business Etiquette and Protocol». Article’s main body. The establishment of diplomatic relations is aimed at the exchange of diplomatic missions between states. This process ends with the procedure of presenting credentials. Credentials are a document that officially certifies the status of a diplomatic representative of the accrediting state in the host state. This document is important in international law because it has a long history and represents the beginning of the official activities of the ambassador to the host country. Modern elements of the procedure of awarding credentials are common to many states. But each country today has its own characteristics of the ceremony of awarding credentials, which usually depends on its form of government. For example, monarchies (Netherlands, England) still have in their practice a lavish and pathetic conduct of diplomatic events. In contrast, іn today’s democracies (Hungary) the protocol of credentials is more modern and simplified due to the absence of outdated traditions and irrelevant measures. However, each country has both positive and negative aspects of the ceremony. Ukraine has little experience in diplomatic protocol since gaining independence in 1991. Today, national law effectively regulates the procedure for awarding credentials, but many provisions do not correspond to reality. Therefore, Ukraine must develop in this area of international relations on the basis of foreign experience. Conclusions and prospect of development. Thus, the presentation of credentials plays an important role in regulating diplomatic relations between countries. The basis for this ceremony is the characteristics of the state, which includes the political regime, form of government, historical past, modern development, features of the national mentality. In our opinion, the process of universalization of the diplomatic protocol is a variant of development of this field of international relations. The appropriate direction of such development may be the unification of norms relating to the ceremony of awarding credentials, as international law is being actively improved and updated, as exemplified by European integration. As modern Ukraine continues to actively establish diplomatic relations with other countries and exchange diplomatic missions, it is necessary to streamline legislation and develop it on the example of the positive experience of European countries.
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Gyorkos, Eniko. "Austrian-Hungarian Diplomatic Relations: 2017-2021." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, no. 20 (June 30, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n20p1.
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Since Sebastian Kurz was elected Chancellor in 2017, Austrian internal politics has changed significantly, and there is a visible rapprochement with several countries in the region, including Hungary. There is a consensus between Hungary and Austria on many issues, including the defense of Christian culture, the European way of life, and the protection of society. Both countries are urging the establishment of a common European military force and the strengthening of border guards. Austria is Hungary's second most important trading partner in terms of total trade volume, and Austria is one of the largest investors in Hungary today. Considering these points, it is worth examining how the system of diplomatic relations between the two countries has developed in recent years.
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Githii, John. "DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND KENYA." European Journal of Historical Research 1, no. 1 (September 28, 2021): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47672/ejhr.795.
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Purpose: Kenya’s foreign policy has largely rested with the presidency as has been shown by the analysis of the Uhuru Kenyatta Regimes. The general objective of the study was to examine diplomatic relations between Britain and Kenya.
Methodology: The paper used a desk study review methodology where relevant empirical literature was reviewed to identify main themes and to extract knowledge gaps.
Findings: The study concludes that Kenya and Britain established diplomatic relations in pursuit of their respective interests in line with the Realist tradition. The diplomatic relations led to the two countries signing treaties and conventions as provided for in Article 2(6) of the constitution. Both countries keep defining and redefining their national interest. Public officers have benefited from training in Britain including doctors who have acquired specialized medical training and skills that have benefited Kenya. Military relations between these two countries have played a role in determining economic, trade, diplomatic and political relations. It was also revealed that Britain has maintained its economic interests since the colonial period to date.
Recommendations: The study recommends that there is need for Kenya to strengthen its relations with Britain especially in the areas of economic development as Britain is one of the key investors and trading partners of Kenya. This would be achieved by the country’s Foreign Ministry negotiating deals that will benefit the country. Kenya should also ensure that the British military base in Laikipia trains Kenyan soldiers on the military tactics applied by Britain to ensure they improve the security within the Country and across the borders. This would ensure they minimize the terrorist threats that the country faces. The political relations should be used as a bench mark to ensure that Kenya has the best governance structure that will promote ethical leadership, eliminate corruption and compel the leaders to be accountable to the citizenry. This will ensure that resources are channeled and used in the right sectors for development.
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Ibragimova, N. K. "DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS IN EARLY ISLAMIC PERIOD." Paradigmata poznání 2, no. 1 (February 2017): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24045/pp.2017.1.7.
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Whitlam, Gough. "Sino-Australian diplomatic relations 1972-2002." Australian Journal of International Affairs 56, no. 3 (November 2002): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035771022000019660.
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Tilsted, Jonas H. "Diplomatic Relations in the Interwar Period." Culture and History: Student Research Papers 7, no. 1 (June 15, 2023): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/chku.v7i1.138105.
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This article studies interwar diplomacy. It does so, through the lens of the League of Nations Secretariat’s Political Section. It seeks to uncover how the section was created and how it was meant to operate. Using a prosopographical social network analysis the article dynamically maps the composition of the Political Section and what characterised the section. It studies how the employees worked and which form of agency they had. As such, the article has four key findings. First, the section was highly professionalised with more than 60% having a background in diplomacy providing the expertise and qualifications to handle diplomatic conflicts. Second, the section had high diversity in the nationality of the employees and a relatively low amount of British and French employees. Third, the employees of the Political Section generally had a high degree of agency regarding how they handled conflicts which they could use to expand their tasks and area of responsibility. Last, the ability to control information was the most important competence for the officials of the Political Section. On a methodological level, this paper provides an example of how social network analysis can be a useful tool in historical studies.
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İlqar qızı Mehtiyeva, Lalə. "History of Azerbaıjan-Us relations and establishment of the diplomatic relations." SCIENTIFIC WORK 65, no. 04 (April 23, 2021): 188–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/65/188-190.
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Bilateral relations, which date back to the end of the 19th century, began to develop mainly after our country gained independence on October 18, 1991. Of course, in the first years of independence, the United States took a cautious approach to bilateral relations with Azerbaijan, based on the thesis of Russia first. Nevertheless, over the years, the United States has deeply studied Azerbaijan as a key country in the South Caucasus, and analyzed it in terms of strengthening long-term bilateral relations. If we evaluate the bilateral relations over 4 periods, as a result of A.Mutallibov's pro-Russian policy, A.Elchibey's excessive preference for the pro-Western policy without taking into account the Russian factor, the bilateral relations could not develop sufficiently. However, thanks to the balance policy founded by Heydar Aliyev and successfully developed by Ilham Aliyev today, Azerbaijan-US relations have risen to the level of a strategic alliance and strengthened on a win-win basis. Key words: bilateral relations, Azerbaijan, key country of the South Caucasus, USA, balance policy, strategic alliance, win-win principle, mutually beneficial cooperation
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Warbrick, Colin, and Dominic McGoldrick. "I. Diplomatic Representations and Diplomatic Protection." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 3 (July 2002): 723–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.3.723.
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The European Court of Human Rights has decided in the last three years five cases dealing with state or international immunities.1 Although the facts differed, the arguments of the applicants were much the same. They contended that allowing a foreign State or an international organisation to claim immunity in a civil action in proceedings in the defendant State violated the applicants' rights to access to a court for the determination of a civil right.2 The European Court accepted the claims in principle but concluded in each case that the limitation imposed on the right of access was for a legitimate reason (the protection of State or international immunities, a condition for effective co-operation between States or with international organisations) and was proportionate to this aim, because in each case, the grant of immunity was required by international law and that in each case there was the possibility of the applicant using another procedure to try to assert his rights, action in the courts of the foreign State or under the special staff regime of the international organisation.
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Jikun, Gu. "The Soviet factor in the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Mongolia (1949–1950)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 10-1 (October 1, 2022): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202210statyi10.
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The history of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Mongolia clearly shows that the influence of old perceptions on the bilateral relations was rather complex, while political mutual trust was a keystone in the development of Sino-Mongolian relations. In the process of establishing diplomatic relations between China and Mongolia, the Soviets played an important role as a bridge and as a model and guarantor. Thus, the diplomatic relations between China and Mongolia were in fact established and developed within the framework of the Sino-Soviet alliance after the founding of the PRC.
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Melnik, S. V. "Diplomatic Interreligious Dialogue in the Framework of Interreligious Relations." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 38 (2021): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.38.129.
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The article examines the practice of interaction between the heads of religious communities which is referred to as “diplomatic interreligious dialogue”. One of the most common forms of the manifestation of diplomatic dialogue is participation of religious leaders in a variety of interreligious summits and conferences. The first part of the article briefly describes main types of interreligious dialogue: polemical, cognitive, peacemaking and partner ship. The second part gives a general description of diplomatic interreligious dialogue that can be considered as one of a type of peacemaking dialogue. The third part of the article analyzes several critical arguments in relation to diplomatic dialogue: this form of communication cannot be called a dialogue in the true sense; predominance of secular discourse; low efficiency. The author has come to the conclusion that diplomatic dialogue occupies its niche in the system of interreligious relations. And it is incorrect to evaluate diplomatic dialogue from the point of view of other types of interreligious dialogue that pursue different goals and are based on different principles.
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Ade Khatibul Rafi and Jun Justinar. "ASPEK HUKUM PEMUTUSAN HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK BAHRAIN DENGAN QATAR BERDASARKAN KONVENSI WINA 1961." Reformasi Hukum Trisakti 4, no. 4 (November 9, 2022): 796–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.25105/refor.v4i6.15058.
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The unilateral termination of diplomatic relations by Bahrain to Qatar in 2017 was based on political elements that disturbed the national stability of Bahrain. Bahrain and Qatar are legally bound by the Vienna Convention because they ratified it. The main problems are whether the termination of diplomatic relations by Bahrain to Qatar is in accordance with the 1961 Vienna Convention and what are the legal consequences occured from the termination of diplomatic relations. The research is a normative and descriptive analytical legal research, with literature studies and the conclusions are drawn using deductive method. Secondary data obtain through library research and analyzed. The results of the research are as follows: 1) The termination of diplomatic relations between Bahrain and Qatar does not violate the provisions of the 1961 Vienna Convention because there is no standard stipulation that stipulates regulations regarding procedures for terminating diplomatic relations. 2) There are legal consequences that cause rights and obligations of each country as stipulated in Article 2 regarding Mutual Consent and Article 45 concerning the right of a sending country to surrendering trust to a third country regarding the supervision of a diplomatic representative building.
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Kohistani, Mohammad Jafar. "Diplomatic Protocols: Illuminating the path Improving Political Relations between States." Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 5 (May 11, 2024): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v3i5.302.
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Throughout history, it has been traditional to formally receive political and diplomatic representatives at various levels during national, regional, and worldwide events using diplomatic protocols, which originated from diplomatic courtesies. Establishing trust and confidence in those who will be taking part in future meetings and conversations begins with the use of protocols. Officials' concerns are lessened when hosts adhere strictly to these guidelines since they know what actions and behaviors are appropriate at a given time and place. Understanding this notion reduces anxiety and boosts their confidence during conversations. Protocols create the conditions required for state representatives to communicate successfully, hence promoting state-to-state and international contact. A state's ties may become strained if protocols are not followed precisely and correctly. As a result, it is evident that protocols and their use in diplomatic relations have a substantial impact on the political and diplomatic ties between nations as well as on the development of links between states or parties. We have chosen to concentrate this research on investigating the function of protocols in diplomatic contacts due to the significant significance and influence of protocols in diplomatic relations.
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Naulko, Dmytro. "OTTOMAN-BRAZILIAN RELATIONS 1858–1919." European Historical Studies, no. 24 (2023): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.6.
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The article examines the complex of Ottoman-Brazilian relations in the period 1858–1919 based on a comprehensive analysis of available published sources and the scientific studies of scientists. The development, dynamics, and evolution of bilateral relations between the Ottoman Empire and Brazil during the above period are examined. The major task of this study is to provide an analysis of the prerequisites, reasons, motivation and main course of countries to establish connection and official diplomatic relations, highlighting the general features and major achievements of the activities of Brazilian diplomatic institutions in the territory of the Ottoman Empire and Ottoman diplomatic institutions in the territory of Brazil. The methodological basis of the article is the principles of historicism, pluralism, comprehensiveness, integrity and objectivity of knowledge. Methods of analysis and synthesis were also used. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the fact that for the first time the evolution of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Brazil is highlighted, theoretical assessments of the interests of the Ottoman Empire in Brazil and Brazil in the Ottoman Empire are formulated. In the conclusions of the work, it is noted that due to various and multiple legal conflicts, misunderstandings and the lack of political will, even taking into account the existence of a bilateral agreement on the establishment of diplomatic relations, the activity of diplomatic institutions was extremely complicated by the above-mentioned facts, which did not contribute to the intensification of bilateral relations and its further development. A theoretical assessment of the interests of the Ottoman Empire in Brazil and Brazil in the Ottoman Empire is formulated. The negative influence of the migration factor on bilateral relations has been revealed.
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Khamraev, Sunnatillo. "THE HISTORY OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS IN BUKHARA AND RUSSIA IN THE RESEARCH OF THE 20-50s OF THE XX CENTURY." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 6 (June 30, 2021): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-6-12.
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The study of the history of diplomatic relations between the Emirate of Bukhara and the Russian Empire is one of the most important issues in the history of Uzbekistan. This article presents an analysis of research on the study of this issue in the early Soviet period, i.e. in the 20-50s of the twentieth century. In addition, the aspects and approaches that have been given great attention by researchers to the diplomatic relations between the two countries are analyzed. The article reveals the goals and interests of both parties in diplomatic relations between the Bukhara Emirate and the Russian Empire, highlights all diplomatic missions and embassies of the Bukhara Emirate before it became a protectorate of the Russian Empire, uses archival materials and sources on the subject, approaches to diplomatic relations, it was emphasized that it is advisable to conduct them on the basis of such principles as ideological orientations
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Bojović, Filip. "Charakterystyka stosunków dyplomatycznych Czarnogóry i Republiki Albanii." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.013.13341.
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Characteristics of diplomatic relations between Montenegro and the Republic of Albania In this article, the author describes modern diplomatic relations between Montenegro and Albania. In order to present the close ties between the two countries, will be shown the common history of both nations, which influenced the subsequent development of diplomatic relations. Attention will be focused primarily on the main branches of cooperation and on joint initiatives in the field of protection of national minorities.
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Ergashali, Erkaev, and Ashurov Olimjon. "DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS DURING THE KOKAND KHAN UMAR KHAN PERIOD (1810-1822)." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 03, no. 03 (March 1, 2023): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume03issue03-14.
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Bartholomeusz, L. "Eileen Denza. Diplomatic Law, Commentary on the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations." European Journal of International Law 20, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 1286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chp082.
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Nagieva, A. A., and A. E. Samadova. "The history of the formation and development of the institution of diplomatic immunities and privileges in the United States." Law Enforcement Review 7, no. 2 (June 22, 2023): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52468/2542-1514.2023.7(2).16-26.
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The subject of study. Throughout the historical period of the development of diplomatic law, an institution of immunities and privileges was formed, the content and scope of which were determined by the level of diplomatic relations between states and the development of public administration.The rules of national law also have a significant impact on the procedure for exercising dip- lomatic immunities and privileges. Many states have adopted legal acts regulating the foun- dations of the diplomatic service. For example, in the United States, after joining the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961, the Law on Diplomatic Relations of 1978 was adopted, based on the rules of this Convention.The article examines the history and development of diplomatic immunities and privileges, the formation of the US diplomatic service and the content of current national laws in the US. The purpose of the study is the identification of problems in the practice of implementing diplomatic immunities and substantiate the hypothesis that it is necessary to develop the legislation on diplomatic immunities and the diplomatic service in the United States.The methodology of the study. The methodology of the study includes general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, description, systematization) and special scientific methods (formal legal and comparative legal methods). In addition to this, historical method was also applicable.The main results. Based on the results of the study, were disclosed significant discrepancies between the national legal regulation of the US diplomatic service and the rules of interna- tional law, which leads to massive violations of diplomatic immunities and privileges by the US authorities.Conclusions. Diplomatic immunity is a guarantor of the effective operation of foreign rela- tions bodies on the territory of the host state, however, in practice, there are often cases of their violation by the authorities of the host state and cases of abuse of diplomatic im- munities and privileges by their carriers. The granting of a special legal status, personal in- violability and other privileges and immunities is in no way equated to absolute impunity for employees of foreign relations bodies in case they commit illegal acts.
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Despa, Ana-Maria. "The history of diplomatic relations between Romania and Norway during the interwar period." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2011): 299–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i2_7.
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This article aims at reconstructing based on diplomatic archives’ records the history of diplomatic and consular relations between the two countries during the interwar period. The diplomatic bonds between the two countries date back already before Norway had obtained its sovereignty by dissolving the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway in 1905. Eventually, Romania recognized the Norwegian independence and conducted diplomatic relations with Norway through its legation in Berlin. The first official legation in Norway was established in 1917 by Grigore Bilciurescu’s appointment as chargé d’affaires in Christiania (Oslo). On the other hand, the first Norwegian diplomat who resided in Bucharest was Terje Knudtzon in 1935. During most of the interwar period the diplomatic relations between the two countries were conducted through envoys residing in other European capitals. The article fits into the category of historical evidence works and since it has adopted a chronological approach, it does not raise, more than is necessary, the prospect of a theoretical interpretation of these relations.
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Talib, Mohd Ridwan. "THE EVOLUTION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN MALAYSIA AND NORTH KOREA." Malaysian Journal of Syariah and Law 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 88–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/mjsl.vol9no2.312.
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This paper aims to analyse the aftermath of Kim Jong Nam’s assassination on the diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea along with the historical evolution of diplomatic relations between both countries since Malaysia’s independence. Little is known about the nature of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea, especially when public perceptions dictate that both countries barely share any similarities. In appreciating the implications of the murder case from the perspective of international law, an analysis is carried out on the history of diplomatic relations between Putrajaya and Pyongyang. A further study is conducted on the factors which attract Malaysia and North Korea to forge and strengthen their diplomatic relations. Malaysia’s inclusive foreign policy is highlighted via her participation in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1970 which promotes peaceful engagement with all countries regardless of their political allegiance, including the Communist-led regime in North Korea. The task of preserving regional safety and bolstering economic prosperity are top on Putrajaya’s priority list. With the volume of bilateral trade between Malaysia and North Korea is steadily increasing and Pyongyang’s continuous provocations of her Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), peaceful engagements with the aim of repairing the damaged diplomatic relations is the best option for both countries. This study concludes that although the relationship between the two nations is severed, it is crucial for Malaysia to consider reviving and enhancing bilateral relations with North Korea, hence benefiting Putrajaya in outlining Malaysia’s future foreign policy.
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Davis, Isabella. "Impact of Economic Sanctions on Diplomatic Relations: A Comparative Analysis in United States." Journal of International Relations 4, no. 2 (May 30, 2024): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jir.2603.
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Purpose: The aim of the study was to analyze the impact of economic sanctions on diplomatic relations: a comparative analysis Methodology: This study adopted a desk methodology. A desk study research design is commonly known as secondary data collection. This is basically collecting data from existing resources preferably because of its low cost advantage as compared to a field research. Our current study looked into already published studies and reports as the data was easily accessed through online journals and libraries. Findings: Economic sanctions wielded by the United States impact diplomatic relations in multifaceted ways. While they can isolate adversaries economically, they often strain diplomatic ties, escalating tensions. Success hinges on factors like target country resilience and international support. Unilateral actions may undermine US diplomatic credibility. Diplomatic efforts, like negotiations and exemptions, are vital for mitigating consequences and fostering conflict resolution. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Theory of economic coercion, theory of reciprocity and tit-for-tat & theory of economic interdependence may be used to anchor future studies on impact of economic sanctions on diplomatic relations: a comparative analysis. Diplomatic practitioners should prioritize sustained engagement and dialogue as essential tools for managing the diplomatic fallout of economic sanctions, leveraging both traditional and non-traditional diplomatic channels. Policymakers should adopt flexible and context-specific approaches to economic sanctions, recognizing that a one-size-fits-all approach may not effectively achieve diplomatic objectives.
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Pajtinka, Erik. "Between Diplomacy and Paradiplomacy: Taiwan's Foreign Relations in Current Practice." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 11, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0003.
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AbstractThe study deals with Taiwan’s engagement in international relations from the viewpoint of practical performance of its foreign activities. It is stressed that Taiwan’s foreign activities may be divided by their nature into two basic groups: the official diplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to those foreign states with which it has established diplomatic relations, and unofficial quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to the states with which it does not have diplomatic relations. In the study, the diplomatic and quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities of Taiwan are compared, especially with emphasis on their institutional backgrounds, legal regulations, and other conditions for their practical performance. It is concluded that the differences between the diplomatic and paradiplomatic dimensions of Taiwan’s foreign activities are rooted mainly in their formal and protocolar aspects, whereas from the viewpoint of their organization and practical performance, these differences are minimal.
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Al-Zahrani, Enas. "International Liability When Violating the Headquarters of Diplomatic Missions." International Journal for Scientific Research 3, no. 2 (February 17, 2024): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.59992/ijsr.2024.v3n2p3.
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The development of international relations has made most countries of the world rely on diplomatic representation in all its forms as a means of communication and protection of mutual interests. The diplomatic mission is the link between the governments of the countries that are working to achieve cooperation starting from the transfer of different opinions between countries and trying to overcome the difficulties that escape the entanglement Interests. The Diplomatic Mission has given its diplomatic and diplomatic functions to the diplomatic missions a special status, with full protection, so that it can play its role quietly away from all pressures, In the State which has adopted it. This reality is found in peacetime when States have ratified the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961. In times of war, if we accept the severance of diplomatic relations because of a war between two countries exchanging diplomatic representation, States must apply the rules of international humanitarian law and consider diplomatic envoys among the civilians recognized by the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 as special protection against the enemy state, And the role and headquarters of diplomatic missions should be classified as civilian objects that should not be the target of military operations. To establish and maintain international protection for diplomatic missions and to establish mechanisms for this, namely, the establishment of international responsibility for the violation of the inviolability of the diplomatic envoy and the role of diplomatic missions, there is a tortious responsibility by the receiving State as it did not provide security for the diplomatic mission, Executive or judicial authority. The personal criminal responsibility of the President for his acts or those of his subordinates is also carried out If a serious violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 is committed.
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Mansurov, Uktam. "The History Of Trade Relations Of Central Asian Countries With Foreign Countries." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 02, no. 10 (October 24, 2020): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume02issue10-17.
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The article describes the history of trade relations of Central Asian countries with foreign countries in ancient and medieval times, the importance of the Great Silk Road, the impact of these relations on political, economic, diplomatic, ethnic and cultural relations. It states that due to diplomatic and trade relations with foreign countries, mutual relations have been established, and the movement of citizens abroad and their entry is based on certain rules. Attention is paid to such factors as the impact of such relations on the socio-political and economic situation in those countries, the specific way of life of the peoples of the region, the way in which diplomatic relations are established. The article focuses on the development of trade relations with foreign countries during the reign of ancient Khorezm, Sogdiana, Parthia and the medieval Hephthalites, the Turkish Khanate, the Arab Caliphate, Amir Temur and the Temurids, the Central Asian khanates, Khiva, Kokand, Bukhara khanates.
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Chan, Gerald. "Sino-Vatican Diplomatic Relations: Problems and Prospects." China Quarterly 120 (December 1989): 814–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000018488.
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The China Quarterly Two major factors have continued to impair diplomatic relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Vatican, namely, the so-called “two-China” problem and the independence issue. China regards the Vatican’s diplomatic relations with Taiwan as an infringement of her sovereignty, and insists they are terminated prior to her consideration of a resumption of relations (broken off in 1958) with the Holy See. The Vatican is now the only state in Europe to maintain diplomatic links with Taiwan. Moreover, the Chinese Catholic Church wishes to remain independent of the Pope in Rome. This issue is manifested in the “self-consecration” of bishops in China without seeking the Pope’s prior approval. The “two-China” problem is basically a political and diplomatic one whereas the independence issue has religious as well as political implications. Both China and the Vatican recognize the existence of these two areas of dispute but they differ in their approach towards achieving a possible resolution. China demands that the Vatican should take steps to solve the “two-China” problem before China is ready to discuss the independence question, whereas the Vatican expects China to concede on the latter point first by acknowledging the Pope as the head of the universal Church, before proceeding to discuss other matters, including the status of the Vatican’s diplomatic ties with Taiwan. These different approaches lead to the present stalemate. Each side is expecting the other to take the initiative to overcome the apparent deadlock.
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"Diplomatic Relations." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 43, no. 10 (November 2006): 16842A—16842B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2006.00634.x.
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