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1
Unkovskaya, Maria V. "Anglo-Russian diplomatic relations 1580-1696." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332851.
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Partlová, Zuzana. "Nedotknutelnost diplomatického zavazadla a její zneužívání." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194535.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the inviolability of the diplomatic bag and its abuse. The first chapter introduces the current work of the International Law Commission relating to subsequent conduct of treaties. Second chapter defines diplomatic privileges and immunities, three theories of diplomatic immunity and its historical background. Third chapter elaborately analyses treatment of diplomatic bag in Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Fourth chapter presents an overview of cases of abuse of the diplomatic bag or violation of its inviolability. Finally it introduces options, how states can fight against such abuses.
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Mendez, Gonzalez Olga. "Anglo-Iberian relations 1150-1280 : a diplomatic history." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2013. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/48682/.
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This thesis examines the political relations between England and the Iberian Peninsula, from the accession of Henry II of England to the death of Alfonso X of León-Castile, an episode in diplomatic history that remains largely unexplored. This period, spanning over a century and a half, was punctuated by a series of key political events. The study of these sheds light upon the diplomatic complexities of the period. Chapter One explores the historiography and the particularities of Spanish documentary sources. Chapter Two analyses the use of the word Hispania in thirteenth-century chronicles and charters, in an attempt to discover how the term was used and to whom it referred. Chapters Three examines the close relations between the crown of Aragón and the vicomté of Béarn in the twelfth century, while the following chapter looks at the unification of Catalonia and Aragón and the implications of the marriage between Eleanor of England and Alfonso VIII of Castile. Chapter Five explores the impact of Richard I and John’s alliances with Navarre. As León-Castile consolidated is power in the Peninsula, there was a shift of alliances, reflected on Anglo-Iberian relations. Chapter Six explores the particular circumstances that brought about the treaty of 1254 between Henry III of England and Alfonso X of Castile. No study of the political relations of the period would be complete without examination of the impact of the imperial controversy and interregnum upon relations between Henry III of England (the brother of a claimant) and Alfonso X of Castile (a claimant in his own right). Finally, Chapter Eight studies the failed marriage of the infante Sancho of Castile and Gilhelme (Willemina), the younger daughter of the vicomte of Béarn, Gaston VII. This involved negotiations between Edward I of England, Philip III of France and Alfonso X of Castile.
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Liashenko, A. V. "Diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Germany: economic aspect." Master's thesis, Sumy State University, 2021. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/86554.
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The master’s thesis focuses on diplomatic relationships between Ukraine and Germany the context of national development priorities. The main factors which affect on the influencing on international business. The main aim of this research is to recommendations to improve the relationships and bussines between Ukraine and Germany.Магістерська робота присвячена дипломатичним відносинам між Україною та Німеччиною в контексті пріоритетів для національного економічного розвитку. Основною метою даного дослідження є рекомендації щодо покращення відносин та бізнесу між Україною та Німеччиною.
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Shi, Xinxiang. "Diplomatic immunities ratione materiae under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations : towards a coherent interpretation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33152.
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Rules of diplomatic immunity, which nowadays are enshrined in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, play an important role in interstate diplomacy because they ensure the efficient performance of diplomatic functions. This thesis investigates a particular form of diplomatic immunity - diplomatic immunity ratione materiae. Unlike diplomatic immunity ratione personae, which pertains to the personal status of a diplomatic agent, diplomatic immunity ratione materiae depends in essence on the official nature of a particular act In practice, however, the determination of diplomatic immunity ratione materiae may meet with many conceptual and practical difficulties. For one, it is not always easy to distinguish the official acts of a diplomatic agent, who represents the sending State in the receiving State, from his or her private acts. In case of disagreement between the two States, questions may also arise as to who has the authority to make a final determination. The Vienna Convention does not offer much guidance on these issues; on the contrary, the Convention complicates them by employing, without adequate explanation, distinct formulas for different kinds of diplomatic immunity ratione materiae. This thesis examines these formulas in detail. On a general level, it is submitted that diplomatic immunity ratione materiae for certain types of activity constitutes not only a procedural bar to court proceedings but also a substantive exemption of individual responsibility. More specifically, it is argued that each formula must be understood in the light of the rationale behind immunity, the type of immunity concerned, and the specific functions or duties performed. In case of controversy, weight should be given to the opinion of the sending State, although the authority to make a decision lies ultimately with the court of the receiving State.
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Krol, Grzegorz. "The northern threat : Anglo-Russian diplomatic relations 1716-1727." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320717.
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Aldamer, Shafi. "Saudi-British relations, 1939-1953." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4386/.
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The present study attempts to understand the shift that occurred in Saudi-British relations by the year 1953. The tracing of such a shift is dealt with by investigating the development of these relations from 1939 and through to 1953.The research is drawn upon a documentary diplomatic history method reinforced by an analytical approach. Within the framework of analysis, the Realism approach to international politics is selected. Certain assumptions that most of - classical and modern - Realists agreed upon are in use, specifically the state-centric assumption, the rationality assumption, the unitary assumption, the anarchic assumption, and the security assumption. As is clear from existing secondary sources, Saudi Arabia and Britain enjoyed a kind of special relationship in the early 1940s, but by the last year of King Ibn Saud's reign (1953) these two states' relations had deteriorated into severe conflict. Though some existing sources have attempted to shed some light on that development, their findings are indeed modest. In fact, none of this literature has studied the topic from a purely Saudi-British perspective, nor has any of it explored and analysed the matter with the depth that it deserves. By focusing on Saudi-British relations the chapters of this thesis are endeavouring to answer profoundly a variety of questions that affected the main course of these relations. By questioning the impact of certain issues on Saudi-Anglo relations - such that of Saudi-US relations, the security concept, the Saudi-Hashemite problem, and the frontier conflict - the thesis will address its main theme.
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Lee, Jung-Hoon. "Korean-Japanese relations : the process of diplomatic normalization, 1951-1965." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356963.
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Coggins, Richard. "Rhodesian UDI and the search for a settlement, 1964-1968 : failure of decolonisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249799.
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Behrens, Paul. "The duty of non-interference and its impact on the diplomatic message under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500306.
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The rule of non-interference in the internal affairs of the receiving State, which is today enshrined in Article 41 (1) of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, contains a fundamental duty of the diplomatic agent. But the Convention does not define the scope and extent of the concept of interference, nor its relationship with norms which inform its character. This thesis investigates a particular form of interference: interference through the diplomatic message. In its first part it examines the problems arising from an analysis of the available sources on the law of diplomatic interference. It also approaches the meaning of "interference" in diplomatic relations and endeavours to come to an understanding of the diplomatic message and its legal bases, and of the legal context of the rule of non-interference.
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Mene´trey-Monchau, Ce´cile Julie Annie. "American-Vietnamese diplomatic relations after the fall of Saigon, 1975-1979." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620060.
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Li, Zhifu (Tiger). "Dancing with the Dragon: Australia's Diplomatic Relations with China (1901-1941)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18400.
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By using little known primary sources in Chinese and English, this thesis will discuss Australia’s diplomatic relations with China, between 1901 and 1941. In March 1909, Liang Lanxun, China’s first consul-general arrived in Melbourne, Australia. Liang’s mission was to promote trade between China and Australia and as well to study the racial relations between Chinese and Australians. In 1921, Edward Little was appointed as Australia’s first trade commissioner in Shanghai, China. In 1929, the Chinese consulate moved from Melbourne to Sydney, due to the fact that Sydney had become the centre of the Chinese communities in the Oceania. I suggest that the Great Depression and the Second World War (Japan's expansion in the Pacific) forced Australian policy-makers to reconsider Australia’s geo-political position in the world. This is the first detailed research that treats Chinese diplomats in Australia and Australian diplomats in China between 1901 and 1941 as key historical subjects. In this thesis, I argue that Chinese diplomats used trade as a tool to fight against the White Australia policy between 1909 and 1941. I further argue Australia was more intertwined and connected with Asia, in this period than the existing literature suggested.
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Deth, Sok Udom. "Factional politics and foreign policy choices in Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17000.
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Ziel der Dissertation ist es, eine umfassende Analyse der kambodschanisch-thailändischen diplomatischen Beziehungen von 1950 bis 2014 zu liefern. Die Arbeit geht über einen rein historischen Bericht hinaus, da sie darauf abzielt, die Wechselhaftigkeit der kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen zu erklären. Als Grundlage dient hierzu ein Ansatz sozialen Konflikts, der Staaten nicht als homogene Akteure ansieht, sondern vielmehr als eine Konfiguration konfligierender Kräfte, die ihre außenpolitischen Ziele im Einklang mit ihrer eigenen Ideologie, ihren Interessen und ihren Strategien verfolgen. Daher postuliert die Arbeit, dass die kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen nicht als Produkt einheitlicher Staaten angesehen werden sollten, die entweder miteinander kooperieren oder sich voneinander abschotten, sondern als Matrix sich überlappender Beziehungen zwischen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Gruppen beider Staaten, die konkurrierende Ideologien und/oder Interessen zur Förderung ihrer innenpolitischen Machtposition beherbergen. Das Projekt bringt zwei mit einer verknüpfte Argumente hervor. Erstens, kambodschanisch-thailändische Beziehungen sind wahrscheinlich dann kooperativ angelegt, wenn es sich bei beiden Machthabern um zivil-demokratisch gewählte Regierungen mit ähnlichen Ideologien, ökonomischen Interessen und Sicherheitsbedenken handelt. Umgekehrt verschlechtern sich die Beziehungen, wenn diese Faktoren nicht reziprok sind. Dies ist besonders dann der Fall, wenn eine der beiden Regierungen mehr mit der Opposition der anderen gemein hat. Zweitens, auch wenn antagonistische Nationalismen auf beiden Seiten bestehen, handelt es sich keinesfalls um eine Determinante, die die Außenpolitik beider Seiten festlegt. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass Nationalismen nur dann aufgerufen werden, wenn zumindest eine der beiden Regierungen ihre Legitimität in der Heimat stärken muss und die andere Regierung nicht dieselbe Ideologie und strategischen Interessen teilt.This dissertation aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations over the past six decades, specifically from 1950 to 2014. In addition to empirical discussion, it seeks to explain why Cambodian-Thai relationships have fluctuated and what primary factors caused the shifts during the period discussed. In doing so, it employs the “social conflict” analysis, which views states not as unitary actors, but within which is comprised of different societal forces competing with one another and pursues foreign policies in accordance with their own ideology, interest, and strategy. As such, it is postulated that Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations should not be seen simply as relations between two unitary states cooperating with or securitizing against one another, but rather as a matrix of intertwining relationships between various social and political groups in both states harboring competing ideologies and/or interests to advance their power positions at home. Two inter-related arguments are therefore put forward in this research. Firstly, Cambodian-Thai relations are likely to be cooperative when both governments in power are civilian-democratically elected regimes and share similar ideologies, mutual economic interests, as well as security outlooks. Conversely, relations between them tend to deteriorate when these factors are not reciprocal. This is particularly true when one government has more in common with the dissidents of the government of the other side. Secondly, though antagonistic nationalism does exist between Cambodia and Thailand, it is not a determinant of the two nations’ foreign relations. This research argues that nationalism and historical animosity are invoked only if at least the government on one side needs to bolster its own legitimacy at home, and the government on the other side does not share a similar ideology or strategic interests with its own – the second aspect being the more important factor here.
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Babesail, Adel A. "The Vienna Conventions on diplomatic and consular relations and state practice : a critical analysis." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251567.
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Hennings, Jan. "Russian diplomatic ceremonial and European court cultures 1648-1725." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609625.
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Osborne, Toby. "The diplomatic career of Abbot Scaglia during the Thirty Years' War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319127.
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Bruns, Kai. "Britain and the negotiation of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations." Thesis, Keele University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555826.
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2011 was the fiftieth anniversary of the negotiation, at the height of the cold war, of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR). Since then the VCDR has become a cornerstone of diplomatic law. Despite its importance, no complete commentary had been written on the political aspects of the codification process until now. Thus, the original contribution to knowledge of this research is the description of the political aspects of the codification process in general, and the explanation of the British contribution to it in particular. It will be shown that Cold War tensions created the necessary momentum for it to be prioritised in the International Law Commission (ILC) and that procedural rather than substantive issues were the reason for the separate codification of diplomatic and consular relations. Analysing the contribution and role of the British, it will be shown that the British member of the ILC would have favoured codification by passing a UNGA resolution and that the decision to codify diplomatic privileges and immunities by convention led to a change in the British approach. Furthermore, it will be shown that Britain provided one of the leading delegations at the 1961 Vienna Conference. However, despite its leadership role, it could not avoid the inclusion of what, in British eyes, were unfavourable restrictions on the freedom to appoint staff and the freedom of communication. In comparison to traditional British diplomatic practice, codification via the VCDR led to a decrease of diplomatic immunities, while it increased diplomatic privileges. Thus, the ratification of the VCDR implied fiscal concessions on part of the Treasury, and this led to an interdepartmental dispute (i.e. over tax-free reimport of Scotch whisky) which, together with the low legislative priority given to the legislation necessary for the implementation of the Convention, delayed British ratification until 1964.
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Tang, James Tuck Hong. "Diplomatic relations with a revolutionary power : Britain's experience with China, 1949-1954." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243900.
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Dostal, Pavel. "Sustainable Diplomacy: Expanding the Potential of Diplomatic Relations (Lessons from the Netherlands)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206434.
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Within its scope, the thesis theoretically underpins the concept of sustainable diplomacy, using an evolutionary approach to diplomacy, and introduces criteria that allow its application on exemplary Dutch foreign policy projects. Three Dutch sustainable diplomacy projects are analyzed using a unified framework to allow their comparison and evaluation based on the criteria from the theoretical part. In light of the findings of the analysis, the thesis also acknowledges limitations of sustainable diplomacy encountered during the research to provide foundations for future development of the concept.
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Padje, Willem-Alexander van't. "At the heart of the growing Anglo-German imperialist rivalry : two British ambassadors in Berlin, 1884-1908." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367506.
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Legge, Mikaya Modi Lubajo. "Diplomatic relations and their impact on development: the case of South Sudan and Uganda." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15365.
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Since Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed in 2005, its border with Uganda has become a hub of activities. These economic activities have been enhanced by ethnic and political relations, but also by diplomatic relations between the two countries. Contrasting developments on the Ugandan side of the border with those on the South Sudanese side, this research draws on empirical fieldwork to examine the impact of diplomatic relations on the development between both countries since 2005, with international trade as the main aspect of development. The study sets out to show how trade between both countries has been affected by the diplomatic relations between them. The post-CPA demand for goods and state-building processes created a range of economic opportunities for traders. This was particularly the case for Ugandan large-scale traders who, as a result, became an important and empowered group. These factors have further been enhanced by good diplomatic relations between both countries, and as a result South Sudan has become Uganda’s most important trading partner as well as a destination for many Ugandans to conduct their trade. Simultaneously, post-conflict problems have emerged in South Sudan such as insecurity, weak government institutions run by incompetent officials, corruption, high foreign exchange rate, cultural diversity, mistrust and poor infrastructure. These problems have emerged as major challenges to trade and investment by Ugandan traders in South Sudan with traders as well as government officials agreeing that these challenges present major setbacks to trade and investment in South Sudan. Ugandan small-scale traders in particular have become more vulnerable to expressions of authority on the part of South Sudan’s post-CPA state, in which state or individual military might is used effectively to control trade. The current conflict, which began in December 2013, has added a new dimension to the list of impediments to trade as insecurity and economic instability have precipitated an atmosphere of uncertainty among many traders and investors. Despite all those challenges, Ugandan traders as well as government officials still view South Sudan as a business destination of choice. Overall, the study confirms that diplomatic relations have enhanced international trade between South Sudan and Uganda by way of solving trade disputes, investment promotion and influencing leadership on policy matters.
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Darmono, Juanita Amanda. "ASEAN's diplomatic strategy after the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26805.
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This thesis examines the diplomatic strategy adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the 1978 Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia and the subsequent shift in the regional distribution of power with regard to the security of the ASEAN nations. I argue that ASEAN has demonstrated considerable success in preventing a collapse of regional order in Southeast Asia.
It is important to understand that ASEAN is a product and tool of its members' foreign policy and should therefore be assessed in the foreign policy, rather than in the regional integrationist, context. This will be examined from the point of view of a group of relatively weak, insignificant states within the international arena, historically plagued by conflict and intervention by external powers, exacerbated by a history of intra-regional enmity rather than cooperation, military weakness, and no collective tradition of diplomatic expertise. Yet, despite these shortcomings and ASEAN's previous inability to come together on issues of economic integration, ASEAN's response to the Third Indochina conflict has allowed its member nations to maintain their independence, preserve their freedom of action, rally international support, and confront the great powers involved in this issue through the use of a regional organization.
This thesis will also counter the prevailing view that existing intra-ASEAN differences regarding the primary external threat in the issue (namely Vietnam, China or the Soviet Union) have seriously divided its members to the point of potentially threatening the organization's existence. Instead, I will argue that the combination of ASEAN's curious mode of "conflict resolution" through "conflict avoidance", as well as its diplomatic "division of labour," have effectively incorporated existing intra-ASEAN differences as bargaining assets for the organization's political viability. These internal cleavages have been far from resolved or reconciled, but rather skirted over by a web of unwritten laws, implicit rules and mutual understandings regarding one another's accepted role within the organization. This implicit "regime" has served several
purposes: it has allowed ASEAN to sustain its image of unity, boosted its political visability in the international forum, and prevented the "loss of face" of fellow members on points of contention.
Research for this thesis was conducted in part at the ASEAN Secretariat and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta, and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Farooqi, Naimur Rahman. "Mughal-Ottoman relations : a study of political & diplomatic relations between Mughal India and Ottoman Empire, 1556-1748 /." Delhi : Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39042050g.
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Allgoth, Philip. "U.S. Diplomatic relations : How has it been used in Iran and North Korea?" Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-8054.
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This is a study of how the United States has used different diplomatic strategies towards Iran and North Korea. The concept of coercive diplomacy is defined and explained, in or-der to see if it has been used by the United States, and if so, to what extent. After giving a brief historical background between the U.S and the two countries, the study will put a fo-cus on what and why the Bush administration has acted the way they have in their diplo-matic relation with Iran and North Korea. The study presents cases where you can see par-allels between strategies used, but also some significant differences. The latter part of the study will examine the reasoning behind the different strategies used. Conclusion drawn from this study was that, in the case of Iran, the United States has been forced to act in a certain way due to the other conflicts they are involved with in the region, i.e. the war in Iraq and the situation in Afghanistan. Due to the fear for North Koreas al-ready existing nuclear arsenal, the U.S. has shown a more restricted diplomatic policy to-wards the country, not wanting to push them towards starting a nuclear war.
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Vaiou, Maria. "Diplomatic relations between the #Abbasid Caliphate and the Byzantine Empire : methods and procedures." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248991.
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Poot, Anton. "Anglo-Dutch relations : a political and diplomatic analysis of the years 1625-1642." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/34c208d4-e029-7a27-6d8d-dbddb674e0aa/6/.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse Anglo-Dutch relations in this highly volatile period, as perceived and interpreted by both sides, and it also closes the gap between the notable theses of Grayson and Groenveld. On 23 August 1625 Charles I and the Dutch Republic concluded a partnership agreement for joint warfare at sea and a month later a treaty for war against Spain. In December 1625 England, Denmark and the Republic signed treaties to establish the nucleus of an alliance against the Austrian Habsburgs. Charles wanted an active role in continental politics. Also to compel Spain to support his aim to restore his exiled sister Elizabeth and husband Count Elector Frederick V to their Palatinate estates and Frederick to his Electoral dignities in the Empire. The Dutch wanted England as an active partner in their war with Spain. It was a partnership of convenience, with different objectives but with the intention that success would serve the interests of both. The perceptions of the partnership were also different. Charles saw it as a continuation from Dutch dependence on England in 1585 but in 1625 the Dutch saw themselves as strong enough on land and sea to withstand mighty Spain. However, their objective to have their sovereignty internationally acknowledged contrasted with Charles' wider foreign policy objectives. The successful diplomacy of the first nine months was followed by a premature Anglo-Dutch attack on Spain at Cadiz which met with defeat; it remained England's only military action against Spain. In 1627 England went to war with France in support of the Huguenots but had to withdraw. After the Cadiz expedition Charles expected the Dutch to join the Danes at war in the Empire and his own war against France, an atavistic notion that the Dutch in some vague sense were indebted to the English crown and would serve English interests.
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Saunders, Liane. "The motives, pattern and form of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations, c. 1580-1661." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c01bfd84-f68e-43a3-90fa-79b9fda8c5b1.
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My study covers the period from the initial establishment of English representation at the Ottoman Porte with the capitulations of 1580 which established trading and diplomatic rights for English merchants, and the formal establishment of an embassy in 1583. I explore the development of the English embassy at Constantinople from its vulnerable first years through its growth in prestige during the 1620s and 1630s, to the zenith of its influence in the 1660s before the French began to dominate diplomatic business at the Porte. I examine English policy at the Porte from its first tentative attempts to secure a strategic alliance against the Spanish with the Ottomans in the Mediterranean, through the Thirty Years War in which both Ottoman and English authorities found themselves reluctantly embroiled and the domestic troubles which both suffered in the 1640s, culminating with the execution of Ibrahim I in 1648 and Charles I in 1649. I conclude with the period of stabilization in the 1650s when the English authorities reasserted coherent policies at home and abroad during the Protectorate and the Restoration. This was mirrored by a stabilisation of the Ottoman Empire after the first of the Köprülü Grand Viziers took the reins of power in 1656 and reasserted central control over the provinces and over Ottoman vassals on the peripheries of Ottoman territory. The thesis builds on work done on the English commercial expansion in the Levant and the commercial role of the embassy in the Constantinople. I seek to complement existing studies of particular embassies and personalities and to give a broader over-view of the development of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. I intend to open debate on the development of Ottoman foreign policy and the implementation of Ottoman diplomacy during the seventeenth century well before the Ottoman bureaucracy underwent the westernization which led to it being absorbed into the European diplomatic system during the late eighteenth century. In the introductory chapters I explore the development of diplomacy during this period to establish the different attitudes of the English governments who conducted a largely adhoc diplomacy until the late sixteenth century when they began to open a few key residences abroad, and the Ottoman authorities who maintained a strictly non-reciprocal form of policy with western nations which lay outside the Dar al-Islam or Muslim lands. I discuss the question of the duality of the embassy at Constantinople as both a commercial agency and a state department and examine the potential for conflict between the controlling interests of the Crown and the Levant Company. In two chapters on the domestic situations in England and the Ottoman Empire I assess the priorities of policy and the domestic and financial constraints on an active foreign policy. Both the Ottoman Empire and the English sought to secure their own state through internal stability and external alliances. Both states faced the same problems of hostility from their neighbours, internal rebellion and the need to provide for growing government expenditure. However, England and the Ottoman Empire differed in the way they approached their problems and had different resources to help them carry their policies through. The most notable contrast was that the Ottomans possessed a growing standing army while England relied on ad hoc levies until Cromwell's new model army. These chapters are intended to open the subject to two audiences: the Ottomanist and the Early Modern European/English Historian, and to place the Anglo-Ottoman relationship within a broader diplomatic context. I have divided the thesis into three parts, each exploring a different aspect of diplomatic relations between Whitehall and the Porte, centring on the role of the embassy at Constantinople. The opening of direct diplomatic relations with the Porte was the first sustained diplomatic contact the English had established with a non-Christian nation and formed the model for later diplomatic contacts with non-European nations. As a whole, my study contributes to an understanding of how England adapted to the non-reciprocal diplomacy of the Ottoman Porte and to the operation of diplomacy by a Christian nation in a non-Christian state. I also explore the development of English policy in the Mediterranean and place the Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relationship in its European context. In part one I examine the function of the etiquette system at the Ottoman Porte and assess the importance of protocol conventions and the extent to which they affected the status of the ambassador and the progress of negotiations. I explore the status of western ambassadors within the Ottoman system and illustrate the adaptability and sophistication of the Forte's ceremonial system. I address the problem of the Forte's attitude to western states, recognising that there was ambiguity over whether such states were treated as representatives of tributary states or as honoured guests. I also explore the role which gift-giving, both official and unofficial, played in assessments of status and the complicated issue of diplomatic precedent, where western ambassadors attempted to assert their own concepts of status on the Ottoman system. In a further chapter I demonstrate how the English ambassador fitted into the English Court system and contrast English diplomatic ceremonial with that of the Porte. I provide an outline of the development of the conflict between the Crown, which endorsed the ambassador, and the Levant Company, which paid for him, to resolve the question of whether the embassy in Constantinople was indeed an embassy in the true sense. In this chapter I also explore the position of the few quasi-official Ottoman representatives who attended the English Court despite the official non-reciprocal diplomatic stance of the Porte. I examine the ceremonial which was provided for them and illustrate how the English system adapted to deal with this new phenomenon. This first part does not stand in isolation from the sections dealing with actual negotiations at the Porte but I intend it to place the diplomatic representatives in the framework in which they operated and establish the principles of status through which they proceeded to negotiations. In part two I consider the development of the administrative structure of the embassy in Constantinople. I include an assessment of both English and local staff, and attempt to resolve questions of the experience and efficiency of administrative personnel and of the ambassadors whom they served. I also explore the function of the embassy and establish the chains of command and channels of communication which the embassy involves. I explore the development of chancery practice during this period and give an outline of the Ottoman petition system through which all negotiations were initiated. I confront the problem of prompt authorization of documents and examine the use of a possible 'deputed Great Seal' by the embassy. The roles of Ottoman officials, especially the role of the Grand Vizier and the developing role of the Reisūlkūttab (Chief Scribe to the Divan) in foreign affairs are also discussed. Finally, in this section I consider the problems of security and communications within the region and examines the importance of the English consular network. The purpose of this section is to build up a picture of the operation of the embassy on a day to day basis to from a background to the various negotiations discussed in the final section. The final section forms the bulk of the thesis where I assess policy development in Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. In the chapters of this section I explore the various types of negotiations conducted at the Porte by English ambassadors.
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Storrs, Christopher David. "Diplomatic relations between William III and Victor Amadeus II, of Savoy 1690-1696." Thesis, University of London, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392627.
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Allgott, Philip. "U.S. diplomatic relations : how has it been used in Iran and North Korea? /." Jönköping : Jönköping University. Jönköping International Business School, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:201405/FULLTEXT01.
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Leong, Chi Ian. "National power, international interdependence and state socialization : explaining China's diplomatic behaviour in climate change politics." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554612.
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Mills, Penny Brundage. "Diplomatic recognition as coercive diplomacy: The inter-American experience." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284316.
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This work examines U.S. recognition policy toward governments obtaining power through extra-legal means (coup d'etat or revolution). The purpose of the research is to evaluate the effectiveness of withholding diplomatic recognition as an instrument of U.S. foreign policy. Through empirical analysis of U.S. recognition policy toward Latin American states (1913-1994), the research determines if the withholding of diplomatic recognition enabled the United States to influence the behavior and policies of target governments, under what conditions the strategy is successful, and what conditions influence the U.S. to withhold recognition. Withholding recognition is treated as a bargaining strategy intended to elicit a desired response from the target state in exchange for diplomatic recognition by the United States. An analytical framework derived from the coercive diplomacy model, developed by Alexander George, is used to evaluate policy effectiveness. The intent is not only to determine if the U.S. recognition strategy succeeded or failed but also to identify conditions conducive to successful use of the policy in order to guide contemporary foreign policy choices.
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Ekman, Alice. "The shaping of national diplomatic practices : contemporary Chinese diplomacy as a case study." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0016.
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Alors que la Chine est parvenue à établir des relations diplomatiques avec la quasi-totalité des Etats du monde, et que son Ministère des affaires étrangères s’est professionnalisé au fil de l’ouverture du pays, la pratique de la diplomatie chinoise comporte encore de nombreuses spécificités, qui dans certains cas influent sur le résultat des rencontres multilatérales. Quelles sont ces spécificités? Comment expliquer leur persistance dans un contexte d’ouverture et de professionnalisation? Sont-elles uniquement le fruit de l’héritage communiste? La thèse rejette partiellement l’approche culturaliste, puisqu’elle montre que les facteurs historiques, politiques et sociologiques peuvent jouer un rôle prépondérant dans la formation des pratiques diplomatiques nationales. Cependant, elle ne la rejette pas totalement : l'analyse croisée d'entretiens avec des diplomates chinois et non-chinois souligne l’influence du legs culturel (comparaison des diplomaties chinoises et taïwanaises, partageant un socle culturel commun mais formées dans des contextes politiques radicalement différents), mais aussi l’existence de divergences radicales d’approches entre corps diplomatiques vis-à-vis de la notion même de culture. Dans ce contexte, le jeu stratégique sur les « différences culturelles » est fréquent entre diplomaties, et une forme de particularisme culturel est promue par de nombreux pays émergents, dont la Chine, dans l’assertion de leur position. Ce jeu s’oppose au processus existant d’harmonisation des pratiques diplomatiques au niveau international et continuera probablement à exister compte-tenu de sa fonction stratégiqueWhereas China successfully established official diplomatic relations with most states, and whilst its Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gone through a professionalisation process since the era of reform and opening up, particularities still remain within China’s diplomatic practices, which in some cases impact international encounters. What are these particularities? How can one explain their prevalence in a context of accelerated professionalisation? Are they only a direct result of the heavy Communist legacy? Based on cross-analysis of interviews conducted between 2008 and 2012 with Chinese and non-Chinese diplomats, the thesis partly dismisses the culturalist approach, as it shows that historical, political and sociological factors play an equally significant role in the shaping of China’s diplomatic practices. However, fully rejecting this approach would contradict the findings on the influence of the cultural legacy on China’s diplomacy, based on a detailed comparative analysis of two diplomacies that share a common cultural legacy but that have developed in a very different political context (comparison between diplomatic practices of the PRC and Taiwan), and most of all based on the fieldwork observations on the divergences of approach towards the notion of culture between and within diplomatic corps. Strategic play on ‘cultural’ differences does exist in foreign policy, and a form of cultural particularism is promoted by many emerging countries, including China, in asserting their new position. This can be seen as a counterforce to the globalisation of diplomatic practices, and is unlikely to disappear, considering its strategic function
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Pardoe, J. M. R. "Captain Malcolm Kennedy and Japan 1917-1945." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308144.
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Young, Amanda. "The development of Anglo-Russian diplomatic relations in the age of Peter the Great /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ary68.pdf.
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Stratis, Kathie. "Diplomatic relations between the United States and the Soviet Union between 1938 to 1942 /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars899.pdf.
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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Political and diplomatic relations between the Republic of Lithuania and France in 1919–1940." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092603-04021.
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The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.
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HUNT, AMBER MARIE. "PARTY POLITICS AND CHANGING DIPLOMATIC PRIORITIES: JAPAN-SOUTH KOREAN RELATIONS INTO THE 21ST CENTURY." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613080.
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Japan-South Korean relations have been consistently hindered by political and
social reminders regarding their shared history that includes Japan’s violent occupation of
Korea in the 20th century. However, relations had been improving into the 21st century
until now, where positive relations and cooperation appear to be at a standstill regardless
of the expectation that they would have grown closer given current events. This paper
explains the motivations for the lack of a fully realized cooperative relationship between
the two nations using the following explanations: dysfunctional political parties in South
Korea benefits politically from pushing emotional anti-Japan rhetoric to a typically
disaffected voting base; Japan is no longer viewed as being as critical an economic
partner compared to China; and this anti-Japan rhetoric has no substantial pushback or
reaction from the Japanese government and public.
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Revueltas, Silvestre Villegas. "Mexico's British debt 1824-1884 and the question of diplomatic rupture and restoration." Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364505.
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Nair, Deepak. "Saving the state's face : an ethnography of the ASEAN secretariat and diplomatic field in Jakarta." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3176/.
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Among the most enduring diplomatic projects in the postcolonial Third World, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations or ASEAN has for long inspired antipodal reviews ranging from the celebratory to the derisive. These judgments notwithstanding, the varied practices of ASEAN’s diplomacy have impressively grown in scope, ritual, and ambition in the years following the Cold War and well into the contemporary post-unipolar conjuncture where ASEAN has emerged as a default manager of a geopolitical landscape bookended by the material and symbolic power struggles of China and the United States in Asia. Despite the abundance of writings on ASEAN and Asian security, much about its routine production and performance remain enigmatic. Little is known about the everyday practices that constitute this diplomacy; the varied kinds of labour nourishing its production; the sociological biographies of its practitioners and the endowments of class, language, and social capital shaping their shared dispositions; and the vernacular idiom in which this diplomacy is performed. This thesis interrogates ASEAN’s diplomatic practice with an eye on these concerns by pursuing ethnographic fieldwork for 13 months in a site of ASEAN diplomacy par excellence. This site is the ASEAN Secretariat in South Jakarta and a field of multilateral diplomacy of Great and Middle Powers clustered around it in a city that has laid claim to becoming “ASEAN’s diplomatic capital” (Ibukota diplomatik ASEAN). The thesis constructs two arguments. First, it argues against pervasive understandings of the ASEAN Secretariat’s inconsequentiality. As the only bureaucratic ‘organ’ to physically attend and memorialise every ‘ASEAN meeting’, the Secretariat is a key institution coordinating the burgeoning apparatus of activity in and through which a lexically and ritually coherent ‘ASEAN’ is produced. More importantly, as ‘servants’ of states, Secretariat staff render their ‘emotional labour’ to level the tortured inequalities of the ASEAN diplomatic field. Through practices of face-work, staff deploy an exacting solicitousness to ensure that ASEAN’s state representatives – with varying endowments of linguistic, cultural, and social capital– are not threatened with embarrassment by which they may ‘lose face’, be ‘out of face’ or ‘shamefaced,’ as they gather among each other and their vaunted foreign partners as equals. Second, by analysing the everyday practices of Secretariat staff, ASEAN diplomats, and foreign diplomats based in Jakarta, this thesis draws on the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu and Erving Goffman to construct a wider argument about ASEAN’s diplomatic practice. It argues that ASEAN’s diplomacy is produced in everyday life not by prevailing representations of the ‘ASEAN Way’ but instead through a stock of historically structured, sociologically patterned, and embodied, dispositions and tacit know-how – a diplomatic habitus. This diplomatic habitus is organised around a perennial concern among ASEAN’s practitioners to save the physical and figurative ‘face’ of the state – instantiated by its representatives – to enable their performances of a mythic sovereign equality among each other and satisfy their demands for recognition from Great and Major powers, especially as they strive for ‘centrality’ in the performative games of Asian security.
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Liu, Bing. "The impact of diplomatic visits on China's international trade and FDI." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7418/.
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If the media and politicians are to be believed diplomatic visits from government officials and their entourage to existing and potential trade partners can have a dramatic impact on future international trade and investment, China’s emergences as a global trading power has put visits from and to China in the spot light. In this thesis, we examine the impact of Chinese leaders’ visits as well as the impact of foreign dignitaries who have visited China on China’s international trade and FDI. Employing log-linear and Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML) approaches, the gravity model finds little evidence that diplomatic visits are effective to promote international trade between China and the rest of world. Diplomatic visits appear to exert different impact on trade with two relatively homogeneous groups of countries, African countries and OECD countries. In addition, it is found that diplomatic visits are significantly associated with a higher amount of OECD outward FDI to China.
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Shepperd, Taryn Daniella. "The gateway to a social analysis : diplomatic crises in post-Cold War Sino-US relations." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3071.
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Following the end of the Cold War and the political fall-out from the Tiananmen incident, the US and China ended the last century and began the new one with three well publicised fall outs: the 1995-96 Taiwan Straits Crisis, the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the Spy Plane Incident in 2001. In each of these incidents the two states immediately resorted to confrontation and animosity before shifting towards a peaceful resolution. How did these transformations become possible? How did this relationship plunge towards confrontation over three apparent accidents? What factors were shaping these events and the main actor's behaviour? This thesis provides an alternative framework for analysing these interactions; one that takes into account dynamics other than those emphasised in neo-utilitarian approaches to IR. Emphasising social dynamics, I ask a series of ‘how possible' questions so as to lend insight into the processes of change that have taken place. I examine each case in detail and develop an argument that focuses upon investigating how the situations arose, how meaning was constructed and renegotiated, how identities were produced, and how emotional dynamics were drawn upon. Chapter One introduces the puzzles that this thesis will be addressing before setting out the conceptual focus of the research. Chapter Two provides a theoretical discussion relating to the current literature surrounding US-Chinese relations, before setting out the theoretical assumptions and methodological tools that I employ. Chapters Three, Four and Five represent the empirical ‘heart' of the thesis, with each providing detailed analysis of the interaction in question. To finish, Chapter Six highlights the themes that have emerged over the course of the empirical investigations, before concluding with a discussion relating to the contribution to the literature and possible avenues of future research.
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McManus, Mary Kathleen. "The end of imperial diplomatic unity, 1919-1928 : Anglo-Canadian relations from the British perspective." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1267/.
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During the first decade after the Great War, the relationship between Great Britain and Canada underwent profound changes: these years were significant in the transition of the British Empire to Commonwealth. One of these changes included Canada's severance from formal imperial diplomatic unity. From 1919 to 1928, Canada established the same complete control over its external affairs which it already enjoyed in its domestic affairs. Canada's break from imperial foreign policy was a major factor in Canada's evolution from subordinate status with respect to Britain to one of equality. As the senior Dominion, the action Canada took against Britain, by confronting Britain repeatedly in matters of foreign policy, made Canada a leader in the transition to Commonwealth. Events leading to Canada's legal disassociation from imperial foreign policy began with Resolution IX of the Imperial War Conference of 1917. Although recognition of changes in the imperial relationship came with the Balfour Declaration of 1926, it was the appointment of the first British High Commissioner to Ottawa in 1928 which confirmed Britain's participation in a new relationship with Canada. Resolution IX acknowledged that circumstances had changed in British-Dominion relations. The struggles over imperial foreign policy between 1919 and 1928 assisted in establishing the principle of equal status between Britain and the Dominions. These conflicts contributed to defining the evolution of the Anglo-Canadian relationship in its formal, legal sense. The Canadian involvement in these encounters has received a great deal of attention whereas the same cannot be said of the British side. Most historical writings have assumed that the reactions of Britain were consistently conservative and passive. The common supposition was that Britain reacted only when pressured by Canada. By reviewing these confrontations from the British perspective, this study will examine the attitudes of and the interaction among the British Cabinet, the Foreign and Colonial Offices in formulating a policy toward Canada in this era, and demonstrate that the transition to Commonwealth was neither inevitable nor smooth.
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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Al-Mukadam, Mohammed. "A Survey of Diplomatic and Commercial Relations Between the United States and Oman in Zanzibar, 1828-1856." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3952.
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Informal relations between American merchant traders and the Sultanate of Oman in the port of Zanzibar began with the landing of the first American merchants about 1828. At the same approximate time, Sultan Said bin Sultan moved his official residence from Muscat, Oman, to Zanzibar, underlining the importance of Zanzibar to the administration of his territories on the East African coast. Relations were formalized by the Treaty of 1833 between the United States and Oman, and the U.S. established a consular mission in Zanzibar in 1837 and in Muscat in 1838.
The growth of the Omani Empire under Sultan Said expanded and prospered during the period examined in the present research (1828-1856). Oman's growth and prosperity, resulting primarily from its possession of Zanzibar and ports on the East African coast, roughly parallels the expansion and prosperity of the Zanzibar trade to American merchant traders. After Said's death, the Omani Empire was divided in a bitter succession battle (abetted by the British, who enjoyed military dominance in the region), and this point marked the beginning of the decline of the Oman as a regional economic and political power.
The present study surveys these two parallel developments over the critical 28-year reign of Sultan Said. The survey finds that, as with much economic development in the "third world" in the nineteenth century, Oman's enormous growth and prosperity during this period was directly linked to the growth and prosperity of commercial interests of a "developed" Western nation (in Oman's case, the United States). The study found that political developments between the two countries followed, and were informed and directed by, commercial developments. America's first three consuls to the Sultanate of Oman in Zanzibar were New England merchant traders more focused on their own commercial interests than on political concerns. That both parties (American traders and the Omani government) ultimately prospered is testimony to the complementary nature of their respective economic goals and foreign policy objectives.
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Torikai, Kumiko Machida. "Diplomatic interpreters in post-World War II Japan : voices of the invisible presence in foreign relations." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2006. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/378842/.
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Bao, Yinan. "When old principles face new challenges : a critical analysis of the principle of diplomatic inviolability." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/51411/.
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This thesis aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the principle of diplomatic inviolability. The principle of diplomatic inviolability is generally regarded by international law scholars as one of the oldest established principles of international law. The concept of inviolability in contemporary international law contains two distinct aspects: in terms of the duty of the receiving State, the first aspect involves the negative duty of not taking any enforcement action against the inviolable diplomatic premises, diplomatic agents or the diplomatic property, while the second aspect requires the positive duty to protect these premises, personnel and property. The contemporary legal regime governing the principle of diplomatic inviolability can be seen through the core provisions stipulated in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961. Several controversies can be identified when the authorities of the receiving State face dilemmas of deciding whether the principle of diplomatic inviolability or other norms of international law shall prevail. The dilemmas reveal the conflicts between the principle of diplomatic inviolability and other norms of international law, such as the protection of national security, public safety and human life. In the era of fragmentation of international law, it is not easy for either the authorities of the receiving State or international law scholars to settle the controversies with any straightforward solutions, for the reason that the precedence of diplomatic inviolability would inevitably compromise other norms and vice versa. The thesis examines the concept and theoretical basis of the principle of diplomatic inviolability, explores the historical evolution of the principle, analyses the contemporary legal regime of the principle and the controversies involving the conflicts between the principle and other norms of international law. Finally, the thesis critically reviews the various traditional solutions and proposes several alternative solutions to settle the controversies.
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Shipton, Frederick David Ronald. "British diplomatic relations with Austria-Hungary and British attitudes to the monarchy in the years 1885-1918." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39631/.
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The present thesis is an investigation into the relations between Great Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy (Austria-Hungary) in these years and how, in the words of Lord Rosebery in 1887 'the natural ally of Great Britain' became the enemy power of 1914 that had to be destroyed. Indeed, great emphasis is placed upon the key role that Britain played in the Monarchy's destruction. (one is reminded, en passant, of the poet William Cowper's admonition of 'love to hatred turned.') The first chapter will examine the general views held of the Monarchy by British travellers and commentators in the 19th and early 20th centuries, while Chapter II will focus on the views of the two greatest commentators on the Monarchy in the English-speaking world- theSlavonic scholar, Robert Seton-Watson and The Times Vienna correspondent, Henry Wickham Steed. Chapter III will deal with a general survey of Anglo-Austrian relations from the 1880's to the crisis years of 1908-9, involving the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which the subsequent chapter (IV) will examine in detail. Chapter V will look at the following years leading up to the First Worls War with particular reference to the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. Chapter VI (parts 1 and 2) will examine the July crisis and the actual outbreak of war and the attitude of people, press and parliament vis-à-vis the Monarchy when the two countries came to blows the following month in August, while the final Chapter VII will stress the important part that Britain subsequently played in Austria-Hungary's overthrow. In particular great significance will be attached to Sir Edward Grey's failure in the years preceding the First World War to act as an 'honest broker' between the two great rival alliance systems of France and Russia and Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy, and the willingness to accommodate Russia at Austria's expense. This led, it will be argued, to Germany effectively waging, initially, 'a preventve war' before her only real ally either disintegrated internally or was overthrown from without, hopelessly encircled as she was. (The very scenario that Grey claimed he feared the most actually happened largely through his failure to help Austria- the weakest link in the European alliance chain. The fact that the Foregn Office Memorandum of 1916 could argue 'that the Austro-Hungarian Empire must come to an end if the causes of war in the future are to be effectively removed' was, it is argued, merely putting a gloss on an anti-Austrian British Realpolitik formulated in the years before the war broke out, even if not openly acknowledged as such.
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Taioli, Francesca <1995>. "The trade war in the context of Sino-American economic and diplomatic relations: past, present and future." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16722.
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Every day, news of the ongoing trade war between China and the United States appear on the first page of newspapers and online articles and people suddenly started worrying about a possible “Third World War”. However, it is possible to retrace in their diplomatic and economic history some crucial events that shaped into the current state of affairs, as the swift “renaissance” of the Chinese superpower changed forever the balance of the world outlook.
Therefore, the main objectives of this thesis consist of analyzing the history of U.S.-China relations and compare today’s trade war with some of the trade wars of the past to figure out what the possible outcomes of this conflict could be. In order to do so, we will analyze the diplomatic and economic relations between China and the United States before the trade war in the first chapter, together with some major events that laid the foundations for today’s antagonism.
In the second chapter, we will proceed to explore some of the strategies used during the trade war by both countries, as well as the economic consequences they endured.
Finally, in the third chapter, we will confront it to some of the economic conflicts from last century to formulate some hypothesis about what could happen during the course of the trade war.
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Xierali, Imam M. "Modeling Politics Among Nations as Spatial Interaction: Explaining the Diplomatic Relations of the United States 1980-2000 with Spatial Regression." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc//view?acc_num=ucin1163385033.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Cincinnati, 2006.Advisor: Dr. Lin Liu. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Jan. 26, 2010). Keywords: lomatic relations; international relations; spatial effect; spatial interaction; the United States. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.
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Cader, Ishan. "The aesthetics of hegemony : Sloanism and mass persuasion in the United States, 1900-1930." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/45566/.
Full textAbstract:
Theories regarding the power of the United States in the International Political-Economic order conventionally treat issues of culture and aesthetics as functional aspects of the system of mass production created in the early 20th century. The ‘hegemony' of the United States is attributed to the ability of its political-economic elites to create and maintain ‘consensus' amongst other nations. Cultural manifestations of American hegemony are regarded as ‘soft' signposts of this power, serving to entrench the values of American capitalism at a global level. Yet critical theories of international political economy have evaded analysing the ‘appeal' of this cultural power, prioritizing materialist aspects of consensus formation such as the compromises made between capital and labour during the early 20th century during the rise of the mass production society. The task of this thesis is to provide the theoretical tools which allow critical evaluations of American hegemony to move beyond these materialist conceptions of cultural power. It is argued that an aesthetic approach to hegemony can fully realize the enduring power of American culture in political-economic terms. It does so by critically re-situating the terms of hegemony in Sloanism, which provides a more adequate template for realizing the power and meaning of mass consumption for non-elite social agents. Sloanism's focus on branding and stylistic obsolescence demonstrates that the ‘aesthetics' of hegemony can be grasped by evaluating the role of style and design in a mass production, mass consumption society. It therefore places epistemological priority on the contestations over cultural meanings of style, and the rise of ideals of upward social mobility which upset materialist expectations of a clearly discernable characteristics for different social groups. This in turn allows a questioning of the stability of norms, values and interests of ruling elites. It also restores the social agency of non-elite groups who contribute to ‘hegemony' through the provision of styles, techniques and designs that represented challenges to received ideas of cultural order. Furthermore in the context of early 20th century, new techniques of mass persuasion in advertising and public relations provide a ‘site ‘ in which the discordant and antagonistic aesthetic values of different social groups resolve in an uneasy tension- one that is nonetheless powerful enough to hold a durable cultural power, celebrating both upward social mobility and aspirations of abundance.