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1
Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Diplomatic Oratory." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://www.amzn.com/0888445660.
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Book Summary:Diplomacy has never been a politically neutral field of historical research, even when it was confined to merely reconstructing the context of wars and revolutions. Since the nineteenth century, Renaissance Italy has been at the forefront of scholarship on diplomacy; today, with increasing awareness of the long history of the subject as well as a broader spectrum of case studies, the study of Italian diplomacy has become sophisticated and highly articulated, offering scholars many new directions for further exploration. During the period c. 1350–c. 1520 covered by the present volume, diplomatic sources became extremely rich and abundant. This sourcebook presents a selection of primary materials, both published and unpublished, which are mostly unavailable to English readers: a broad range of diplomatic sources, thematically organized, are introduced, translated, and annotated by an international team of leading scholars of the Italian Renaissance. The aim of this volume is to illustrate the richness of diplomatic documents both for the study of diplomacy itself as well as for other areas of historical investigation, such as gender and sexuality, crime and justice, art and leisure, and medicine.
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Mendez, Gonzalez Olga. "Anglo-Iberian relations 1150-1280 : a diplomatic history." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2013. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/48682/.
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This thesis examines the political relations between England and the Iberian Peninsula, from the accession of Henry II of England to the death of Alfonso X of León-Castile, an episode in diplomatic history that remains largely unexplored. This period, spanning over a century and a half, was punctuated by a series of key political events. The study of these sheds light upon the diplomatic complexities of the period. Chapter One explores the historiography and the particularities of Spanish documentary sources. Chapter Two analyses the use of the word Hispania in thirteenth-century chronicles and charters, in an attempt to discover how the term was used and to whom it referred. Chapters Three examines the close relations between the crown of Aragón and the vicomté of Béarn in the twelfth century, while the following chapter looks at the unification of Catalonia and Aragón and the implications of the marriage between Eleanor of England and Alfonso VIII of Castile. Chapter Five explores the impact of Richard I and John’s alliances with Navarre. As León-Castile consolidated is power in the Peninsula, there was a shift of alliances, reflected on Anglo-Iberian relations. Chapter Six explores the particular circumstances that brought about the treaty of 1254 between Henry III of England and Alfonso X of Castile. No study of the political relations of the period would be complete without examination of the impact of the imperial controversy and interregnum upon relations between Henry III of England (the brother of a claimant) and Alfonso X of Castile (a claimant in his own right). Finally, Chapter Eight studies the failed marriage of the infante Sancho of Castile and Gilhelme (Willemina), the younger daughter of the vicomte of Béarn, Gaston VII. This involved negotiations between Edward I of England, Philip III of France and Alfonso X of Castile.
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Maxson, Brian. "Writing, Reciting, Responding, and Recording Diplomatic Orations." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6232.
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Schneider, James D. "The English Diplomatic Corps, 1649-1660: a comparison of the diplomats of the Commonwealth and Protectorate and of Charles II." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/8454.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of History
Marsha L. Frey
The diplomatic corps employed by Oliver Cromwell and Charles II from 1649 to 1660 differed greatly. This study will focus on the top three diplomatic ranks: ambassador, envoys and residents and will exclude agents and chargé d′affaires. The lesser ranks have been excluded for several reasons primarily because biographical information does not exist for many of them and as lesser diplomats their missions were not significant and often lasted only a matter of days. This prosopographical examination of the twenty-four diplomats employed by Charles II and Oliver Cromwell provides insight into their similarities as well as their differences. After examining the twenty-four, one from each side will be further researched. In matters of religion, Cromwell predictably sent Protestants. Charles also sent Protestants, but did send Roman Catholics, especially to Catholic courts. Despite the age difference between Cromwell and Charles II, age did not separate their diplomats. The average age of Cromwell’s and Charles’ II diplomats was both forty years. In matters of education, those who went to college had a tendency to choose the Puritan-influenced Cambridge for the Commonwealth and Protectorate and Oxford for the Royalists. The area a diplomat was from shows that the diplomats from north chose the side of the Commonwealth while those from London and south chose the Royalist side. Royalists had a higher percentage of military service and a higher percentage of Parliamentary service. Although more Commonwealth and Protectorate diplomats had a university education, the Royalists had a higher percentage of master’s degrees and the study of the law. When looking at a diplomat’s position in a family, the Commonwealth diplomats had a greater chance of being the oldest son, while the Royalists tended to be younger sons. This information is valuable because it expands the commonly held historiographical image of the typical Royalist and Commonwealth supporters and illustrates the differences between the general support and each sides diplomatic corps.
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Unkovskaya, Maria V. "Anglo-Russian diplomatic relations 1580-1696." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332851.
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Lukovicsová, Nicola. "The history of diplomatic protocol with the emphasis on French influence on diplomatic protocol and new cultural influences on today´s diplomatic protocol." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193888.
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The Master's Thesis on "The History of Diplomatic Protocol with the Emphasis on French Influence on Diplomatic Protocol and New Cultural Influences on Today's Diplomatic Protocol" aims at introducing the topic of History of Diplomatic protocol and is further elaborating on the topic in terms of various influences on Diplomacy and Diplomatic protocol. The purpose was to show that the evolution of the practices, protocols and etiquette is a gradual process of change. Nowadays we live in the world strongly influenced by the European tradition that mainly comes from France. However, the changing world and process of globalization makes it easier for people to interact, share their values and spread their ideas.
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Brough, Gideon John. "Medieval diplomatic history : France and the Welsh, 1163-1417." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/42434/.
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This thesis examines French efforts to project their power onto Britain during the Middle Ages, engaging the Welsh as their partners. The subsequent chapters contribute fresh analysis on a range of leaders and periods. This has been done using new theories, particularly military ones, and pushes the boundaries of this area of studies. The concepts of ‘bracketing alliances’ and the strategy of ‘cultivate and eradicate’ have been introduced and applied to this research. In addition, the thesis includes works not commonly found in such a study; reaching outside the field to help clarify points of analysis. For example, Sun Tzu has been included to demonstrate that medieval rulers were practising the most effective methods of warfare, as we recognise them today. Also, by applying modern diplomatic theory, such as ‘Soft Power’, this research not only gives these ideas a wider conceptual use but also connects and makes relevant medieval events to the modern world. On a broader level, these French-Welsh links demand wider exposure, whether from the perspective of the French attempting to articulate their power within Britain or the Welsh playing a role on the continental stage. This thesis presents new perceptions of these leaders, the conflicts of their times, their diplomatic initiatives and the power relations of the age. Its primary thrusts, therefore, are the dissection of the form and impact of these diplomatic and military relations, focussing on French efforts to project their power onto Britain at moments when friendship was co-ordinated with Welsh leaders. In recognition of the many subjects researched, and to borrow shamelessly from William of Malmesbury, and certainly others, I give note; ‘uolo enim hoc opus esse multarum historiarum breuiarium.’1
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Zaman, Adil. "The troubled Ppakistan-US relationship : a diplomatic history, 1947-2012." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2014. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/53424/.
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The bilateral relationship between the US and Pakistan has been highly significant for the foreign policies of both countries. Since 1947 Pakistan has sought US support in its quest for regional security and the US repeatedly turned to Pakistan as an irreplaceable strategic ally in its quest for global power and security. Despite this the relationship became fractious and increasingly distrustful. Many accounts describe the relationship and analyse events which have shaped it but fail to satisfactorily understand why it became so difficult, particularly from the Pakistani perspective. This thesis seeks to bring a fresh perspective by analysing the whole of the relationship as a cumulative process shaped not just by events but by reciprocal behaviour and expectation. It is a diplomatic history examining episodes of the relationship since 1947 through existing primary and secondary sources but also contributing new material from 20 field-work interviews conducted in Pakistan with military, government, media and academic actors. The study finds an underlying contradiction in the relationship in which fundamental national interests have never converged sufficiently for sustained cooperation. As such relations have relied on transactional opportunism. Cooperation has depended on temporary wilful blindness by the US which cannot be maintained beyond episodes of crisis. Pakistan uses its geostrategic assets as a reverse influence on the US but consistently hedges its strategies against anticipated abandonment when the crisis episode has passed. Through this has evolved a cumulative legacy of mutual negative expectation and mistrust which has become deeply ingrained in the relationship. The study also finds that the strategic utility of the relationship has favoured the US but that Pakistan’s reverse influence has grown, making it more difficult for Washington to abandon the relationship it finds so frustrating.
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Antonietti, Markus Alexander. "La vocación diplomática: Ayer, hoy y mañana." Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/653113.
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Reflexiones sobre la carrera diplomática vista desde su pasado ancestral, la actualidad y su proyección futura tras los abruptos acontecimientos que produce el COVID 19. / Ponente: Markus Alexander Antonietti
Abogado y periodista con amplia experiencia. Ha sido Jefe de Misión en Ecuador, Venezuela, República Checa y actualmente Embajador en Perú.
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Wayson, Donald Wayne. "“Woodrow Wilson’s Diplomatic Policies in the Russian Civil War”." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1241638204.
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Mills, Penny Brundage. "Diplomatic recognition as coercive diplomacy: The inter-American experience." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284316.
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This work examines U.S. recognition policy toward governments obtaining power through extra-legal means (coup d'etat or revolution). The purpose of the research is to evaluate the effectiveness of withholding diplomatic recognition as an instrument of U.S. foreign policy. Through empirical analysis of U.S. recognition policy toward Latin American states (1913-1994), the research determines if the withholding of diplomatic recognition enabled the United States to influence the behavior and policies of target governments, under what conditions the strategy is successful, and what conditions influence the U.S. to withhold recognition. Withholding recognition is treated as a bargaining strategy intended to elicit a desired response from the target state in exchange for diplomatic recognition by the United States. An analytical framework derived from the coercive diplomacy model, developed by Alexander George, is used to evaluate policy effectiveness. The intent is not only to determine if the U.S. recognition strategy succeeded or failed but also to identify conditions conducive to successful use of the policy in order to guide contemporary foreign policy choices.
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Hiorns, Sara Anya. "'Little friends of all the world?' : the experiences of British Diplomatic Service children, 1945-1990." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2017. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/25852.
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This thesis is a historical reconstruction of the experiences of children born in to the British Diplomatic Service between 1945 and 1990. The first academic investigation of its kind, in a greatly under-documented area, it uses oral history testimony as its primary method of investigation. Source material was gathered by the author through interviews and correspondence with a sample of 23 former Diplomatic Service children born between 1942 and 1992. This evidence was compared with existing material which referred to Diplomatic Service children. This included the contents of Newsletters produced by the Foreign Service Wives Association, later the Diplomatic Service Wives' Association, and twentieth-century memoirs by diplomats. The dominant themes suggested by interviewees and respondents formed the basis of the thesis' four thematic chapters. These take as their subjects Separation, Transience, Identity and Home. A preceding Chapter which outlines internal Foreign Office policy towards children and families during the period under consideration provides background. The main questions considered were whether the findings shed light on existing stereotyped understandings of Foreign Office children, whether the participants' experiences challenged historical narratives of childhood during the period and examined whether experiences differed according to gender. The richness and diversity of experiences recorded have made a multi-disciplinary approach necessary in order to provide a sufficiently structured framework for their interpretation.
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Fett, Denice Lyn. "Information, Intelligence and Negotiation in the West European Diplomatic World, 1558-1588." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275425139.
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Olmstead, Justin Quinn. "Acquiring America : the diplomatic battle for the United States, 1914-1917." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21842/.
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Maxson, Brian. "The Many Shades of Praise: Diversity in Epideictic Rhetoric in Diplomatic Settings." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6228.
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Liutkutė, Laura. "Igno Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla 1954-1959 m." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130604_234838-19744.
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Ignas Šeinius – diplomatas, atstovavęs Lietuvą tarpukariu, 1927 m. veiklą nutraukęs, o po Lietuvos okupacijos prisijungęs prie Lietuvos diplomatinės tarnybos (LDT), kurioje kartu su kitais jos nariais kėlė Lietuvos laisvinimo bylą ir reprezentavo tėvynės vardą Vakarų šalyse. Tačiau I. Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla iki šiol nėra susilaukusi platesnių tyrinėjimų. Greičiausiai viena iš šių tyrinėjimų stokos priežasčių yra tai, kad I. Šeiniaus archyvai ilgai buvo saugomi Švedijoje, ne Lietuvoje. 2011 m. įvykęs jų pargabenimas į Lietuvą sąlygojo naujų istoriografinių tyrinėjimų apie šio diplomato veiklą atsiradimą. Taigi šio darbo tikslas yra išnagrinėti I. Šeiniaus diplomatinę veiklą Švedijoje 1954-1959 m. Didžioji dalis duomenų paimti iš LCVA saugomo I. Šeiniaus fondo 675.
Prisijungti prie LDT 1954 m. I. Šeinius buvo paprašytas Stasio Lozoraičio, buvusiam Lietuvos atstovui Švedijoje Vladui Žilinskui išvykus į JAV. Visą atstovavimo laikotarpį I. Šeinius dirbo kaip neoficialus Lietuvos atstovas Skandinavijos valstybėse. Jo veikla rėmėsi keliais pagrindiniais principais: bendradarbiavimu su LDT nariais, iš kurių stipriausi ir nuolatiniai kontaktai buvo palaikomi su LDT šefu S. Lozoraičiu, įvairių Lietuvos laisvinimui svarbių švenčių ir minėjimų organizavimu, politinių įvykių stėbėjimu atstovaujamojoje šalyje ir nuolatiniu pranešinėjimu apie tai kitose šalyse reziduojantiems Lietuvos diplomatams, taip pat naudingų kontaktų atstovaujamai šaliai užmezgimu ir palaikymu bei rūpinimusi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Ignas Scheynius – the diplomat, represented Lithuania in interwar period, after 1927 years he suspended that activity, but after Lithuanian occupation came back and attached to Lithuanian Diplomatic Servise (LDS), where he, together with others members of LDS, raised Lithuanian liberation case and represented Lithuanian name to the West countries. But I. Scheynius diplomatic activity was not explored very widely. Possibly, the one reason of the lack of that kind researches is that the archives of I. Scheynius long time were kept in Sweden, not in Lithuania. In 2011 they were brought to Lithuania and that caused the appearance of new historiography researches about I. Scheynius diplomatic activity. Therefore the aim of this paper is to investigate the diplomatic activity of I. Scheynius in 1954-1959 years. To reach the aim was analysed the documents of I. Scheynius activity saved in Office of the Chief Archivist of Lithuania, number of fund 675. To join to LDS in 1954 I. Scheynius was asked by LDS chief Stasys Lozoraitis, after the last representative in Sweden V. Žilinskas moved to USA. All the time of his agency I. Scheynius worked as unofficial Lithuanian representative in Skandinavia. There was a few main rules of the activity of I. Sheynius: collaboration with others LDS members, of which the strongest and most steady connection was with LDS chief S. Lozoraitis, concerning about the organization of celebrations and commemorations important to Lithuanian liberation... [to full text]
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Hennings, Jan. "Russian diplomatic ceremonial and European court cultures 1648-1725." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609625.
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Forsberg, Emma. "“A Veritable Country of Lies” : Carl Gyllenborg, A Conspiring Swedish Diplomat’s Practices According to his Correspondence 1715–1717." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411367.
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In the decades following the Peace of Westphalia the foundations of what many consider modern diplomacy were formed. These foundations have been a popular topic for many historians, and extensive work has been made on Diplomatic Theory, and the ideals of what a diplomat should be within the field of new diplomatic history. However, the practices, performativity and persona of the diplomats still needs a deeper level of study, which is the main purpose behind this thesis. This thesis investigates the diplomatic practices in the early 18th century through the correspondence of a controversial Swedish diplomat by the name of Carl Gyllenborg. The controversy surrounding him was because of his involvement with a Jacobite plot to restore the house of Stuart on the British throne, which ultimately failed, called The Swedish Plot. By analysing his correspondence with another ambassador, Erik Sparre, the institutional, material and communicational practices of an early modern diplomat emerge. What this thesis shows is the way Gyllenborg navigated both the expectations and obstacles inflicted upon diplomatic practices. Some of the obstacles he faced was neglect from his sovereign, which included a lack of a letter of credence, being considered an enemy at his assigned court, and lacking finances to fund his life as an ambassador. He managed to navigate these although lacking the necessities stated by Diplomatic Theory. Gyllenborg’s story brings too light the complexity of early modern diplomatic life which has been lacking in previous research.
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Maxson, Brian. "In the Presence of Mine Enemies: Pope Martin V, Florence, Diplomats, and Diplomacy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6222.
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Li, Zhifu (Tiger). "Dancing with the Dragon: Australia's Diplomatic Relations with China (1901-1941)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18400.
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By using little known primary sources in Chinese and English, this thesis will discuss Australia’s diplomatic relations with China, between 1901 and 1941. In March 1909, Liang Lanxun, China’s first consul-general arrived in Melbourne, Australia. Liang’s mission was to promote trade between China and Australia and as well to study the racial relations between Chinese and Australians. In 1921, Edward Little was appointed as Australia’s first trade commissioner in Shanghai, China. In 1929, the Chinese consulate moved from Melbourne to Sydney, due to the fact that Sydney had become the centre of the Chinese communities in the Oceania. I suggest that the Great Depression and the Second World War (Japan's expansion in the Pacific) forced Australian policy-makers to reconsider Australia’s geo-political position in the world. This is the first detailed research that treats Chinese diplomats in Australia and Australian diplomats in China between 1901 and 1941 as key historical subjects. In this thesis, I argue that Chinese diplomats used trade as a tool to fight against the White Australia policy between 1909 and 1941. I further argue Australia was more intertwined and connected with Asia, in this period than the existing literature suggested.
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Mourgues, Jean-Louis. "Imperial correspondence preserved in inscriptions and papyri : I the documents; II a diplomatic study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314467.
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McSweeney-Novak, Christian. "From Dayton to Allied Force: A Diplomatic History of the 1998–99 Kosovo Conflict." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17994.
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This thesis reconstructs the diplomatic response of the international community to the Kosovo conflict of 1998–99. It outlines the process which resulted in the failure of negotiations involving outside agencies and individuals as well as the recourse to air strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using primary sourced material from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, personal interviews and other carefully selected primary sources, this thesis explores why international attempts to find a negotiated solution failed.
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Walker, Lisa Kay. "Anti-Bolshevism and the Advent of Mussolini and Hitler: Anglo-American Diplomatic Perceptions, 1922-1933." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4629.
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The history of World War II has led many Americans to vie~ Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy and Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as European variants of a single Fascist ideology. Ho~ever, in the early years of the Mussolini and Hitler regimes, the conceptual category of international Fascism was by not so well-established, particularly ~here the Nazis were concerned. American and British diplomats stationed in Germany in the early 1930s only occasionally interpreted the rising Nazi party as an offshoot of Fascism, but frequently referred to it as a possible form of or precursor of Bolshevism in Germany. Published and unpublished American foreign policy documents, published British diplomatic documents, and a wide array of secondary sources have contributed information showing how perceptions of Nazism and Bolshevism were influenced by matters that clouded the issues. The similarity of American and British views on the subjects of Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism can be attributed to the new understanding among the policy elites of the two nations as they became the leading status quo powers after World War I. The United States in particular had gone through tremendous organizational changes during and after the war, and was entering into a new era of professional and bureaucratized foreign policy that differed from its ad hoc diplomacy of the past. American foreign policy of the interwar period combined a strong interest in business expansion with a relative lack of desire for international political entanglements. American political commitments of the 1920s, particularly in Germany, were backed primarily by loans and investment, and through reparations revision plans designed by unofficial diplomats recruited from the private sector. As American financial commitments to Germany became more dependent on German repayment, and as the Depression tightened its grip, the rise of the Nazis became an ever greater source of alarm. This concern was related not only to their unclear and ill-defined political ideas, but to the threat they seemingly posed to financial stability -- a threat that increased their resemblance to the Bolsheviks in the minds of many diplomatic observers. Various other factors were important in developing the Anglo-American view of Nazism as related to Bolshevism. These included the almost obsessive intensity of anti-Bolshevism in the United States and Great Britain throughout the interwar period; the close association of Bolshevism with economic chaos in the minds of Anglo-American leaders, with a concomitant tendency to see Bolshevism developing wherever economic chaos occurred in Europe; and the strong admiration for Mussolini's Italy in both Britain and the United States, which precluded possibilities of seeing much in common between Italian Fascism and Nazism during this period. Some important sources of conceptual confusion were inherent in the policies of Germany's post-World War I Weimar Republic. Leading German diplomats and politicians of the republic, such as Gustav Stresemann, used Anglo-American fears of Bolshevism as a cornerstone of their policy to gain revisions and modifications of the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty. In the early 1930s, the "Bolshevism bogey" was used by Ambassador Frederic Sackett, a political appointee of Herbert Hoover, to get Hoover's attention so that he would modify reparations policy in favor of Sackett's friend, the embattled Chancellor Heinrich Bruning. The internal factions of the rising Nazi party, including the left-leaning wing led by Gregor Strasser, appeared to give some credence to the idea that the Nazis could harbor communistic elements. After Hitler's rise to the chancellorship in 1933, American and British observers began to note more resemblances between the Hitler and Mussolini regimes. However, many of their earlier observations about the similarities of Nazism and Bolshevism have validity in terms of the more totalitarian nature of these regimes as compared to Italian Fascism and its other less extreme variants.
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Aldamer, Shafi. "Saudi-British relations, 1939-1953." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4386/.
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The present study attempts to understand the shift that occurred in Saudi-British relations by the year 1953. The tracing of such a shift is dealt with by investigating the development of these relations from 1939 and through to 1953.The research is drawn upon a documentary diplomatic history method reinforced by an analytical approach. Within the framework of analysis, the Realism approach to international politics is selected. Certain assumptions that most of - classical and modern - Realists agreed upon are in use, specifically the state-centric assumption, the rationality assumption, the unitary assumption, the anarchic assumption, and the security assumption. As is clear from existing secondary sources, Saudi Arabia and Britain enjoyed a kind of special relationship in the early 1940s, but by the last year of King Ibn Saud's reign (1953) these two states' relations had deteriorated into severe conflict. Though some existing sources have attempted to shed some light on that development, their findings are indeed modest. In fact, none of this literature has studied the topic from a purely Saudi-British perspective, nor has any of it explored and analysed the matter with the depth that it deserves. By focusing on Saudi-British relations the chapters of this thesis are endeavouring to answer profoundly a variety of questions that affected the main course of these relations. By questioning the impact of certain issues on Saudi-Anglo relations - such that of Saudi-US relations, the security concept, the Saudi-Hashemite problem, and the frontier conflict - the thesis will address its main theme.
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Murdoch, Steven W. "Scotland, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart 1603-1660 : a diplomatic and military analysis." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265379.
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This thesis redresses the belief that there was little or no diplomatic or political relationship between Scotland and Denmark-Norway from the start of the British reign of James VI and I in 1603 to the Restoration of Charles II in 1660. In fact the sixteenth century relationship with Scotland continued to develop into the reign of Charles II. By examining the identity of Charles I and the evolving 'British' state, Scotland and her foreign relations are placed in a clear context. Previously prominent Stuart diplomats, like Sir Robert Anstruther, Sir James Spen or Sir Andrew Sinclair have been known as English diplomats rather than Scottish or British and were presumed to be working for the benefit of England rather than Scotland or even greater 'Britain'. Although Scotland and England usually shared both a single monarch and a common corps diplomatique, between 1603-1660 Scottish and English foreign policy frequently differed. In addition the polices of the House of Stuart frequently clashed with the agendas of the two British parliaments and of Denmark-Norway. Despite binding alliances with Christian IV in 1618, 1621 and 1625, Charles I and the English state adopted a policy of war against France and Spain which meant that Christian IV had to rely on Scotland for military support during his war against the Habsburg empire. Nearly 14,000 Scots went to the aid of the Danish king. This Scottish policy of military intervention continued between 1625-1660 and is here statistically evaluated in comparison to the involvement of England and Ireland in Denmark-Norway. When Charles I's policies threatened the independence of the Scottish nation in the 1630s and the integrity of the English Parliament in the 1640s, Christian IV found himself courted by all sides. Denmark-Norway's position at the gateway to the Baltic ensured the diplomatic and military attention of factions from the British Isles, including Scotsmen, until the Montrosian campaign in 1650. After the date Danish-Norwegian political attention became increasingly drawn to the English Republic although Scottish relations still involved significant military recruitment until the end of the decade.
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Ault, Jonathan Bennett. "Closing the Open Door Policy: American Diplomatic and Military Reactions to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625920.
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Griffin, Danielle. "Sport and Canadian anti-apartheid policy : a political and diplomatic history c.1968-c.1980." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/7432.
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In the 1970s the Canadian government took a strong stand against apartheid sport policies. Despite Canada’s limited sporting links with South Africa, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau and his Liberal government took on a leading Commonwealth position in promoting the isolation of South African sport. The catalyst for this leadership was Canada as host of two ‘mega’ sporting events during the 1970s - the 1976 Montréal Olympics and the 1978 Edmonton Commonwealth Games. This thesis focuses on the progression and adoption of new policies and initiatives which looked to strengthen Canada’s foreign policies dealing with apartheid sport while promoting these initiatives within the Commonwealth. Canada, a senior member of the association, had proved itself to be a key ally of newly independent Commonwealth nations throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s. These nations looked to Canada for guidance. Along with taking on a stronger Commonwealth position during the Trudeau era, Canada also looked to increase its international presence by focusing less on its traditional ties with the United States and more on forging relationships with a variety of newer nations. As Canada looked outside its borders to assert itself, within the country regionalism was on the rise with the advent of Québec separatism. All these factors played a major role in the development of Canadian foreign policy during the 1970s. This thesis focuses on the balance between internal and external pressures for change and how changes unfolded in light of Canada holding two mega sporting events in quick progression. From 1968 to 1980, Trudeau dominated Canadian politics. An engaging figure, he came to power promoting his notion of a ‘Just Society’ and looking to expand Canada’s international prestige. Newly opened archives of the External Affairs Department at the Library and Archives Canada show that Trudeau played a key role in the development of Canada’s new policies, especially during the period of 1975 to 1978. The wide range of primary sources consulted, many recently opened through Access to Information and Privacy requests, alongside a variety of sources from voluntary associations, analysed in this thesis provide a fulsome, chronological narrative of how Canada moved to the forefront of the Commonwealth and the association’s movement to isolate South African apartheid sport.
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Casey, Peter J. "Following the Spirit of the Law: Col. Eberhard P. Deutsch and the Legal Division of United States Forces Austria, 1945-1946." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2313.
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As World War II neared its end in Europe, the Allied powers faced a difficult situation with the occupied nation of Austria. Considering the complicated Austrian relationship with Nazism, the Allies had to decide how the nation would be liberated, occupied, and rehabilitated. Almost instantaneously, the United States, Great Britain, and France became at odds with a vengeful Soviet Union seeking to build a defensive shield of Communist European client states that included Austria. This study will show that as the head of the American Legal Division, Col. Eberhard P. Deutsch, United States Army, was instrumental in the reformation of occupied Austria’s legal system. It will also address the alleged role he played in the modification of the Second Control Agreement of 1946, the summer quadripartite conference that allowed the Austrian government greater opportunities for self-determination.
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Maxson, Brian. "Review of Diplomacy in Renaissance Rome: the Rise of the Resident Ambassador, by Catherine Fletcher." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6181.
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Maxson, Brian. "Review of Niccolò Machiavelli: An Intellectual Biography." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6207.
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FRANCISCO, PAULA ELENA VEDOVELI. "CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN BRAZILIAN DIPLOMATIC INTELLECTUAL HISTORY: AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE TRADITION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=16933@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORA presente dissertação analisa como a idéia da tradição do Itamaraty é construída através da produção de uma história intelectual diplomática da instituição como parte do processo de elaboração da memória institucional. A idéia de tradição desempenha diversas funções quando manipulada como um conceito e/ou uma categoria analítica no discurso político; pode conferir ou não legitimidade a decisões políticas ao estabelecer vínculos com um suposto acervo diplomático de idéias e conceitos e continuidade com as chamadas raízes da atuação diplomática brasileira. Dessa forma, para a manutenção da idéia de tradição, é fundamental que a produção de propostas de inserção internacional seja dissociada do momento contingente de sua elaboração e dos embates políticos que a manipulam em sua defesa. Nesse sentido, imperam mitos políticos, remetidos à política externa da Primeira República, que transformam agentes em personagens. Através do estudo dos conceitos empregados por Rio Branco, Joaquim Nabuco e Manuel de Oliveira Lima, recuperamos o caráter agencial desses personagens da memória institucional ao associar sua produção e uso à competição política dentro da corporação na defesa de projetos políticos conflitantes de inserção internacional. Em seguida, veremos como a mudança é inserida em uma narrativa de continuidade em que os conceitos vitoriosos do debate anterior são re-significados e atualizados para compreenderem os termos da defesa dos novos projetos políticos. Nesse sentido, a Política Externa Independente é construída como mais uma fase do desenvolvimento do pan-americanismo, enquanto hoje é significada como um momento de ruptura pelos agentes que fazem dele seu marco genealógico. Nesse processo contínuo, a idéia de tradição, enquanto parte da memória institucional, é sempre atualizada pela história intelectual diplomática de forma a genealogicamente traçar os fundamentos da política externa brasileira em voga.
This dissertation proposes an analysis of how the idea of Itamaraty’s ‘tradition’ is constructed through the production of a diplomatic intellectual history as part of the process of the making of institutional memory. The idea of a ‘tradition’ plays several roles when it is used as a concept and/or as an analytical tool in political speech. It has the power to convey legitimacy to political decisions by establishing connections with an ideational and conceptual body and to provide a sense of continuity to the widely understood foundational moments of Brazilian foreign policy. Therefore, it is essential to this idea that the various projects of international insertion come to be dissociated from contingency and political competition. Through the study of the concepts employed by Rio Branco, Joaquim Nabuco e Manuel de Oliveira Lima, we can turn back the personages into agents when we start to understand their production as constrained as well as turned possible by the political competition for different political projects inside the institution. Then we can see how the change is understood in terms of continuity, in which the previously victorious concepts are re-signified to be absorbed by the new political projects in dispute. The Independent Foreign Policy was then constructed as a phase in the process of development of panamericanism and it has been understood since the early 1980s as a time of fundamental change. In this continuous process, the idea of ‘tradition’ is always re-interpreted as part of the institutional memory and, therefore, as the base to present political choices.
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Höllger, Christoph. "Reginald Pole and the legations of 1537 and 1539 : diplomatic and polemical responses to the break with Rome." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303541.
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Kendrick, Shelby. "“A Crime Too Terrible for Contemplation:” Samuel Ralph Harlow and Missionary Influence on the History of the Responsibility to Protect." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/57.
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As a prominent and influential missionary in Turkey in the early 20th century, Samuel Ralph Harlow offers a new perspective that should be included in historical literature on foreign missionaries and human rights. Through his correspondence and academic works, Harlow’s story unveils internal conflict among United States officials and missionaries in regard to Turkish treatment of Greeks and Armenians in the interwar period. Samuel Ralph Harlow represents the position in support of American intervention to rescue Greeks and Armenians from massacre and deportation, but as his superiors’ views on the matter changed, Harlow was silenced. The U.S. may have decided not to intervene after all, but missionaries certainly played a role in the decision. Harlow was an early advocate for foreign intervention for the sake of protecting human rights, and his story shows how American missionaries helped mold U.S. support for protecting vulnerable populations abroad. The Samuel Ralph Harlow Papers at Amistad Research Center are virtually untouched by academics; thus, Harlow deserves a study in his own right. This study involved extensive research on Harlow’s original papers, the United States Government Official Foreign Relations Documents, and the historiography of human rights and missionaries in the Middle East, particularly Turkey.
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Chan, Stefanie. "The Regeneration of Hellas: Influences on the Greek War for Independence 1821-1832." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/188.
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Negus, Samuel David. "Render unto Caesar sovereignty, the obligations of citizenship, and the diplomatic history of the American Civil War /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11222005-125257/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.Title from title screen. Glenn T. Eskew, committee chair; Wendy Venet, committee member. Electronic text (164 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 2, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-164).
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Negus, Samuel David. "Render unto Caesar: Sovereignty, the Obligations of Citizenship, and the Diplomatic History of the American Civil War." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/5.
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In scholarship on the Civil War there is generally a lack of emphasis placed upon the significance of transatlantic diplomacy. However, much of the literature that is devoted to this subject does little to draw the importance of diplomatic and domestic histories together. This thesis uses British Foreign Office papers to discuss the role of Her majesty’s consuls, and the importance of resident persons of British nativity, especially within the Confederacy, during the war. It argues that the struggle between the Union and the new Confederacy affected diplomatic relations not only in the geo-political sense, but directly and personally through the fate of foreign individuals residing within America. Political theory and the semantics of ideology will be cross-examined against British, Confederate and Union government documents and correspondence in order to develop a deeper understanding of the flexibility and malleability of the concept of sovereignty, and its role in Civil War diplomacy.
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Saunders, Liane. "The motives, pattern and form of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations, c. 1580-1661." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c01bfd84-f68e-43a3-90fa-79b9fda8c5b1.
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My study covers the period from the initial establishment of English representation at the Ottoman Porte with the capitulations of 1580 which established trading and diplomatic rights for English merchants, and the formal establishment of an embassy in 1583. I explore the development of the English embassy at Constantinople from its vulnerable first years through its growth in prestige during the 1620s and 1630s, to the zenith of its influence in the 1660s before the French began to dominate diplomatic business at the Porte. I examine English policy at the Porte from its first tentative attempts to secure a strategic alliance against the Spanish with the Ottomans in the Mediterranean, through the Thirty Years War in which both Ottoman and English authorities found themselves reluctantly embroiled and the domestic troubles which both suffered in the 1640s, culminating with the execution of Ibrahim I in 1648 and Charles I in 1649. I conclude with the period of stabilization in the 1650s when the English authorities reasserted coherent policies at home and abroad during the Protectorate and the Restoration. This was mirrored by a stabilisation of the Ottoman Empire after the first of the Köprülü Grand Viziers took the reins of power in 1656 and reasserted central control over the provinces and over Ottoman vassals on the peripheries of Ottoman territory. The thesis builds on work done on the English commercial expansion in the Levant and the commercial role of the embassy in the Constantinople. I seek to complement existing studies of particular embassies and personalities and to give a broader over-view of the development of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. I intend to open debate on the development of Ottoman foreign policy and the implementation of Ottoman diplomacy during the seventeenth century well before the Ottoman bureaucracy underwent the westernization which led to it being absorbed into the European diplomatic system during the late eighteenth century. In the introductory chapters I explore the development of diplomacy during this period to establish the different attitudes of the English governments who conducted a largely adhoc diplomacy until the late sixteenth century when they began to open a few key residences abroad, and the Ottoman authorities who maintained a strictly non-reciprocal form of policy with western nations which lay outside the Dar al-Islam or Muslim lands. I discuss the question of the duality of the embassy at Constantinople as both a commercial agency and a state department and examine the potential for conflict between the controlling interests of the Crown and the Levant Company. In two chapters on the domestic situations in England and the Ottoman Empire I assess the priorities of policy and the domestic and financial constraints on an active foreign policy. Both the Ottoman Empire and the English sought to secure their own state through internal stability and external alliances. Both states faced the same problems of hostility from their neighbours, internal rebellion and the need to provide for growing government expenditure. However, England and the Ottoman Empire differed in the way they approached their problems and had different resources to help them carry their policies through. The most notable contrast was that the Ottomans possessed a growing standing army while England relied on ad hoc levies until Cromwell's new model army. These chapters are intended to open the subject to two audiences: the Ottomanist and the Early Modern European/English Historian, and to place the Anglo-Ottoman relationship within a broader diplomatic context. I have divided the thesis into three parts, each exploring a different aspect of diplomatic relations between Whitehall and the Porte, centring on the role of the embassy at Constantinople. The opening of direct diplomatic relations with the Porte was the first sustained diplomatic contact the English had established with a non-Christian nation and formed the model for later diplomatic contacts with non-European nations. As a whole, my study contributes to an understanding of how England adapted to the non-reciprocal diplomacy of the Ottoman Porte and to the operation of diplomacy by a Christian nation in a non-Christian state. I also explore the development of English policy in the Mediterranean and place the Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relationship in its European context. In part one I examine the function of the etiquette system at the Ottoman Porte and assess the importance of protocol conventions and the extent to which they affected the status of the ambassador and the progress of negotiations. I explore the status of western ambassadors within the Ottoman system and illustrate the adaptability and sophistication of the Forte's ceremonial system. I address the problem of the Forte's attitude to western states, recognising that there was ambiguity over whether such states were treated as representatives of tributary states or as honoured guests. I also explore the role which gift-giving, both official and unofficial, played in assessments of status and the complicated issue of diplomatic precedent, where western ambassadors attempted to assert their own concepts of status on the Ottoman system. In a further chapter I demonstrate how the English ambassador fitted into the English Court system and contrast English diplomatic ceremonial with that of the Porte. I provide an outline of the development of the conflict between the Crown, which endorsed the ambassador, and the Levant Company, which paid for him, to resolve the question of whether the embassy in Constantinople was indeed an embassy in the true sense. In this chapter I also explore the position of the few quasi-official Ottoman representatives who attended the English Court despite the official non-reciprocal diplomatic stance of the Porte. I examine the ceremonial which was provided for them and illustrate how the English system adapted to deal with this new phenomenon. This first part does not stand in isolation from the sections dealing with actual negotiations at the Porte but I intend it to place the diplomatic representatives in the framework in which they operated and establish the principles of status through which they proceeded to negotiations. In part two I consider the development of the administrative structure of the embassy in Constantinople. I include an assessment of both English and local staff, and attempt to resolve questions of the experience and efficiency of administrative personnel and of the ambassadors whom they served. I also explore the function of the embassy and establish the chains of command and channels of communication which the embassy involves. I explore the development of chancery practice during this period and give an outline of the Ottoman petition system through which all negotiations were initiated. I confront the problem of prompt authorization of documents and examine the use of a possible 'deputed Great Seal' by the embassy. The roles of Ottoman officials, especially the role of the Grand Vizier and the developing role of the Reisūlkūttab (Chief Scribe to the Divan) in foreign affairs are also discussed. Finally, in this section I consider the problems of security and communications within the region and examines the importance of the English consular network. The purpose of this section is to build up a picture of the operation of the embassy on a day to day basis to from a background to the various negotiations discussed in the final section. The final section forms the bulk of the thesis where I assess policy development in Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. In the chapters of this section I explore the various types of negotiations conducted at the Porte by English ambassadors.
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Shipton, Frederick David Ronald. "British diplomatic relations with Austria-Hungary and British attitudes to the monarchy in the years 1885-1918." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39631/.
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The present thesis is an investigation into the relations between Great Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy (Austria-Hungary) in these years and how, in the words of Lord Rosebery in 1887 'the natural ally of Great Britain' became the enemy power of 1914 that had to be destroyed. Indeed, great emphasis is placed upon the key role that Britain played in the Monarchy's destruction. (one is reminded, en passant, of the poet William Cowper's admonition of 'love to hatred turned.') The first chapter will examine the general views held of the Monarchy by British travellers and commentators in the 19th and early 20th centuries, while Chapter II will focus on the views of the two greatest commentators on the Monarchy in the English-speaking world- theSlavonic scholar, Robert Seton-Watson and The Times Vienna correspondent, Henry Wickham Steed. Chapter III will deal with a general survey of Anglo-Austrian relations from the 1880's to the crisis years of 1908-9, involving the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which the subsequent chapter (IV) will examine in detail. Chapter V will look at the following years leading up to the First Worls War with particular reference to the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. Chapter VI (parts 1 and 2) will examine the July crisis and the actual outbreak of war and the attitude of people, press and parliament vis-à-vis the Monarchy when the two countries came to blows the following month in August, while the final Chapter VII will stress the important part that Britain subsequently played in Austria-Hungary's overthrow. In particular great significance will be attached to Sir Edward Grey's failure in the years preceding the First World War to act as an 'honest broker' between the two great rival alliance systems of France and Russia and Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy, and the willingness to accommodate Russia at Austria's expense. This led, it will be argued, to Germany effectively waging, initially, 'a preventve war' before her only real ally either disintegrated internally or was overthrown from without, hopelessly encircled as she was. (The very scenario that Grey claimed he feared the most actually happened largely through his failure to help Austria- the weakest link in the European alliance chain. The fact that the Foregn Office Memorandum of 1916 could argue 'that the Austro-Hungarian Empire must come to an end if the causes of war in the future are to be effectively removed' was, it is argued, merely putting a gloss on an anti-Austrian British Realpolitik formulated in the years before the war broke out, even if not openly acknowledged as such.
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Al-Mukadam, Mohammed. "A Survey of Diplomatic and Commercial Relations Between the United States and Oman in Zanzibar, 1828-1856." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3952.
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Informal relations between American merchant traders and the Sultanate of Oman in the port of Zanzibar began with the landing of the first American merchants about 1828. At the same approximate time, Sultan Said bin Sultan moved his official residence from Muscat, Oman, to Zanzibar, underlining the importance of Zanzibar to the administration of his territories on the East African coast. Relations were formalized by the Treaty of 1833 between the United States and Oman, and the U.S. established a consular mission in Zanzibar in 1837 and in Muscat in 1838.
The growth of the Omani Empire under Sultan Said expanded and prospered during the period examined in the present research (1828-1856). Oman's growth and prosperity, resulting primarily from its possession of Zanzibar and ports on the East African coast, roughly parallels the expansion and prosperity of the Zanzibar trade to American merchant traders. After Said's death, the Omani Empire was divided in a bitter succession battle (abetted by the British, who enjoyed military dominance in the region), and this point marked the beginning of the decline of the Oman as a regional economic and political power.
The present study surveys these two parallel developments over the critical 28-year reign of Sultan Said. The survey finds that, as with much economic development in the "third world" in the nineteenth century, Oman's enormous growth and prosperity during this period was directly linked to the growth and prosperity of commercial interests of a "developed" Western nation (in Oman's case, the United States). The study found that political developments between the two countries followed, and were informed and directed by, commercial developments. America's first three consuls to the Sultanate of Oman in Zanzibar were New England merchant traders more focused on their own commercial interests than on political concerns. That both parties (American traders and the Omani government) ultimately prospered is testimony to the complementary nature of their respective economic goals and foreign policy objectives.
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Le, Cornu Daryl John, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Bright hope : British radical publicists, American intervention, and the prospects of a negotiated peace, 1917." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_LeCornu_D.xml, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/801.
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This dissertation is about a group of influential British publicists on the left-wing of the Liberal Party known as Radicals. The focus is on the year 1917 during the First World War and the Radical publicist’s belief in the necessity of a negotiated settlement as an essential ingredient to achieving a just and lasting peace. These publicists also believed that the United States could play a unique role in mediating an end to the war and reforming the international system. Radical publicists tirelessly campaigned for a revision of Allied war aims and were convinced that alliances, the arms race, secret diplomacy, imperialism and militarism, played a large part in the outbreak of war and its prolongation. They believed that when the peace settlement came, it should not be a peace of vengeance but a just peace that addressed these flaws in the international system. The Radical publicists looked increasingly to the American President Wilson for leadership, while Wilson was drawn to the Radical publicist’s progressive internationalist ideas, particularly the concept of a league of nations. The Conclusion examines the reason for the failure of the Wilsonian strategy to achieve a just and lasting peace in 1919, but points to the enduring legacy of the Radical publicist’s ideas about creating a stable world order. This dissertation finishes by looking at contemporary commentators who advocate an approach to world order in the tradition of the Radical publicists of the First World WarDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Koscheva-Scissons, Chloe. "Crossing Oceans with Words: Diplomatic Communication during the Vietnam War, 1945-1969." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1426004411.
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Baldassarri, Stefano, and Brian Maxson. "Giannozzo Manetti, the Emperor, and the Praise of a King in 1452." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6173.
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This article publishes a new text by Giannozzo Manetti and places it into the political, diplomatic, and biographical context from which it emerged. Manetti’s “Panegyric to King Alfonso” was written for the occasion of the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III’s visit to Naples in the spring of 1452. This article and the accompanying first edition of Manetti’s treatise add new insights into the events of mid-Quattrocento Italy that led to Manetti’s voluntary exile from Florence, in addition to a new chapter in the narrative of patrician resistance to the consolidation of political power in Florence under Cosimo de’ Medici and his allies.
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Maxson, Brian. "The Certame Coronario, Ritual, and Diplomacy in Fifteenth-Century Florence." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6224.
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Wyn-Jones, Steffan. "Rethinking early Cold War United States foreign policy : the road to militarisation." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61488/.
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This thesis rethinks the foundations of US foreign policy determination in the early Cold War period. In opposition to approaches in IR which privilege an ‘external' realm of causation, it focuses on the domestic bases for foreign policy formation. Having started by reviewing historiographical debates on US foreign policy and US foreign economic policy, the thesis moves on to critique some of the existing ways the US foreign policy has been theorised in IR. The thesis then develops a theoretical and conceptual stance, drawing on a range of different literatures. Within IR, it places itself within the tradition of Marxist Historical Sociology. At the level of macro-history, this places the reconstruction of US foreign policy within broader world historical process of the development of capitalism within the political form of the nation-state and state system, and ongoing spatialisation strategies that states form in order to manage capitalist spatial politics. This macro perspective is conjoined to a ‘disjunctive' theory of the state, which is developed successively through different stages of analysis. The goal is to develop a political economy approach to the study of foreign policy formation and especially the conduct of warfare. The next three chapters constitute an historical reconstruction of the path towards the Cold War militarisation of US foreign policy. The thesis begins by fleshing out some of the theoretical issues discussed earlier in relation to the specificity of US state development. It then shows how developments from the 19th century up to World War II were underpinned by societal conflicts which saw the rise of the New Deal as a challenger to the existing prerogatives of business in America. This challenge saw the development of state capacities to intervene in the economy, and set in place the possibilities of a welfare statist form of governance. However, the coming of WWII and the politics of economic mobilisation for the war changed the context within which these developments unfolded. An alliance of industrial and business interests during the war ensured that the New Deal state was converted into a powerful ‘warfare' state. The thesis then moves on to show how after the war, the world-historical moment of US hegemony had its counterpart on the domestic scene in the resurgence of conflict between nationalist and internationalist political and business interests in the US. The period between 1945 and 1950 is then re-read against the background of successive stages of development of this conflict as it affected the development of US policies towards the world. As the US tried to develop a coherent spatial strategy for reconstructing the global capitalist order, this domestic situation determined and shaped things in unexpected ways. Contrary to perspectives which isolate US plans for a multilateral trading order and the geopolitics of the Cold War, I show how the contradictions of the former largely created the latter. Much IR theory takes it for granted that it was Marshall Plan aid that did the work of reconstructing Europe after the war. However, I show that this assumption obscures the failure of the Marshall Plan, and its eventual replacement by forms of economic aid that were channelled through military spending. These forms of aid required substantial military spending programs. Thus the price to be paid for the reconstruction of Europe after the war was the amplification of the World War II military-industrial alliance in the US. This then fed back into US domestic developments, as a powerful self-sustaining and expansionary element of the American political economy changed the institutional parameters under which war-preparations were formed. This altered the bases of US military strategy and overall foreign policy, a development which was starkly revealed in the conduct of the Vietnam War. The thesis concludes with some reflections on how its historical and theoretical approach has ramifications for how we think of US foreign policy in the 20th century.
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Cantoni, Roberto. "Oily deals : exploration, diplomacy and security in early Cold War France and Italy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/oily-deals-exploration-diplomacy-and-security-in-early-cold-war-france-and-italy(64fca03b-4a9f-485a-bff1-2a13e3f07905).html.
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Oil is one of the most widespread high-density energy sources in the world: its importance for the military-industrial complex became even more evident in the postwar context. In this framework, establishing the conditions for accessing the world's oil-rich areas became essential for states, not only to provide for their own energy needs, but also to buttress national economic and geostrategic interests, and protect energy security. In addition, regulating the oil flow between countries afforded the ability to influence their operational capabilities. Exploiting oil as a geopolitical weapon was not distinctive of the two global hegemonic powers, but was also employed by less powerful countries, such as France and Italy. My thesis shows how, from the second half of the 1940s, successive Italian and French administrations established agencies for hydrocarbon management, and devised strategies of oil exploration according to their political agendas. Achieving energy autonomy was the main objective of both countries. However, the predominance of Anglo-American interests in both French and Italian oil scenarios led to continuous bilateral diplomatic tensions, especially over issues of exploration rights. Anglo-American governments and companies sought to shape the French and Italian oil scenes to their benefit, also by looking for allies in the political classes of the two countries. It was the outcome of these 'oily deals' that eventually shaped the history of Italian and French oil industries. Conflicting interests were revealed at their fullest during the Algerian war of 1954-62: following the discovery of large oil and gas fields in Algeria, US and Italian companies started to negotiate, first with the French and then the Algerians, their access to, and prospecting rights for Algerian territories. My work shows that negotiation processes involved secret surveillance activities, the establishment of parallel diplomacies, and serious confrontation between Cold War allies. A fundamental role in these deals was played by technocrats and geoscientists, who facilitated the communication of secret data on oilfields to their national authorities. Significant global oil discoveries occurred worldwide in the 1950s, eventually leading to overproduction: an outcome assisted by major progress in geophysical prospecting techniques. France's new role as an oil producer thanks to discoveries in Africa provoked a shift of national interest from exploration to transport. At the same time Italy, after the signing of massive oil-for-technology barter agreements with the Soviet Union, could now dispose of a surplus that needed channelling to potential outlets. For both countries, building pipelines became an essential aspect: however, as both were targeting the West European market, Europe became an arena of bitter competition for pipeline dominance. Italian-Soviet contracts, together with the current level of West European trade with the Soviet Union, prompted an examination of Western security by international organisations. The issue of limiting Soviet oil exports into West European countries was widely debated at the European Community and Nato, as was European technological aid to the Soviet project of constructing a colossal pipeline system. My analysis of the terms of the debates, their development and outcome, reveals the ambiguity of the concepts of security and 'strategic technology' as a ground for decision-making, indicating how these were construed as co-products of negotiations.
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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Political and diplomatic relations between the Republic of Lithuania and France in 1919–1940." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092603-04021.
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The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.
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Kim, Joohyun. "An Idealist's Journey: George Clayton Foulk and U.S.-Korea Relations, 1883-1887." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1119.
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This senior thesis studies the character and influence of a young American naval officer and diplomat. George Clayton Foulk, the 1st Naval Attaché to the United States Legation and the 2nd U.S. Minister to Korea, brought his intellectual ability and passion to this East Asian country. He hoped for Korea to become an independent, modernized state. Due to the strong Chinese opposition and lack of assistance from the U.S. government, Foulk failed to realize his dream and left Korea in disgrace. However, his service instilled a positive image of America in the minds of many Koreans. By closely examining his letters and journals, this thesis brings an image of a cosmopolitan who expressed genuine understanding of and sympathy for Korea. More importantly, this thesis introduces his vision that America must become an exceptional country which spreads its values across the world through peaceful means. Even today, the clash between Foulk’s idealism and the realpolitik of Washington policymakers raises a question on the future of American diplomacy.
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Kahn, Michelle Lynn. "Manufactured Morality: German-British Humanitarianism as Realpolitik Tool a Decade after the Boer and Herero Wars." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/427.
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Situated within the fields of diplomatic history and comparative genocide studies, this thesis examines the German colonial period from the standpoint of German-British relations before, during and after the Second Boer War in British South Africa (1899-1902) and the Herero and Nama War in German South West Africa (present-day Namibia, 1904-1908). I contend that German and British diplomatic efforts at cordiality functioned as a means of tacitly condoning each power’s humanitarian abuses—or at least “letting them slide”—for the sake of stability both on the European Continent and within the colonies. Despite activism against reported maltreatment and violence—even among citizens of “the perpetrating power” and among those of “the observing power”—neither the German nor the British government was willing to chastise the other openly, for fear of alienating a key ally. Only with the advent of the First World War, when the former allies became enemies, did an explosion of criticism of each other’s maltreatment of their colonial subjects erupt.
In the wake of German defeat, the British victors reaped the spoils of war—including the ability to shape perceptions of what had happened nearly two decades before in the African colonies—and succeeded in expropriating the German overseas territories in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. From this narrative the following conclusion emerges: German and British official responses to humanitarian concerns in the colonies were dictated not by morality or compassion but rather by realpolitik expediency. And, as often in history, the one-sided narrative that emerged from this rather hypocritical series of events continues to skew perceptions of both British and German colonialism today. Thus, as a whole, this thesis poses broad theoretical questions regarding the politicization of morality and the social construction of genocide classifications, as well as the extent to which changing perceptions of violent conflicts have played a role in how the international community has categorized these conflicts through legal means in the wake of the Holocaust.
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Dawson, Susan Elaine. "A Blueprint for Cold War Citizenship: Upper Class Women in the U.S. Foreign Policy, 1945-1963." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1252438053.
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Kimura, Masami. "Cultures of Modernity in the Making of the United States-Japan Cold War Alliance." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/305865.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the cultural and intellectual factors in the remaking of US-Japan relations which transformed as the two countries transitioned from enemies to allies after 1945. Diverging from the traditional approaches of diplomatic and political history that, focusing on state actors, describe policymaking processes, I comparatively study public discourses in 1940s-early 1950s America and Japan where various groups and actors - politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, scholars, and intellectuals - participated and created. Both peoples shared a similar discourse concerning modernization and, indeed, developed parallel ideas about modern Japanese history and the causes of Japanese militarism, the postwar democratization of Japan, and the making of a postwar Asian peace. They believed in the European progressive view of history, variously interpreted, and judged Japan to be "underdeveloped," compared with the "advanced West," having become an unlawful aggressor nation in the 1930s. Such views of a "failed" modernity and subsequent war rationalized Allied occupation and democratization reforms in post-surrender Japan. The more influenced by Marxian theories, the more critical they were of Japan's incomplete modernization, and the more enthusiastic for Allied - or American - intervention in postwar reforms. American and Japanese discourses on the reform of Japan's political organization, namely constitutional revision, show similar reformist plans from reconstruction of the constitutional monarchy to republican options. Those adopting Marxist analyses found the root cause of Japan's undemocratic and aggressive nature in the emperor system called for its elimination; those who did not believe that democratization required the overthrow of monarchy suggested reforming Japan's imperial institution to make democratic government function better. In addition, both Americans and Japanese shared the Wilsonian idea of internationalism, and they expected Japan to reenter the postwar Asia-Pacific as a totally demilitarized, democratic, and pacifist country that could contribute to peace and development of the region. With the Cold War, the US policies for Asia and Japan altered. So did the internationalist visions, causing political debates in the United States and Japan. My work ultimately shows such parallel and intersecting cultures where US-Japan relations were rehabilitated in the immediate-postwar years.