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1
Kolpakov, A., and A. Bobrov. "The Intake of Young Diplomats as an Instrument of the Russian MFA Renewal." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-111-118.
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As opposed to the overwhelming majority of researches within the so called “Diplomatic studies” that focus on an institutional design of external services (which appears to be “the form” of diplomacy per se), this article deals with “the substance” of the matter in question, paying special attention to the means and ways of educating and integrating young diplomats into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Unlike the State Department (the USA), Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO, the UK), le Quais d’Orsay (the MFA of France) or Das Auswärtige Amt (the MFA of Germany), that are influenced by the so-called “political appointees”, the Russian diplomatic service is renowned for its “career diplomats”, who generation after generation are recruited into the Ministry to form (by means of different vertical and horizontal ties) a close-knit team that promotes the country’s national interests on the world stage. Thus, the authors explore the process of renewal of the Russian diplomatic service, whereby young diplomats are being purposefully groomed in several national Universities (namely, MGIMO-University or Diplomatic Academy) to subsequently rise through the ranks of the Ministry by taking disparate career trajectories (for example, depending on or, conversely, irrespective of the foreign languages they acquired), occupying different job families (desk work, protocol, interpretation, consular service, public relations, etc.), taking part in a diplomatic rotation that will bring them to various home (in Headquarters) and overseas (Embassies, Permanent Missions and Consulate- Generals) postings and acquiring new ranks as a prerequisite to promotion from junior to senior positions. As a result, Russia’s diplomatic service has come to be seen as a full-fledged system, the key to understanding of which lies not in depicting the existing institutional framework (which appears to be the focus of the overwhelming majority of works on the matter), but in scrutinizing main recruitment principles and the MFA’s personnel policy, thoroughly analyzed in this article.
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Freund, Lawrence S. "New Jersey’s Barbary Diplomat (Part 2 of 2)." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 1 (January 25, 2023): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v9i1.307.
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In 1816, Charles Davenport Coxe, anxious to leave his New Jersey home and return to his diplomatic career, sought a consular appointment to France with the support of his former superior in North Africa, Tobias Lear, who praised Coxe’s arduous service in Tunis at a time when the United States had no warships in the Mediterranean to protect its commerce. However, Coxe’s application was not successful nor was his later bid to return to the Marine Corps as its commandant. Finally, in 1824, Coxe’s efforts were rewarded with an appointment as consul at Tunis. The following year, he was transferred to another North African capital, Tripoli, where he became awkwardly entangled in the local fallout of big-power rivalries and Tripolitan politics. Coxe died in Tripoli in 1830, his legacy one of involvement in two of his country’s most challenging and distant outposts as it began to emerge on the world stage.
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Domaniczky, Endre. "Possible Ways for Development of the Consular Service in the South Pacific." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae Legal Studies 9, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2020.9.1.02.
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The author presents the specifi c elements of diplomatic and consular work in the South Pacifi c region from the perspective of a career diplomat. He shows the main geographical and political characteristics of Australia which infl uence consular activity and also the characteristics of the benefi ciaries of consular services who need to be served by the consular infrastructure. The study presents several models for undertaking Hungarian consular work and for organizing the Hungarian consular network in Australia. The author also outlines current inconsistencies in the regulations applicable to consular activity in Australia under domestic, international, and Hungarian norms as well as functional issues and the possible ways to correct them. In his conclusions, the author formulates proposals for the redesign of consular organization in Australia.
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Szabó, Mátyás. "Die juristische Bildung an der k.u.k. Konsularakademie, mit Fokus auf die staatsrechtlichen Studien." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 52, no. 1 (April 5, 2022): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2022.4.
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The institutional predecessors of the recent Diplomatic Academy in Vienna took a significant impact on the civil service of the Habsburg Monarchy. The Oriental Academy was founded by empress Maria Theresia in 1754 to train dragomans for the eastern relations. The Academy stood under Jesuit influence and became a secular institution in the middle of the 19th century. By this time the political and legal studies had been dominated on behalf of human and natural sciences and the Academy had been turning to a special institution for training professionals for the foreign service (central service, diplomatic service, consular service). In 1898 the Oriental Academy was transformed into the Imperial and Royal Consular-Academy by Minister Gołuchowski. This reform affected the educational structure as well and the institution focused on the consular branch. The quota of political and economical courses increased as a reflection to the intensive global trade, but on the other hand Austrian and Hungarian Constitutional Law were also set in the new educational system due to the public legal transformation of the Monarchy in 1867 (Austro-Hungarian Compromise). This study aims to present the brief institutional history of the Oriental and Consular Academy and the way the educational system of the Academy had evolved. At last, it is going to be observed to what extent constitutional legal studies were represented in the courses of the institution and how they interpreted the disputed legal nature of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.
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Klynina, Tetiana. "Rogers Act 1924: establishment of a professional USA Foreign Service." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.3.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the formation of the legal framework that made possible the existence and functioning of the US foreign service. The purpose of the article is to clarify the preface and the course of formation of the professional foreign service of the United States, which was reflected in the adoption of the Rogers Act. The methodological basis of the study. The study was based on the principle of historicism, which contributed to the consideration of the phenomenon under study in its development and made it possible to identify periods in the formation of a professional diplomatic service. The use of the problem-chronological method contributed to the preservation of the historical heredity and integrity of the picture; the application of the comparative method made it possible to identify significant changes that occurred after the adoption of Rogers’ Law, which was considered through the use of the method of analysis. A historiographical description of the main scientific works devoted to the research topic is given. Analyzed works A. Evans, T. Lay, I. Stewart etc., which became the basis for the study. The scientific novelty lies in the systematization of ideas about qualitative and quantitative changes in the diplomatic service after the adoption of the relevant law. The author concludes that before the adoption of the Rogers Act there was no control over the selection of diplomatic and consular staff and the negative consequences of such a decision were especially evident during the First World War. Therefore, the historical conditions in which America found itself at that time became a challenge for the continued existence of the consular and diplomatic services, and therefore the issue of restructuring and modernization of these services in the United States and its transfer to another, qualitatively new level. In general, the author emphasizes the change in the status of foreign service, which was introduced by relevant legislation, namely the Rogers Act, the need for which was caused by certain historical conditions of the American state and its place on the world stage. Prior to the enactment of the Diplomatic Service Act, there was virtually no control over the selection of diplomatic and consular personnel representing the United States on the world stage. After the First World War, it became clear that the diplomatic service needed to be restructured. That is why Rogers’ law was passed, which, in fact, was the first legislative attempt to resolve this issue.
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Collet, Steven. "Modernizing the Dutch Diplomatic Service: A Work in Progress." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 10, no. 4 (October 23, 2015): 440–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341324.
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A small country with a big international footprint, the Netherlands depends on the world around it for its future security, prosperity and well-being. Its wide diplomatic network is managed by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is responsible for policy in the areas of foreign relations and trade, European cooperation, development cooperation and consular services provided to Dutch nationals abroad. Responsibility for foreign trade was added to the ministry’s core tasks when the present Dutch government was formed in 2012. This article looks at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ major programme of reforms and spending cuts—‘Modernizing the Diplomatic Service’—which was started three years ago to ensure that the diplomatic service remains well placed to fulfil its roles. The article discusses the rationale behind the programme, the approach taken, and discusses the reforms that have been introduced and the lessons learned. Finally, the article considers elements for future reform.
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Czubik, Paweł. "Scope of the immunity of the honorary consul in the light of some bilateral consular conventions (case study)." Problems of Economics and Law 3, no. 2 (October 22, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7213.
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The article is regarding issues of the scope of the immunity of the honorary consul in the treaty particular situation, when the double-sided consular convention being in force between the sending but assuming state isn't distinguishing between professional but honorable consular officers, at the simultaneous sweep the immunity of the consul. In such a situation a fundamental problem is arising - how to treat the honourable consular officer sending you under the immunity account. Theoretically the host country has two possibilities. He can acknowledge that the silence of the bilateral convention on separating the honorable consular service means that the bilateral convention under the immunity account refers only to professional consuls. He/she will be marking it, that honorary consuls will be treated according to standards of the Vienna Convention on consular relationships from 1963 He can however accept, that sometimes very strong jurisdictional immunity guaranteed by the bilateral convention (answering as for of one's scope for diplomatic immunity) will concern both consular categories in the identical scope. Presenting arguments starting to speak is a purpose of the present text too both with interpretations without ultimate determining the correctness one or of second interpretation of norms.
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Freund, Lawrence S. "New Jersey’s Barbary Diplomat (Part 1 of 2)." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 2 (July 21, 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v8i2.284.
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Charles Davenport Coxe, the descendant of a prominent New Jersey family, likely inspired by the exploits of a small detachment of U.S. Marines in the spring of 1805 in Libya, accepted a commission as a second lieutenant in the Corps that fall, leading to an unanticipated (but coveted) diplomatic career. A few years earlier, Coxe had lobbied for consular appointments in France. Now, arriving aboard a U.S. warship in Tunis harbor, he found himself ordered ashore by his ship’s commander to replace the late American chargé d’affaires. While exploiting the commercial opportunities of his consular post, Coxe also became directly involved in the politics of the region, notably the seizure of American ships by both the Barbary regencies as well as European powers. In 1810, he exercised considerable diplomatic skill in avoiding a clash between Tunis and the United States over the contested ownership of a commercial vessel. Coxe departed Tunis in 1815, returning to the United States and the family home in New Jersey, although not without hope of reclaiming one of his former positions. That story, however, will unfold in part two of this piece, in the Winter 2023 issue of NJ Studies.
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Csatlós, Erzsébet. "Consular cooperation in third states: Some aspects concerning europanisation of foreign service for EU citizens." Bratislava Law Review 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2017): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2017.1.1.57.
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The EU does not aim to harmonize the public administration of Member States, although, in recent years, there have been several examples which prove that EU legislation in whatever policy inevitably and unavoidably results in some standardization. In 2015 the EU replaced its former decision with a directive to enhance Member States to co-ordinate consular assistance in third States. Every EU citizen has the right to enjoy, in the territory of a third State in which the Member State of which they are nationals is not represented, the protection of the diplomatic and consular authorities of any Member State on the same conditions as the nationals of that State. This provision of Article 23 of TFEU not solely requires the cooperation of administrative authorities of foreign service but implicitly means a kind of harmonization of substantive law, leads to organizational changes and affects administrative procedural rules of Member States.
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Seheda, Olha, and Volodymyr Smolianiuk. "Modern Processes of Digitalization in Diplomatic Service of Ukraine and Kuwait." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.77-88.
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The paper provides an overview of the current digital diplomacy (DD) practices being implemented by the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of Ukraine and Kuwait. Given the fact that digital diplomacy is becoming an integral part of the foreign policy in numerous countries, it appears reasonable to analyze the latest experience of Ukraine and Kuwait which represent a fast implementation of digital instruments in their diplomatic practices. Both states are considered as long-time partners which enjoy a fruitful experience of mutual cooperation and have certain peculiarities in the use of digital diplomacy. At the same time, high technologies transform the traditional diplomacy, dramatically increasing the digital impact on the practice and priorities of international relations. Such challenges as digital diplomatic management, targeting of widening key audiences and increasing transparency of diplomatic actions have already become a new reality for modern diplomats. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the goals, tool-kit and challenges of digital diplomacy of Ukraine and Kuwait. The paper also presents a comparative analysis of existing positive practices of Ukraine and Kuwait in digital diplomacy. This research made it possible to trace the key areas of the digitalization processes in the diplomatic services of Ukraine and Kuwait including consular online services, digitalization of diplomats’ training, the use of digital instruments in the routine diplomatic procedures etc. The author elaborated a comparative table outlining the similarities and differences of digital diplomacy of the mentioned countries. The study confirms that digital diplomacy can be helpful in a range of issues, from internal communication between government bodies to security challenges (e.g. countering information threats and disinformation in the online network). Thus, the coordinated and comprehensive digitalization of diplomatic practice is no longer a subject of discussions on feasibility but a priority on the diplomatic agendas.
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Możdżeń-Marcinkowski, Michał. "SPECYFIKA REGULACJI ADMINISTRACYJNOPRAWNEJ W PRAWIE KONSULARNYM. WYBRANE PROBLEMY USTROJOWE I PROCEDURALNE." Studia Iuridica, no. 87 (October 12, 2021): 354–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2020-87.17.
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The article discusses a significantly modified regulation within administrative law applied in the consular service. There seems to be a need for a voice in the discussion regarding the legal status of a Consul of the Republic of Poland (as well as the other members of the diplomatic corpus) as seen from an administrative law point of view. In the background of two regimes of administrative and consular law, it is also undoubtedly necessary to indicate the basic procedural border problems. A very typical example are the modified administrative procedures provided for diplomacy, with particular emphasis put on the importance of jurisdictional administrative proceedings lead by the consul. The administrative procedure constructed in this way by the legislature differs in many points from the general administrative procedure performed by other Polish authorities. Therefore, to some extent, it can be perceived as a specific administrative consular law. The aim of this article is to signal the typical procedural differences and to point out their sources. “Consular administrative law” can be perceived as a special administrative procedure, which does not constitute part of the general administrative procedure applicable to all national authorities and citizens in Poland, but which still is a sub-branch of Polish consular law which applies to the Polish citizens and foreigners in a specific administrative situations. The existence of so-called “consular administrative law”, however, presupposes one fundamental condition, which is having and maintaining foreign relations in the first place.
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Kozhura, L., and M. Markaryan. "FUNCTIONING OF UKRAINIAN DIPLOMATIC INSTITUTIONS ABROAD IN THE CONDITIONS OF DIGITAL TRANSFORMATION." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 12 (October 2022): 242–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2022-12-242-248.
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The specifics of the functioning of foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine in the conditions of digital transformation have been studied. It was determined that the practice of maintaining pages in social networks, organizing online lectures and online briefings of diplomats, creating chatbots, information platforms, mobile applications, or various distance courses aimed at popularizing one's country in the world is currently widespread. In the activities of foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine, not only various forms and methods of digital transformation are actively pursued, but certain achievements are already available, which are embodied in real indicators. First of all, digital transformation in foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine is aimed at transferring most services to an online format, simplifying the procedures for obtaining them, minimizing bureaucratic formalities, increasing the efficiency of decision-making and providing assistance, optimizing financial costs for maintaining institutions, making information available and reducing the burden on employees diplomatic institutions. The main aspects of digital transformation, which is currently taking place in the system of diplomatic service bodies in general, and in foreign diplomatic institutions in particular, are revealed. The main achievements of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in the direction of digital transformation were characterized, in particular the following: implementation of the project "DRUG" (Voluntary registration of Ukrainian citizens)" introduction of electronic queues in all foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine; provision of access to 2 million hard of hearing and deaf Ukrainians to the services of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs thanks to new software; reducing the deadline for issuing Ukrainian e-visas for foreigners; creation of a chatbot platform for round-the-clock advisory support of citizens; a new information resource "Advice to travelers from the consular service of Ukraine" was introduced; the formation of the regulatory and legal framework necessary for keeping consular records in electronic form (e-Accounting) has been completed; The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is connected to the "Trembit" electronic interaction system, which will speed up the receipt of information from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine for prompt confirmation of the validity of a driver's license and the issuance of a criminal record certificate. Further directions of digital transformation, which directly affect the functioning of foreign diplomatic institutions of Ukraine, are outlined, namely: joining the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to the registers of other bodies, primarily the Ministry of Justice; launch of the "e-Notary", "e-Legalization", "e-Apostille" modules by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine with the assistance of the Ministry of Digital Transformation of Ukraine and jointly with the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine and the State Tax Service of Ukraine.
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Matiash, I. "Ukrainian diplomatic archive as a source for the research of a consular service history." Rukopisna ta knižkova spadŝina Ukraïni, no. 20 (November 30, 2016): 252–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/rksu.20.252.
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Boiechko, Vasyl. "From Scientific Work to Practical Diplomacy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-8.
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Ukrainian-Romanian relations have in fact become the main subject of my professional life. I started as a historian during the Soviet Union times and later as a diplomat of Independent Ukraine from December of 1992. For almost 14 years out of 24 of my diplomatic service I worked first as political adviser at the Embassy of Ukraine in Romania (1994–1999), and then twice as Consul General of Ukraine in Romanian city of Suceava in 2001-2005 and in 2010–2014. I had the honour to open the Ukrainian consular office in Romania in 2001, which was unfortunately closed in 2014! It was a combination of pleasant moments with sad feelings. Due to a certain aggravation of relations between Ukraine and Romania in the middle of 1994, in particular the Transnistrian crisis, I was urgently appointed as a Counsellor at our Embassy in Bucharest. Thus, after a year and a half of joining the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in July 1994 I left for a long-term diplomatic appointment to Romania. After the end of this assignment in November 1999, I was appointed as a deputy Head of the Secretariat of the new Minister for Foreign Affairs Borys I. Tarasiuk. In December 2001 I was appointed as the first Consul General of Ukraine in Suceava city. At that time, the Ukrainian-Romanian political relations were rather complicated. Occasionally, the Romanian side officially accused Ukraine of “non-fulfilment” of the basic bi-lateral political agreement, especially with regard to ensuring the cultural and educational rights of the Romanian minority in Ukraine, although the real situation was completely different. The first Consulate General of Ukraine in Romania which I had the honour to open, performed all the functions stipulated by our national Consular Statute. Our first concern was the provision of necessary support to citizens of Ukraine who visited Romania or lived in this country. My first Consular mission to Romania ended in 2005 and from September 2010 to November of 2014 I again represented Ukraine in Suceava. However, this time my working mood was not so uplifted. Then I remembered an advice of B. I. Tarasiuk, then already the deputy at our Verkhovna Rada, who said to me, “You have to serve Ukraine”. The distinctive thing about consular work is that its main aim is to protect the rights of Ukrainian citizens living or temporarily staying in the territory of a country of one’s appointment. Therefore, I paid special attention to this working direction. After returning from Romania, I worked for some time again as the Ambassador at large and reaching the retirement age in January 2016 I discontinued my diplomatic service by my own will, as I believed that young Ukrainian diplomats should have “space” for their career and professional growth. Keywords: Embassy of Ukraine in Romania, Consulate General of Ukraine in the Romanian city of Suceava, reminiscences, biography, diplomatic service of Ukraine.
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WRIGHT, O. J. "BRITISH REPRESENTATIVES AND THE SURVEILLANCE OF ITALIAN AFFAIRS, 1860–70*." Historical Journal 51, no. 3 (September 2008): 669–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006961.
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ABSTRACTDuring the nineteenth century the British consular service was often dismissed as an organization with purely commercial responsibilities. A succession of governments and diplomats insisted upon this notion, despite the fact that at certain times both relied very much on consular officials for information on foreign affairs. This dependence was especially evident in Italy during the decade after 1860, when British leaders had lent their moral and diplomatic support to the creation of the modern Italian state against considerable international opposition. During this period their desire not to see the achievement undone led them to maintain a close watch on Italian affairs. The contribution made in this area by the consular service, and the manner in which it was reorganized in response to Italian unification, show how such a role could take priority over its other functions. Although this state of affairs was no doubt exceptional on account of the remarkable level of British interest in the Unification of Italy, it nonetheless provides a clear demonstration of how the organization could be used under certain circumstances. The extent to which British consuls were used to monitor affairs in post-unification Italy also encourages reflection upon the widespread view that British foreign policy rejected interventionism in favour of isolation from European affairs during the 1860s.
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Israeli, Raphael. "Consul de France in Mid-Nineteenth-Century China." Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 4 (October 1989): 671–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010167.
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What was it like to be a French Consul in newly opened up China of the 1850s? What sort of people served in that risky yet challenging job in an exotic, yet remote and isolated place like mid-nineteenth-century China? How did they discharge their duties both vis-à-vis the puzzled Chinese who did not quite know how to handle the ‘Western Devils’ who thrust themselves into the Middle Kingdom, and their Western colleagues who, like them, were scrambling for Chinese concessions and for commercial and diplomatic rights for their countries, in pursuance of ever-elusive gains in prestige and diplomacy? What kind of matters did they deal with, what were they concerned with, and how well did they perform their consular duties? Under what bureaucratic and hierarchical constraints, both French and Chinese, did they operate? What was their personal contribution to advancing the cause they were delegated to promote?
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Matiash, Iryna. "German Consulate in Kyiv (1924–1938): Between Diplomacy and Politics." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-2.
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The article covers the activities of the German mission in Kyiv as a cultural, political, and administrative centre of the Ukrainian SSR in 1924–38 in the status of a consulate and consulate-general. The data about the following heads of the consular institution is provided: Siegfried Hey, Werner Stephanie, Rudolf Sommer, Andor Hencke, and Georg-Wilhelm Grosskopf. The legal basis for the establishment of consular relations between the Ukrainian SSR and Germany was the Treaty on Application of the Treaty of Rapallo signed on 16 April 1922 between the RSFSR and Germany to the Allied Republics of the RSFSR. The consular district of the first German mission covered Kyiv, Chernihiv, Podillia, and Volyn governorates. The mission of the consulate was to inform the government about the internal situation in the Ukrainian SSR, promote trade relations and cultural cooperation, and protect the interests of German citizens. The head of the consulate immediately came under close surveillance of the ODPU (United State Political Department) of the Ukrainian SSR on suspicion of conducting intelligence activities as well as collecting information about the economy, industry, and agriculture in the territory of his consular district. Subsequently, the ODPU increasingly introduced its own agents to the staff of foreign missions as service personnel, and NKVD agents in civilian clothing set up surveillance on the consulate’s premises. They accompanied the consul, the consulate staff, and even some visitors on their way out of the premises. Thus, the secret service collected compromising materials that gave grounds for accusing German diplomats of anti-Soviet activities and espionage. The consul’s correspondence was also under control. When A. Hitler came to power in Germany, the information confrontation between the USSR and the Third Reich began, but official diplomatic and consular relations continued. In his reports, the consul in Kyiv recorded the horrors of the Holodomor, the growing process of party ‘purges’, secret executions and suicides, coupled, from January 1937, with daily reprisals against intellectuals and workers in his consular district. The consulate-general in Kyiv ceased its operation in 1938, the official reason being the streamlining of the number of consular offices of the Third Reich and the USSR. Keywords: German Consulate, Werner Stephanie, Rudolph Sommer, Andor Hencke.
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Hall, Cameron. "The Diplomatic and Government Service Provisions of the OECD MTC: A Case for Their Continued Efficacy." Intertax 42, Issue 1 (January 1, 2014): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2014004.
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This article asks the question what relevance do Article 19 (Government Service) and Article 28 (Members of diplomatic missions and consular posts) have in today's bilateral tax treaty system. Borne out of international courtesy, and codified in the Vienna Conventions, the fiscal immunity of governments in their foreign affairs is a well-established principle in international taxation. Articles 19 and 28 of the OECD Model Tax Convention on Income and Capital are a representation of this principle in the framework of the double taxation convention (DTC). The article focuses on the extension of these provisions in this context, and assesses the substantive value, history and recent practical trends in support thereof.
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De la Serna Ramos, María. "El uniforme diplomático español: origen y evolución | The Spanish diplomatic uniform: origin and evolution." REVISTA ESTUDIOS INSTITUCIONALES 5, no. 8 (July 26, 2018): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/eeii.vol.5.n.8.2018.21943.
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Los uniformes han servido siempre para distinguir grupos de profesionales. La carrera diplomática española es uno de esos grupos que tienen en esta tipo de prenda una de sus señas de identidad. Son ya muy pocos los servicios diplomáticos –los de ciertas monarquías- que todavía disponen de uniforme. Su uso casi siempre se ha limitado, también en el caso de esos otros países, a las ocasiones de gala. Apenas ha evolucionado desde sus orígenes en el siglo XIX. Además los de todos esos países son similares, con una casaca de paño azul marino, y unos bordados dorados. Desde que en 1928 se unificaron en España las carreras diplomática y consular, el uniforme es único para estos profesionales. Los símbolos que les identifican y la tradición establecida al respecto fueron recogidos en el Reglamento Orgánico de la Carrera Diplomática, de 15 de julio de 1955. Teniendo en cuenta los cambios ocurridos desde sus orígenes se presenta una breve historia del origen y evolución del uniforme hasta el modelo actual.________________________________Uniforms have always served to distinguish groups of professionals. The Spanish Diplomatic Service counts itself among those groups that have in this garment one of their distinguishing feature. It is one of the last Services, most of them belonging to European monarchies, to have a uniform. Its use has nearly always been restricted to gala occasions. The garment has scarcely changed since its origins in the nineteenth century. Since 1928, the year when the unification of the Spanish Diplomatic and Consular Services occurred, there is only one model of uniform. Its identification symbols and the tradition laid down in this matter, where included in the Organic Regulations of the Diplomatic Service, dated July 15, 1955. Taking into account the changes that have affected this garment since then, a brief history of the origin and evolution of the uniform up to the current model is presented.
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Black, Jeremy. "The Need for a Consular Service in France: an Eighteenth-Century British Memorandum." Historical Research 59, no. 140 (November 1, 1986): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1986.tb01196.x.
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Fisher, John. "The Impact of Military Service on the British Foreign Office and Diplomatic and Consular Services, 1914–8." International History Review 34, no. 3 (September 2012): 431–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2012.675211.
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Yakoviyk, Ivan, and Maksym Tsvelikh. "Digital Diplomacy: the Implementation of Electronic Visa Services in Ukraine." Law and innovations, no. 3 (39) (September 23, 2022): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2022-3(39)-10.
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Problem setting. In the XXI century almost all aspects of human life are covered by the processes of scientific and technological progress. The sphere of law has not been spared from these processes: thanks to information technologies, certain legal services have become more accessible and convenient. In Ukraine, this was manifested not only in the creation of electronic versions of national legislation and various electronic registers, but also in the provision of administrative services through the relevant services. Consular activities involve the provision of services. Amendments to the procedure for the provision of such administrative services and the provision of such services in electronic form can accelerate the process of digitalization of Ukraine, as well as unload the work of diplomatic institutions and reduce corruption risks. Analysis of recent researches and publications. In the national legal literature in recent years, much attention has been paid to e-government (Kravets R., Kuzhda T., Romaniv T.), while almost no attention is paid to the analysis of the state of implementation of electronic services (Solomko Y.), in particular electronic visa services (Kolomiets G., Makhoniuk O., Mulska O.), which determines the relevance and practical significance of this study. Target of research is to investigate the introduction of electronic services for foreign citizens to obtain a visa to enter or transit through the territory of Ukraine, as well as forecasting the prospects of using electronic visas in Ukraine based on the analysis of foreign experience of using this type of visa. Article’s main body. For the implementation of visa services, the Internet acts as a special platform for submitting, processing and, in some cases, providing a ready-made document granting the right to enter the country. This may be a special government website designed to process visa applications of foreigners or a special web application for migration issues. The use of the e-visa concept has been successfully tested in foreign countries and in the EU. It is mainly used by the states with strict immigration policies in order to facilitate and systematize the work of their diplomatic, consular and migration institutions, an electronic authorization system was created. Conclusions and prospects for the development. As a result of the study of the phenomenon of e-diplomacy, analysis of the practice of using electronic services for the provision of administrative services by diplomatic and consular institutions, analysis of the legislation of the countries with advanced e-visas, the state of implementation of e-visas in Ukraine was assessed and the prospects for their development were determined. The steps of the state in this direction are part of a large reform of digitalization of the country, the implementation of which will improve the image of Ukraine in the world, make our country attractive for tourists, as well as optimize the visa issuance procedure, relieving the workload of diplomatic and consular missions, authorized persons for processing visa applications and the Migration Service of Ukraine. The introduction of the e-visa institute as an element of digital diplomacy provides an opportunity for quick bilateral contact and communication, and thus contributes to the achievement of the goals set in the Strategy of State Migration Policy of Ukraine until 2025.
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Simeonov, Simeon A. "The Austrian Vice-Consulate in Rousse and the Hungarian Revolution (1848 – 1849)." Istoriya-History 31, no. 1 (January 20, 2023): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2023-1-3-the.
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The present study reveals the activities of the Austrian vice-consulate in Rousse along the Danubian coastline in the wake of the Hungarian Revolution (1848 – 1849). The Austrian vice-consul in the city, Emmanuel von Rössler, developed diligent intelligence and public service activities in Rousse, Vidin and Shumen, with which he privileged Habsburg loyalists and hindered the activity of separatist defectors in the Ottoman Empire. In the spirit of “new” diplomatic history, the contribution pays particular attention to the relationship between the vice-consul and the many disaffected soldiers and emigrants who relied on his instructions and resources in the tense political situation after the revolutionary 1848. Also, the article rethinks the place of consular institutions in the world of international relations through the lens of transnational history, emphasizing their relative independence and presenting a more accurate picture of the active interactions between different consular missions and units. Last but not least, the study uses the methodology of “entangled” history to rethink the role of local events in the Ottoman lands between Stara Planina and the Danube in the context of the global Age of Revolutions, analyzing the processes in this region as an integral part of revolutionary and counter-revolutionary dynamics in the middle of the “long” XIX century.
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Matiash, Iryna. "FOUNDATION OF THE INSTITUTION OF HONORARY CONSULS IN UKRAINE, 1918-1923: LEGISLATIVE BASE AND KEY PERSONS." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 1, no. 127 (2016): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.127.1.4-13.
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The article deals with the content of the first draft regulations for the institution of honorary consuls in Ukraine in 1918-1923, and the circumstances of founding the first missions of honorary consuls. The research was conducted on the basis of archival information from the documents stored in the Central State Archives of Higher Futhorities and Government of Ukraine. The question of establishing the special positions of honorary consuls was raised during the compilation of the Ukrainian State Consular Statute. During the period of the Central Rada there were no concepts regards these positions in the draft regulations related to the establishment of consular service as a public institution. The actual steps to institute the posts of honorary consuls were done in the time of the Directory of the UNR. Firstly the question was put at a meeting of ambassadors and heads of diplomatic missions of UNR in Vienna, 18 – August 20, 1920. From January 1921, the Honorary consulates were established in Sweden, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Denmark. Leaders of honorary consulates were searched among the local business elites. Information about candidate was carefully studied before taking a decision on the appointment. The first persons, appointed as a honorary consuls of Ukraine, were the foreigners Harold Simsonen, Simon Kuoni, Johann Hausschild, Wilhelm Christiansen and the Ukrainian Alex Bogolyubskii.
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Micic, Srdjan. "Yugoslav diplomats during the interwar period." Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia 25 (February 15, 2019): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2018.25.9.
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The article deals with influence of the Serbian elite in the scope of the Yugoslav Foreign Service during 1918–1939. The influence of the elite circles was particularly prominent in the Yugoslav Army and in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as was the case in Serbia until 1918. As non-institutional factors had great influence on the work of state institutions, the first aim of this paper is to examine the main aspect for selection, career development and obstacles in the life of Yugoslav Diplomats, derived from the power struggle among elite circles. The second aim is to compare Serbian and Yugoslav experiences in order to establish similarities and differences in the characteristics of the pre-War and Interwar Diplomatic-Consular personnel. The analysis is based on Yugoslav archival materials, as well as on foreign published documents, memorial literature and relevant Yugoslav/Serbian and foreign historiography.
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KOTLYREVICH, A. "MILITARY MINISTER OF RUSSIA A. I. CHERNYSHEV: POLITICAL PORTRAIT ON THE BACKGROUND OF THE EPOCH (1802–1825)." CULTURE AND SAFETY 4 (April 2021): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.25257/kb.2021.4.82-88.
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Based on the study of historical materials the author examines the diplomatic and military activity of Aleksander Ivanovich Chernyshev (1785–1857) in the first quarter of the 19th century. The analysis of the diplomatic service of A. I. Chernyshev in France in 1809–1812, his participation in the Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army (1813–1814) is carried out. Particular attention is paid to the professional and personal development of the future Military Minister of Russia.
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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.
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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.
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Talmon, Stefan. "The Legalizing and Legitimizing Function of UN General Assembly Resolutions." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300002002.
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In his essay on the “Uniting for Peace” resolution, Larry Johnson suggests that the General Assembly can recommend non-use of force collective measures when the Security Council is blocked because of a permanent member casting a veto. He rightly points out that today there is no longer any need to use Uniting for Peace for such recommendations. The General Assembly can and has recommended so-called “voluntary sanctions” in cases where it found a threat to international peace and security to exist. For example, in resolution 2107 (XX) of December 21, 1965 concerning the Question of Territories under Portuguese Administration, the Assembly, making no reference to Uniting for Peace, urged “Member States to take the following measures, separately or collectively:(a)To break off diplomatic and consular relations with the Government of Portugal or refrain from establishing such relations;(b)To close their ports to all vessels flying the Portuguese flag or in the service of Portugal;(c)To prohibit their ships from entering any ports in Portugal and its colonial territories;(d)To refuse landing and transit facilities to all aircraft belonging to or in the service of the Government of Portugal and to companies registered under the laws of Portugal;(e)To boycott all trade with Portugal.”
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Matiash, Iryna. "Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive as a Source of Research on the Activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odessa in the Interwar Period." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 31 (December 12, 2022): 202–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.202.
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The purpose of the study is to clarify the source potential of the Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive for studying the specifics of the activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odesa in the interwar period. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, systematicity and general scientific and special scientific methods, in particular archival heuristics and source criticism. The scientific novelty of the research results lies in the reconstruction of the Ukrainian component of the source base of the activity of the Japanese consulate in Odesa in the interwar period. Conclusions: The main array of documents related to the activities of the Japanese consular institution in Odesa in the interwar period was not preserved in Ukrainian archives. At that time, Ukraine was part of the USSR, was deprived of the right to engage in foreign policy activities and interacted with foreign missions within the framework of all-Union instructions. Soviet special services also supervised foreign missions. The Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine holds a relevant documentary complex, which includes three thematic groups: reports on the results of supervising the heads of the Consulate of Japan in Odesa; reports on the results of supervising consulate staff; copies of intercepted consul reports on the economic and social policy of the USSR, the state of industry and agriculture. The source base for the study of the activities of the Japanese Consulate in Odesa is wider than the documents of the special services and is part of the Ukrainian Diplomatic Archive in the segment of Ukrainian-Japanese relations. Despite the fact that the activity of the consulate can be considered only as a diplomatic presence of Japan on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR, documentary information indicates direct contacts of Japanese diplomats with Ukrainian state bodies, plans to start trade relations with the Ukrainian SSR, etc. Documents on this topic are also in the Central State Archive of Supreme Authorities of Ukraine, state archives of Odesa and Mykolaiv regions. The creation of the Diplomatic e-archive will help expand access to documents about the activities of foreign missions in Ukraine and Ukrainian-Japanese relations
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Shamshur, Oleh. "Ukraine–France: Contemporary Cooperation." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 447–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-31.
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In 2014, in the course of the Revolution of Dignity, Ukraine consciously opted for European values. Thus, cooperation with one of the founding member states of the EU bears strategic importance. The author believes that the the interaction between the two countries is based on ancient relations between France and Ukraine. Apart from political relations, France and Ukraine are bound by creative endeavours of many artists. After celebrating the 25th anniversary since the establishment of diplomatic relations between our countries, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and France opened an exhibition dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the foundation of Ukrainian diplomatic service. The author stresses that France was the first Western state with which Ukraine signed the 1991 Interstate Agreement on Mutual Understanding and Cooperation. Moreover, it was in Paris where the Charter of Paris for a New Europe was signed, the document which allowed Ukraine to join the CSCE as a full-fledged member. Taking into account the current development in the east of Ukraine, the author underscores that France and Germany were the initiators of the Normandy Format negotiations. France consistently supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, while not recognising the annexation of Crimea and takes a firm stand towards Russia. The author mentions the establishment of the France-Ukraine friendship group, headed by Valerie For-Muntean. Apart from political cooperation, economic ties between the two states are also gaining momentum. Nowadays, Ukraine is examining modern initiatives of France in ecology, energy efficiency, etc. The article outlines the interation of the two states in the educational sphere. France is encouraging numerous riveting projects intercultural projects displaying the best specimens of modern Ukrainian art. New intercultural contacts are also gaining ground. The author highlights the main events held at the culture and information centre of the Embassy and reports about the multidisciplinary festival Week-End a l’Est – Kyiv. Yet another recent development has been the inauguration of the web platform Nouvelle Ukraine, whose aim is to raise awareness about Ukraine in France, contribute to the positive image of the country, and build economic and cultural contacts. According to the author, the cooperation of Ukraine and France is only beginning to gain momentum and has infinite potential. Keywords: France, Ukraine, the EU, France-Ukraine friendship group, Ukrainian-French ties.
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Umunç, Himmet. "On her Majesty's Secret Service: Marlowe and Turkey*." Belleten 70, no. 259 (December 1, 2006): 903–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2006.903.
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Since the early 1990s, there has been a great deal of serious in-depth research on the Elizabethan dramatist Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593), whereby his historically admitted career and connection with Shakespeare have been revisited, and consequently a comprehensive controversy among Marlowe students has risen with regards to a wide range of issues including his involvement in Elizabeth's secret service. Historically, it is true that, while he was a student at Cambridge from 1580 to 1587, he was secretly recruited to become an agent and, thus, from 1583 onwards, was sent abroad on secret missions; hence, his frequent and prolonged absences from his studies at the university. His espionage activities and their geographies have always been a mystery except his visits to France and, perhaps, to other Catholic countries. In this context, if one recalls that the first diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Elizabeth's England were officially established in 1583 when William Harborne was appointed the first English ambassador to the Ottoman court, it was also of vital importance for Elizabeth's government to secure the Ottoman support and alliance against the growing Spanish and Catholic threat. Therefore, Harborne's appointment was a timely political and diplomatic manoeuvre, and evidently a close watch on Ottoman politics and international relations came to the fore as a serious and vitally important exigency. Indeed, besides the regular staff of Harborne's embassy, three "gentlemen," who may have been assigned special missions, also accompanied him. Could one of them be Marlowe? It is hard to be specific and certain in the absence of documented evidence. However, given the Turkish contents and references of Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great and The Jew of Malta, one can argue that he was fully familiar with Turkey and Turkish history and that some of the names and material in these plays seem to indicate his first-hand knowledge in this respect. So, through reference to some historical facts and a close textual study of the Turkish material in these two plays, this article is an attempt to demonstrate Marlowe's direct connection with Turkey and, thus, to argue that he must have visited this country in his capacity as Elizabeth's secret agent.
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Tischer, Anuschka. "Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650): The Perfect Ambassador of the Early 17th Century." International Negotiation 13, no. 2 (2008): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180608x320207.
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AbstractIn the 17th century there was no professional diplomacy: a mission as envoy or ambassador was part of a broader political or administrative career. Many politicians still neglected the importance of permanent diplomacy. Thus, there was no training, and few ambassadors had solid experience in foreign traditions and languages or in methods of diplomatic negotiations. It was rather accidental when a man from a well established Parisian family, like Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650), served France abroad for more than 20 years. At the climax of his career, at the Congress of Westphalia, he was in many ways what we today think a good diplomat should be: open minded, smooth, compromising. In the 17th century, however, these were no criteria for the choice of an ambassador. Moreover, French governments prior to Louis XIV allowed their ambassadors to influence foreign affairs, and d'Avaux could even establish a network of his confidents in the diplomatic service. The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 was thus a result not only of governmental orders, but of a competition between d'Avaux and his rival and coambassador Abel Servien.
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Pimenova, Ludmila. "The Diplomatic Service of Louis XVI: The Work of French Foreign Affairs Department in the 1780s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014872-7.
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The article aims to examine the organization of work of the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of France in the last decades before the Revolution of 1789 when the department was headed by Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes. By this time, there had developed a practice of preferentially appointing as head of the foreign affairs department people who had the first-hand experience of diplomatic service at the helm of embassies. He managed to create an efficiently working ministry apparatus. The details of its work are known thanks to the primary source for the research presented in this article, namely a note drawn up by one of Vergennes’ subordinates, the head of the “northern” directorate of the State Secretariat Pierre-Michel Hennin. During the years of Vergennes’ ministry, the staff was increased and a topographic bureau was created, which was tasked with drawing up a general map of the clarified borders of the French kingdom. The directorates of the State Secretariat were headed by professional diplomats who had received a good education and had practical experience working in embassies. Within the department, a well-thought-out system of clerical work was established. The difficulty in the work of the department, not mentioned in Hennin’s note, was the impossibility of career growth for ordinary employees. They could count on a seniority salary increase, but not a promotion. Thus, by the end of the Ancien Régime, there were two types of professional careers in the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the French king: diplomatic one for high and middle echelons and clerical for ordinary employees.
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Sparrow, Elizabeth. "The Swiss and Swabian Agencies, 1795–1801." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026194.
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AbstractThis article continues an examination of the British government's counter-revolutionary organization begun in ‘The Alien Office 1792-1806’, The Historical Journal, XXXIII (1990), which outlined the department's functions and secret service policy. The Swiss and Swabian agencies were one aspect of British foreign secret service; they linked the French princes' secret agents to the British government under the central European control of William Wickham, ambassador in Berne 1794–7, and military and diplomatic subsidiaries. Anti-republican secret committees were set up covering all France, Switzerland, northern Italy and southern Germany, which included members from every grade of society. French republican generals, even Ministers were swayed, allowing infiltration of the French secret police. British control was however limited to the finesse of finance – bribery was implicit. By never offering enough to the leaders and too much to assistants, initial constitutional intentions slid into subversion and assassination. The first complete andfully documented description is included of how, why, and by whom, the French deputies were assassinated at Rastadt.
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Swann, Julian. "Roi de guerre ou Roi de paix? Louis XV and the French monarchy, 1740–1748." French History 34, no. 2 (May 11, 2020): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/craa021.
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Abstract This article examines debate about the nature of the French monarchy during the early years of Louis XV’s personal rule. It argues that the king, his ministers and advisers as well as the wider French public were torn between traditional models of monarchy based upon the concept of a ‘roi de guerre’ and the diplomatic and human consequences of military conflict that had caused many to urge a more restrained, pacific projection of French power. In 1748, Louis XV offered a peace that reflected the desire to avoid a repetition of his predecessor’s errors, but France lacked the strength needed to impose a Pax Francia. The subsequent separation between the Bourbon dynasty and active military service did much to undermine the monarchy in the eyes of an increasingly patriotic public opinion.
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PITTS, JENNIFER. "LIBERALISM AND EMPIRE IN A NINETEENTH-CENTURY ALGERIAN MIRROR." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 2 (August 2009): 287–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309002108.
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Le Miroir, published in Paris in 1833 by Hamdan ben Othman Khodja (c.1773–1842), was the first Algerian contribution to French public deliberation about France's emerging empire in North Africa. A work of a self-consciously liberal cosmopolitan, and modernizing, perspective, theMiroirwas almost alone in French debates in making a principled argument for a complete French withdrawal from Algeria—what Khodja called a “liberal emancipation” of the country. TheMiroirargued for an independent Algeria that might take its place in a nineteenth-century Europe of emerging nations, and that might engage with European states as a diplomatic equal. The work illustrates the constraints on those who sought to preserve some independence, discursive as well as political, in the face of European expansion, as well as the critical possibilities of liberal discourse at a moment when it was being marshaled in France and Britain in the service of empire.
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Ulanova, A. E. "International Scientific and Practical Conference <i>Digital International Relations 2022</i>." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 6, no. 3 (September 27, 2022): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2022-3-23-182-183.
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On April 14-15 the International scientific and practical conference Digital international relations 2022 took place at MGIMO University. The event was organized by MGIMO University in cooperation with Ivannikov Institute for System Programming of the RAS under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Plenary session International Relations in the Context of Digitalization of Public Life was opened with the speeches of the Rector of MGIMO University A. Torkunov, the Minister of Foreign Affairs S. Lavrov, the Minister of Science and Higher Education V. Falkov, the President of the Russian Academy of Sciences A. Sergeyev, the Deputy Minister of Digital Development, Communications and Mass Media A. Shoytov, the Director of the Institute for System Programming A. Avetisyan and the President of the Russian association for public relations Ye. Minchenko. Distinguished guests noted the growing role of digital technologies in world politics, public administration, economics, education, and science. There were lots of sessions, panel discussions and round tables, such as Digital public diplomacy: new rules of international politics; Digital transformation of ASEAN and Russia: points of convergence; Legal support for the development of the digital economy in Russia and abroad; Diplomatic and consular service in the era of digitalization of international relations; Digital technologies and new media; Digital youth: what awaits the employer in the 21st century; Data analysis and international processes dynamics; Business models and business processes’ digital transformation; Regional experience of the economy and social sphere digitalization: best practices. The conference was attended by more than 750 professionals from different countries and regions – scientists, researchers and entrepreneurs working in IT, social science, and humanities. This variety helped to hold lively and open discussions on the most relevant and significant topics and to establish interaction between highly qualified specialists who have absolutely different but equally deep understanding of digital technologies.
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GOLDIE, MARK, and CHARLES-ÉDOUARD LEVILLAIN. "FRANÇOIS-PAUL DE LISOLA AND ENGLISH OPPOSITION TO LOUIS XIV." Historical Journal 63, no. 3 (March 18, 2019): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000025.
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AbstractBetween the Restoration in 1660 and the Revolution in 1688 the English public abandoned its century-long animus against Spain and began to identify France as its chief enemy. Historians often hold that the most significant intervention in shifting the balance of public opinion was the Dutch-inspired pamphlet,England's appeal from the private cabal at Whitehall(1673), written by the Huguenot Pierre du Moulin. It is argued here that an immensely influential earlier intervention was made by François-Paul de Lisola, in hisBuckler of state and justice(1667), which, at a critical juncture, presented a rhetorically powerful body of arguments about the nature of the European state system. A Catholic in the service of the Habsburg emperor, who spent nearly two years in England in 1666–8, Lisola was an accomplished and versatile diplomat and publicist. This article interweaves diplomatic history with the history of geopolitical argument, tracing paths which led to Europe's Grand Alliance against Louis XIV.
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Pennell, C. R. "Work on the Early Ottoman Period and Qaramanlis." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 215–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006713.
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Research on Libya during the first Ottoman and Qaramanli periods has been handicapped by the lack of a theme. Much work on these periods has been done to a large extent as spin-off from other research contingent on Libya, and new publications in European languages have been few. Their effect has been to cast a bright light on some corners of the subject, but the rest has been left in deep shadow. What follows is a summary of what has been done, together with some suggestions about where concerned research might be directed.A starting point for any research is bibliography. Bono (1982) provides a general guide to western sources on Libya which includes material on the period, while his earlier article (Bono 1979) concentrates on scarce published sources, some of which come from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.Another problem facing researchers is access to contemporary material. There is an immense quantity of consular material in archives in Britian, France and in particular Italy, some of which has been used. Individual longer accounts have been published as well, particularly of manuscript sources.Among the most interesting manuscripts are the longer, coherent accounts of people who stayed in Tripoli for extended periods. The journals of Thomas Baker, the English Consul in Tripoli between 1677 and 1685, fall into this category, and are discussed below. The guidebook written in 1767 by Anthony Knecht, British Vice-Consul, gives considerable information about the diplomatic, political and economic life of the city (Pennell 1982).Another way of dealing with these extensive sources is to write commentaries on them. In the first issue of Libyan Studies the works of James Bruce, the Scottish eighteenth century traveller, were discussed (Cumming 1970). This is also the approach adopted by ‘Imad al-Din Ghanim (1982), in his article in Arabic about an anonymous French account, translated into German in 1708 (Allerneuster Zustand der Afrikanischen Konigreiche Tripoli, Tunis and Algier, von einem gelehrten Jesuiten bey verricheter Skavelosung, Hamburg 1708).
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Machniak, Arkadiusz. "Dyplomata. Żołnierz. Literat. Hrabia Franciszek Xawery Pusłowski w świetle dokumentów komunistycznego aparatu represji." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 20, no. 3 (2021): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.3.5.
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Count Franciszek Xawery Pusłowski was born in France on June 16, 1875. He studied law, philosophy and art history. He was fluent in six languages. During World War I, he was arrested in Russia. As a result of efforts made by influential friends in 1918, he was released from captivity after the personal decision of Feliks Dzerzhinsky, the head of the Cheka. After the end of World War I, he participated in the Versailles peace conference. Until 1923, he served in the diplomatic corps. He was an opponent of Józef Piłsudski and his political camp. After being released from military and diplomatic service, he was active as a writer, publicist and social activist. He also led an intense social life. During World War II, he lived in Krakow. After the war, in 1945-1950, he was the vice-president of the Society of Friends of Fine Arts. He also worked as a sworn translator at the District Court in Krakow and as a lecturer at the AGH University of Science and Technology, the Jagiellonian University and the Krakow University of Technology. Despite the politically uncertain times, Pusłowski ran his salon in Kraków after 1945, where Kraków artists, journalists, sportsmen, soldiers and his students from Kraków universities used to visit. Count Pusłowski was famous for the fact that, thanks to his relatives living abroad, he had at his home excellent coffee and curiosities, rare for the post-war years, such as figs and pineapples. He remained under the interest of the communist security authorities, inter alia, due to international contacts and the art collection.
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Potulnytskyi, Heorhii. "The Attempts of the Mazepian Emigration to involve the Crimean Question into the International Policy of French Kingdom in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 26–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.026.
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Being at the political and diplomatic service of King of France Louis XV for more than three decades (from 1729 to 1759) Hryhor Orlyk, the son of the Ukrainian Hetman Pylyp Orlyk, was committed to furthering the cause of his father. Traditionally, in the context of the political tasks of the French kingdom, he addressed, on the one hand, the incorporation of the Cossack factor into the foreign policy of the Versailles Cabinet, and, on the other hand, the Crimean question. At every stage of his diplomatic service, which we have distinguished (the 1730s, 1740s, and 1750s respectively), the Hetman’s son set different tasks to resolve the Crimean issue and, accordingly, tried to implement them. Through his consistent, permanent, and persistent actions, Hryhor Orlyk contributed to the traditional matter of Hetman’s Ukraine integration into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, along with the Cossack and Crimean factors. In the 1750s, one of the last representatives of the Mazepian emigration Fedir Myrovych and Fedir Nakhymovskyi joined the corps of Orlyk’s son Hryhor. They became his effective assistants in the matter of political and legal recognition of the Cossack factor as one of the dominant foreign policy activities of the Versailles Cabinet by the French political elite. Being in Crimea in the 1750s, Myrovych and Nakhymovskyi acted as special emissaries of the Versailles Cabinet maintaining contacts with it directly through Hryhor Orlyk. They contributed in every way to the policy of the kingdom in Crimea in connection with the activation of the Cossack factor there. Old Mazepa’s supporters assisted the Hetman’s son in the implementation of the military and political cooperation between France and Crimea and the Ottoman Empire, but they also attempted to explain the essence of Russian policy aimed at terminating the independence of the Kosh both to the Khan and to Zaporozhian Cossacks in Crimea. The author concludes that as the envoy of the French Crown in Crimea, Hryhor Orlyk made the last attempt to involve the Crimean Khanate to the problems related to the restoration of the Cossack statehood solving the Crimean-Cossack problem, which had been consistent since the sixteenth century. All Mazepa supporters by conducting their activities in Crimea not only contributed to raising the issue of integrating the Cossack factor as an integral part into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, but also helped to legitimize and substantiate the latter in the concept of involving Turkey and the Crimean Khanate into the struggle for Ukraine’s liberation from Russian domination
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Magadeev, I. E. "French diplomats and the military on Soviet Russia and the balance of power in Central-Eastern Europe in 1922." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 128–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-128-162.
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The consolidation of the Soviet state in 1922 and the activities of Soviet diplomacy in the key international forums had a direct impact on the strategic situation in Europe. The eventual strengthening of Soviet Russia/the USSR was both a threat and an opportunity for France as one of the leading European powers of that period, which had obligations and interests in Central and Eastern Europe. The author aims to identify the main approaches of French diplomats and the military to a set of issues related to the possible development of Soviet Russia in 1922 and its place in the European balance of power. The study is based on a wide range of primary sources from the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, the National Archives of France, the Historical Service of the Ministry of the Armed Forces of the Fifth Republic, as well as on recently published French diplomatic and military documents. The author concludes that the French elites had a rather ambiguous attitude towards the process and the first results of political consolidation and socio-economic development of the Soviet state. On the one hand, the formation of the USSR was an obvious manifestation of the growing Soviet power that somewhat diminished the hopes of French officials for the imminent fall of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, diplomats and the military both in Paris and on-site were often skeptical about the prospects for the development of the Soviet economy, noting the catastrophic consequences of hunger, economic and financial ruin. Moderate optimism about the opportunity to intensify trade and economic contacts with Soviet Russia as its economy recovers coexisted with pronounced pessimism. The French assessments of the military potential of the Soviet state were marked by the same ambivalence. The acknowledgement of the current limited capabilities of the Red Army and the Red Fleet was accompanied by the growing recognition that the basis of the military power of the Soviet state had not been undermined. All this could help Moscow improve its international stance in the future, which would inevitably affect the balance of power in Europe. Under these circumstances, the French elites debated the prospects for the ‘normalization’ of the Bolshevik regime and its incorporation into the Versailles order. The author argues that all these contradictory attitudes, views and assessments that surfaced in 1922 to a large extent predetermined the overall direction and specific content of the French policy towards the USSR in the following years.
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Mitrofanov, Andrey. "A French diplomat in the Russian Service. Missions of the Count d'Antraigues in Venice (1795–1797)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014909-7.
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The article deals with the history of secret diplomacy of the time of the French Revolution. It aims to show unknown aspects of the French émigré сount d'Antraigue's activities as a councillor to the Russian embassy in Venice and as a personal representative of Louis XVIII in 1795–1797. Unpublished documents from the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the memoirs of contemporaries form the source base of the research. The practice of appointing French royalists “under Russian protection” as employees of Russian diplomatic missions was proposed by the Russian court in 1794. The case of d’Antraigues, therefore, was not unique. D'Antraigues' duties in this post were related to the search for information on revolutionary France, the French army in Italy, the politics of the Italian states. His contacts with Swedish agents, French royalists, and French army officers were the most fruitful. At the same time, he was associated with British diplomats. Bonaparte used the errors of the diplomat to his advantage: сount d'Antraigues’s notes served as a pretext for the coup d'état of 18 Fructidor, Year V. Although he сount lost credibility in the eyes of the royalists yet, thanks to the support of A.K. Razumovsky, he continued his service as correspondent and honorary “pensionnaire” of the Russian court. It was after 1797 that a “black legend” developed around the name of the count, thanks, in particular, to former secret agents of the Directory and Napoleon Bonaparte, depicting him as an opportunist.
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Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Serbs on Corsica in the Great War. Part 1." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 7-8 (2018): 470–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704169p.
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Historians and historical research of the role of the Serbian nation in the Great War give ample respect and recognition of the great battles and great victories. However, the exodus of the Serbian people and its armies out of Serbia is also not forgotten. Neither are the Salonika Front, nor other battlefronts. Less well known and researched is the fate of 35,000 young Serbian recruits, the young people dispersed to distant lands. This research is concentrated on the fate of the Serbian refugees in Corsica, on those who helped them, looked after them, and treated them to recovery, and who themselves came there from other parts of the world. Those Serbian refugees in Corsica were looked after by the representatives of diplomatic, humanitarian, and medical missions from Serbia, France, and Great Britain. The life of the Serbian refugee colony in Corsica was organized, financed, and supported by the Royal Serbian Government in exile in France, the French Relief Committee for the wounded, sick, and refugees, the Serbian Relief Fund, the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service, the local authorities, and numerous individuals in Corsica. We have paid particular attention to the Scottish Women?s Hospital in Corsica that provided a special hospital unit called ?Corsica Unit,? situated in Ajaccio, with the isolation ward in Lazaret, and ambulances and dispensaries located in various villages, where the Serbian refugees were billeted. At the time of centennial commemorations of the Great War, we want to express our profound gratitude to the humanitarian and medical assistance from all quarters, and in particular to the Scottish Women?s Hospitals, and Dr. Elsie Inglis, the founder and the leader of this medical mission.
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Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Srbi na Korzici u Velikom ratu - 2. deo." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 9-10 (2018): 599–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704170p.
Full textAbstract:
Historians and historical research of the role of the Serbian nation in the Great War give ample respect and recognition of the great battles and great victories. However, the exodus of the Serbian people and its armies out of Serbia is also not forgotten. Neither are the Salonika Front, nor other battlefronts. Less well known and researched is the fate of 35,000 young Serbian recruits, the young people dispersed to distant lands. This research is concentrated on the fate of the Serbian refugees in Corsica, on those who helped them, looked after them, and treated them to recovery, and who themselves came there from other parts of the world. Those Serbian refugees in Corsica were looked after by the representatives of diplomatic, humanitarian, and medical missions from Serbia, France, and Great Britain. The life of the Serbian refugee colony in Corsica was organized, financed, and supported by the Royal Serbian Government in exile in France, the French Relief Committee for the wounded, sick, and refugees, the Serbian Relief Fund, the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service, the local authorities, and numerous individuals in Corsica. We have paid particular attention to the Scottish Women?s Hospital in Corsica that provided a special hospital unit called ?Corsica Unit,? situated in Ajaccio, with the isolation ward in Lazaret, and ambulances and dispensaries located in various villages, where the Serbian refugees were billeted. At the time of centennial commemorations of the Great War, we want to express our profound gratitude to the humanitarian and medical assistance from all quarters, and in particular to the Scottish Women?s Hospitals, and Dr. Elsie Inglis, the founder and the leader of this medical mission.
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Дайнеко, И. В. "AN ENGLISHMAN IN FRANCE IN 1802 CHARLES JAMES FOX IN PARIS (BASED ON THE REPORT OF FOX'S PERSONAL SECRETARY JOHN BERNARD TROTTER)." Британские исследования, no. VII(VII) (June 1, 2022): 299–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.vii.vii.005.
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Статья посвящена визиту лидера британской парламентской оппозиции Чарльза Джеймса Фокса в Париж. Предпринята попытка рассмотреть цели поездки главы вигов и контакты с представителями французской политической и военной элиты. Основываясь на ключевом источнике исследования — отчете секретаря Фокса Джона Бернарда Троттера, была проанализирована царившая на момент прибытия англичан обстановка в Париже. Одним из ключевых моментов визита стала встреча британского политика с Наполеоном Бонапартом. Рассматриваются отношения между Фоксом и Первым консулом с точки зрения изменения личной позиции лидера вигов. В качестве подтверждения проблемности данного вопроса в исторической науке приводится заочная историографическая дискуссия Л. Митчелла, настаивавшего на негативном опыте переговоров политиков в Париже и основного пласта британских историков, представлявших рандеву государственных деятелей в положительном свете. Несколько второстепенны, но важны описания Троттером общения Фокса с министром иностранных дел Франции Шарлем-Морисом Талейраном и героем Американской войны за независимость Жильбером Лафайетом. Завершающим этапом пребывания в Париже можно считать контакты с аббатом Сийесом и военной элитой Франции — Бертье, Массена, Буггенвиль. В результате исследования автор приходит к выводу, что визит Фокса в Париж планировался скорее как светский и академический, установление дипломатических отношений не входило в первоочередные задачи британского политика, несмотря на мнение консервативной части английского парламента. Но приезд столь знаменательной для Франции личности не мог остаться незамеченным и лидеру вигов на протяжении всего пребывания в столице составляли компанию ключевые политические и военные представители республики. В заключительном абзаце, с позиции Фокса, дается краткая характеристика представителей элиты эпохи консулата The article is devoted to the visit of the leader of the British parliamentary opposition, Charles James Fox, to Paris. An attempt is made to examine the purpose of the Whig leader's trip and his contacts with representatives of the French political and military elite. Based on the key source of the study, the report of Fox's secretary John Bernard Trotter, it analyzes the prevailing situation in Paris at the time of the British arrival. One of the key moments of the visit was the British politician's meeting with Napoleon Bonaparte. The relationship between Fox and the First Consul is examined in terms of the change in the personal position of the Whig leader. As evidence of the problematic nature of this issue in historical scholarship, the absentee historiographical discussion of L. Mitchell, who insisted on the negative experience of negotiations between the politicians in Paris, and the main stratum of British historians, who presented the rendezvous of the statesmen in a positive light, is cited. Somewhat secondary, but important, are Trotter's descriptions of Fox's interactions with French Foreign Minister Charles-Maurice Talleyrand and the hero of the American War of Independence, Gilbert Lafayette. The final stage of his stay in Paris can be considered contacts with Abbe Sieyes and the French military elite — Berthier, Massena, Bougainville. As a result of the study the author concludes that Fox's visit to Paris was planned more as a secular and academic, the establishment of diplomatic relations was not part of the primary tasks of the British politician, despite the opinion of the conservative part of the English Parliament. But the arrival to of such a prominent figure for France could not go unnoticed, and the Whig leader was accompanied by key political and military representatives of the republic throughout his stay in the capital. The concluding paragraph, from Fox's perspective, provides a brief description of the elite of the Consular era
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Maulucci, Thomas W. "Herbert Blankenhorn in the Third Reich." Central European History 42, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000302.
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The early career of Herbert Blankenhorn (1904–1991) illustrates important trends in the transition from Nazi Germany to the Federal Republic. During the 1930s and 1940s he served as a diplomat in the German Foreign Office and also joined the Nazi Party in 1938. After 1945 he would play a very public role in the creation of a new political culture in West Germany. Konrad Adenauer thought that the exceptional political sense of his young personal assistant, who also served as Secretary General of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in the British Zone, helped him become chancellor of the Federal Republic in 1949. Through the mid-1950s Blankenhorn remained one of Adenauer's most intimate advisors, especially on matters concerning foreign policy. From late 1949 to mid-1950, he also oversaw the creation of what became the West German Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office), and thereafter he was the head of its Political Division and deputy to State Secretary Walter Hallstein until 1955. He went on to serve as West German ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (1955–1958), France (1958–1963), Italy (1963–1965), and the United Kingdom (1965–1970). After retiring from the diplomatic service in 1970, Blankenhorn functioned as the West German representative in the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Executive Council until 1976.
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Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. "Diplomat Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin: New Touches to Biographical Portrait." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015098-5.
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Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
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Mashevskyi, O. "UKRAINE IN EUROPEAN HISTORICAL PROCESSES. REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT: Vidnianskyi, S. (Ed.). (2020). Ukraine in the History of Europe of the 19th – Early 21st Century: Historical Essays. A Monograph. Kyiv: Instite of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.15.
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The chronological boundaries of the collective monograph cover a long historical period, which extends to the era of European Modernism and continues to the modern (current) history of European Postmodernism. The key thesis of the team of authors of the monograph is the idea of systemic belonging of Ukraine to European civilization as its component, which interacts with other parts of the system. The first chapter of the peer-reviewed collective monograph "European receptions of Ukraine in the XIX century" shows the reflection of the Ukrainian problem in the German-language literature of the first half of the XIX century, taking into account new archival document, the development of Ukraine’s relations with other Slavic peoples is traced, and the peculiarities of Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are considered as a separate case study. An interesting paragraph of the collective monograph devoted to cultural, educational and scientific cooperation of Dnieper Ukraine with European countries. This information illustrates well how the Industrial Revolution radically changed the face of the planet, brought new scientific experience that gave room for the development of the capitalist system, and with them, the Industrial Revolution brought social problems, environmental disasters that still cannot be solved. Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) formulated the "iron law of wages", according to which workers can receive only a living wage. The second chapter of the collective monograph "The Ukrainian Question and Ukraine in the European History of the Twentieth Century" presents an integrated narrative of Ukrainian national history in the light of the European history of the two world wars and their consequences. The First World War, or the Great War, undoubtedly became a turning point in European history and, accordingly, in the national histories of European countries. The historical experience of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people for the right to European development is covered in the paragraph of the collective monograph "Ukrainian Diplomatic Service 1917-1924". The vicissitudes of Stalin's industrialization and collectivization and their impact on the Ukrainian SSR's relations with European states in the 1920s and 1930s are highlighted in terms of continuity of ties with Europe. A separate regional example of the situation is covered on the example of the history of Transcarpathia on the eve of World War II. The third chapter of the collective monograph "Independent Ukraine in the European integration space" highlights the features of Ukraine's current positioning in Europe. After the collapse of the USSR, ideological obstacles to the development of globalization were overcome. The American political scientist F.Fukuyama in his work "The End of History" concluded the final victory of liberal ideology. This section of the peer-reviewed collective monograph also highlights the position of the international community on the Crimean referendum in 2014, analyzes the policy of Western European countries on the Ukrainian-Russian armed conflict on the example of the policy of Germany, France and Austria. The research result is a separate model of reality, which is reproduced with the help of a certain perception and awareness of the historian. In this sense, the author's team of the monograph has achieved the goal of creating a meaningful narrative that highlights the place of Ukraine at different stages of modern and postmodern European history. From the point of view of the general perception of the narrative offered to the reader, the authors of the collective monograph managed to harmonize individual stylistic features in a conceptually unified text, the meanings of which will be interesting to both professional historians and students and the general readership.
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Vujović, Miroslav, and Jasna Vuković. "Yours ever... ili ko je bila Ketrin Braun? Istraživanja praistorijske Vinče i britanski uticaji za vreme i posle I svetskog rata." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 11, no. 3 (November 2, 2016): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v11i3.8.
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As the 110th anniversary of the beginning of the excavations at Vinča is nearing, the question arises as to how much we really know about the role and motives of a number of British subjects who in various ways played decisive roles in the research and the international affirmation of this important Late Neolithic site. It is possible, on the basis of archives and personal correspondence of Miloje M. Vasić, to view the investigations of Vinča in the wider context of political and military relations, influencing the general situation in the Kingdom of The Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later Yugoslavia. John Lynton Myres was a professor at the universities in Oxford and Liverpool, the founder and editor of the Journal Man and the director of the British Archaeological School in Athens. During the World War I, between 1916 and 1919, he was an officer of the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve, first in the Navy Intelligence Service, and then in Military Control Office in Athens. The Browns, Alec and Catherine, also played an important role. Alec Brown, a left-oriented writer, translator and correspondent, arrived to Serbia as a Cambridge graduate, aiming at the post of an English language teacher in high schools. In the period from 1929 to 1931 he took part in the excavations at Vinča, taking this setting as the base for the plot of one of his books. His wife, Elsie Catherine Brown, whose life is very poorly documented, served in the British Embassy in Belgrade between the wars. Vasić dedicated the third volume of Prehistoric Vinča to her, for her devoted work in the British medical mission and the care she took of the Serbian soldiers near Thessalonica, but also for her part played in the establishment of the initial contact with Sir Charles Hyde. The life of Catherine Brown may be seen as one of the many exceptional stories about the noble British ladies, celebrated in Serbia for over a century. However, one should bear in mind that the events and characters (Myres, Hyde, the Browns) linked to the research in Vinča may be a part of a larger scene, and a consequence of other, equally important circumstances of a more direct involvement of Great Britain in the political situation in Yugoslavia between the wars. Myres, a man close to the scientific, intelligence and diplomatic circles, is the key person in the initial contact between Vasić and Catherine Brown. Since his first encounter with Vasić in 1918 in Athens, on the occasion of his return from France to Serbia, Myres himself or through Catherine Brown, worked to establish the collaboration and keep the contact with Vasić. It is possible that the Athens meeting, initiated by Myres, was a consequence not only of the scholarly interest, but also the growing British involvement in the Balkans. After the same line of reasoning, the arrival of Alec Brown in Belgrade cannot be understood solely as a consequence of the individual ambition of a young Slavic scholar, but as well as a part of the strategy of deepening the British influences over the region traditionally more inclined towards France, due to the political and cultural ties and military alliances. After the war, many Serbian linguists were posted as teachers of the language at the most prestigious British universities, such as Oxford and Cambridge, where Alec Brown earned his degree. His application to the post of English teacher in Serbia is closely preceded by the recommendation of Earl Curzon of Kedleston, British Foreign Secretary, to secure teaching English in the Yugoslav schools, and not only French, as it was previously the case. The collaboration between British and Serbian intellectuals was surely a very suitable context for the establishment of intimate contacts and spreading of cultural and political influences. As illustrated by the case of the Near East, archaeology and archaeologists are particularly useful in this respect. Their long sojourns and mobility in the field, command of the language, enabled them to gain the confidence of the locals, learn about the customs, and gain information, just like Myres the Blackbeard did, and more or less successfully Catherine and Alec Brown as well. Regardless of the real or clandestine motifs, in the case of the investigations of Vinča, this collaboration made possible the publication the four-volume work of Vasić – Prehistoric Vinča, exceptional in many respects, and the international recognition of Vinča as one of the most important Late Neolithic settlements in South-eastern Europe.