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余忠傑 and Chung-kit Yu. "The establishment and development of the embassy system in late Qing dynasty." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42925708.
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Yu, Chung-kit. "The establishment and development of the embassy system in late Qing dynasty Qing mo zhu wai shi jie zhi du de she li he fa zhan /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42925708.
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Spies, Yolanda Kemp. "Meeting the challenge of developing world diplomacy in the 21st century : an assessment of perspectives on contemporary diplomatic training." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08102006-134244/.
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Falcke, Jeannette. "Studien zum diplomatischen Geschenkwesen am brandenburgisch-preußischen Hof im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0701/2006402928.html.
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Varlan, Olivier. "Armand-Louis de Caulaincourt, duc de Vicenze (1773-1827). Étude d’une carrière diplomatique sous le Premier Empire, de la cour de Napoléon au ministère des Relations extérieures." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040252.
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Officier de cavalerie originaire de la noblesse picarde, Armand de Caulaincourt (1773-1827) gravit rapidement tous les échelons de la cour consulaire puis impériale, devenant en 1804 grand-écuyer de l’Empire. Mais, malgré l’importance de ses fonctions curiales, Napoléon le destine à une carrière de diplomate. Après différentes missions, il le nomme ambassadeur de France en Russie, à la fin de l’année 1807. Fervent partisan de l’alliance de Tilsit, Caulaincourt participe à toutes les grandes négociations franco-russes mais doit assister à la lente dégradation des relations entre les deux empires. À son retour à Paris en 1811, son bilan politique est maigre. Sa défense opiniâtre du tsar Alexandre, mais surtout son opposition à la campagne militaire qui se prépare, irritent Napoléon. Elles lui permettent toutefois d’acquérir une nouvelle stature après le désastre de Russie : pour ses contemporains Caulaincourt devient l’« homme de la paix ». Une image que Napoléon réutilise lorsqu’il le charge de le représenter aux congrès de Prague (1813) et de Châtillon (1814). Le duc de Vicence, devenu ministre des Relations extérieures, ne parvient pas à faire accepter la paix ; il lui faut finalement négocier l’abdication de Napoléon et renoncer, après les Cent-Jours, à toute carrière politique. Cette étude, qui s’appuie sur les archives personnelles de Caulaincourt et ses célèbres Mémoires, entend redonner toute son importance à cette figure majeure du Premier Empire, en insistant sur son action et sa pensée dans le domaine de la diplomatie. L’exemple de ce parcours devant permettre de contribuer à reconsidérer et réévaluer le rôle du personnel diplomatique napoléonienA cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel
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Jestin, Mathieu. "Le consulat de France à Salonique 1781-1913." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010629/document.
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À l’issue des deux guerres balkaniques, en décembre 1913, les consuls de Salonique reçoivent des mains du gouvernement hellène une circulaire annonçant la suppression des capitulations. S’achève alors l’histoire du consulat de France en Macédoine ottomane, commencée en 1686. Cette région de l’Empire ottoman, quasiment inconnue du grand public européen avant les événements du tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles, est pourtant emblématique du déploiement de la diplomatie consulaire française au cours du long du XIXe siècle. Malgré sa réorganisation théorique par l’ordonnance de 1781, le consulat de Salonique demeure longtemps à la marge de la machine diplomatique française avant de s’y intégrer progressivement. Les réalités locales conditionnent en effet autant, si ce n’est davantage, le quotidien de la gestion du poste, confrontant les consuls à l’expérience de l’altéritéIn December 1913, just after the two Balkan wars, the Hellenic Governor of Salonica communicate to all the consuls a circular announcing the abolition of the capitulations, ending the story of the French consulate in Ottoman Macedonia, started in 1686. Even if this region of the Ottoman Empire is mostly unknown in Europe before the events of the beginning of the 20th century, the case of the French Consulate in Salonica is emblematic of the deployment of the French consular diplomacy during the long nineteenth century. Despite its theoretical reorganization in 1781, the consulate of Salonica long remained at the margin of the French diplomatic machine before gradually become integrated. Much more than the diplomatic level, local realities precondition the daily running of the office, confronting the consuls to the common experience of otherness
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Ito, Hikoko. "The Japanese Consulate and the Japanese Cultural Centre." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25951610.
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Thesis (M. Arch.)--University of Hong Kong, 1996.Added title page title: Japanese cultural centre in Hong Kong. Includes special report study entitled: Semiotic meaning of Mezirushi in architecture. Includes bibliographical references.
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Haehl, Madeleine. "Les affaires étrangères au temps de Richelieu : le secrétariat d'État, les agents diplomatiques, 1624-1642 /." Paris : Bruxelles ; Bern ; Berlin [etc.] : Direction des Archives, Ministère des affaires étrangères ; PIE-Peter Lang, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401725406.
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Seccia, Giovanni. "La missione cattolica in Sudan vista e vissuta da protagonisti ed osservatori tirolesi, 1858-1862 /." Roma : Missionari comboniani, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53109847.html.
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Poure, Valérie. "L'officier de l'état civil en droit des personnes et de la famille." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA021.
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L’officier de l’état civil est l’autorité désignée par la loi pour constater, enregistrer, conserver et exploiter, en la forme authentique, les actes constitutifs de l’individu et de la famille. Le maire, avec ses adjoints, est l’officier de l’état civil par excellence. En sa qualité de représentant de l’État à l’échelon communal, il assure l’administration d’un service accessible et proche des administrés. Le dédoublement fonctionnel qu’induit cette charge tend à satisfaire des besoins tant nationaux qu’individuels. À la fois organe exécutif de la commune et autorité publique déconcentrée, le maire est un acteur original en droit des personnes et de la famille qui lui vaut souvent d’être comparé à un notaire ou à un greffier. Si sa position hybride, à la frontière entre le droit privé et le droit public, présente un intérêt certain au regard des impératifs d’organisation sociale, elle n’en est pas moins perfectibleThe Officer of Civil Status is the authority designated by law to observe, register, keepand exploit, in their authentic form, the constituting acts of individuals and families. The mayor, with his assistants, is the Officer of Civil Status par excellence. As a State's representative at municipal level, he ensures the administration of a service which is accessible and close to the citizens. The two-fold responsibility arising from this function tends to meet both State and individual needs. As an executive municipal body and a decentralized public authority, the mayor plays a unique role in the law of persons and the family law. Therefore, he is often compared to a notary or a registrar. On the borderline between private law and public law, his hybrid position which has a definite interest with regard to the requirements of social organisation, could nevertheless be improved
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Maybarduk, Sharon M. "An exploration of factors associated with reentry adjustment of U.S. foreign service spouses : a project based upon an independent investigation /." View online, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/5911.
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Kearns, Mary Pinckney. "Secession diplomacy a study of Thomas Butler King, commissioner of Georgia to Europe, 1861 /." Click here to access thesis, 2006. http://www.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/archive/summer2006/mary%5Fp%5Fkearns/kearns%5Fmary%5Fp%5F200605%5Fma.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia Southern University, 2006."A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Georgia Southern University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts" ETD. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-140) and appendices.
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Tiba, Johannes Kgotso. "Partnership and outsourcing as tools for increased access to consular services : a case of South African High Commission in the United Kingdom / Johannes Kgotso Tiba." Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/9455.
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The provision of consular services is an obligation of every government to its citizens who are living abroad. In providing such services, efforts must be made to ensure that they are accessible to all citizens, wherever they may be. Under the current economic climate, maintaining an extensive network of embassies and consulates around the world is an expensive venture. It is against this background that governments must be innovative in providing services by ensuring that private and third sector organizations are involved, in order to complement their work of ensuring that consular services reach their citizens at affordable costs - wherever they are.
Besides rendering consular services to South African (SA) citizens, consular offices can be a vital investment vehicle of the government abroad, by ensuring that much-needed investment is obtained. Furthermore, the consular services can serve as the first line of defence of a country, by ensuring that people who can cause harm to the country do not enter it. Despite the daunting challenges facing the post-apartheid government in SA, a number of changes have been undertaken to ensure that consular services are modernized. However, those changes have been inadequate and have fallen short of meeting the expectations of most South African citizens who are living abroad.
This study makes a vital contribution on the concept of using partnership and outsourcing as tools for increased access to consular services in one of the critical missions of SA abroad - the United Kingdom, by showing that the traditional way of rendering consular services from a diplomatic mission is inadequate to reach potential customers scattered in parts of the host country. The study concludes with significant recommendations that, inter alia, include even using post offices and the internet to ensure that consular services reach all parts of the United Kingdom, where South Africans live. Given that consular services have inherent security implications, the study also notes that among factors that must be taken into account before outsourcing consular services, or even setting up a partnership, the chosen service providers must, amongst other things, be able to maintain and protect the confidentiality of their customers.Thesis (M. Development and Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013
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Popescu, Elinor Danusia. "Consulats et consuls honoraires de Roumanie dans les grandes puissances ouest-européennes entre les deux guerres mondiales." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA086.
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L’objectif de ma thèse est de réaliser une étude de relations internationales, qui comporte aussi une dimension d’histoire sociale à travers le recrutement de ces élites de la société civile – les consuls honoraires – qui assurent le relais entre cette dernière et la grande diplomatie de carrière. Je me propose de rechercher l’activité consulaire roumaine dans les quatre grandes puissances ouest européennes – choisies, pour équilibrer, parmi deux Etats révisionnistes, donc désireux de transformer les équilibres mis en place lors des traités concluant la Première Guerre mondiale, et deux Etats satisfaits par ces traités – à tous les niveaux : économique, politique, administratif et culturel. La problématique de ma thèse articule donc diplomatie consulaire et grande diplomatie et consiste à évaluer leur convergence politique en faveur des grands vainqueurs français et britannique ou, à l’inverse, le contrepoids que cette diplomatie « mineure » pourrait exercer au bénéfice des frustrés allemand et italien. Cette dernière option est d’autant plus intéressante qu’Allemagne et Italie étaient les principaux partenaires commerciaux de la Roumanie avant 1914The aim of my thesis is to realise an international relations study, which also includes a dimension of social history through the recruitment of these elites of civil society - the honorary consuls - who ensure the relay between the latter and the great career diplomacy. I propose to research the Romanian consular activity in the four great Western European powers - chosen, to balance, among two revisionist states, so eager to transform the balances put in place during the treaties concluding the First World War, and two states satisfied by these treaties - at all levels: economic, political, administrative and cultural. The rationale of my thesis articulates therefore consular diplomacy and great diplomacy and consists of evaluating their political convergence in favor of the great winners French and British or, conversely, the counterweight that this "minor" diplomacy could exert for the benefit of the frustrated German and Italian. The latter option is all the more interesting because Germany and Italy were Romania's main trading partners before 1914
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Gradel, Olivier. "Les relations diplomatiques entre la France et le Saint-Empire romain germanique, à l'époque des Guerres de Religion." Littoral, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006DUNK0303.
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Durant la première partie du XVIème siècle, les relations diplomatique entre la France et le Saint-Empire romain germanique, furent au cœur de la rivalité qui opposa les Habsbourg aux Valois pour la suprématie en Occident. L’intérim d’Augsbourg de 1555, la conclusion de la paix scellée, en 1559, à Cateau-Cambrésis par Philippe II de Habsbourg et Henri II de Valois, et la crise interne qui frappa le royaume de France durant quatre décennies, auraient pu inciter les principaux acteurs de la vie politique française et leurs homologues de l’Empire à se détourner les uns des autres. Pourtant, il n’en fut rien. Durant la période des Guerres de Religion, les échanges diplomatiques entre la France et le Saint-Empire qui ont peu été étudiés par l’historiographie, continuèrent d’être nombreux. Ils témoignent des intérêts communs qui existaient encore entre ces deux états. Différents princes souverains participèrent à ces échanges : le Roi de France, l’Empereur et les princes d’Empire. Cependant, ils ne furent pas les seuls. Les partis religieux français s’immiscèrent aussi dans ces relations diplomatiques, s’arrogeant ainsi un droit qui n’appartenait normalement qu’au Roi. Par ailleurs, les relations diplomatiques entre la France et le Saint-Empire touchèrent d’autres grands princes étrangers. Elles sont, en effet, à replacer dans un contexte international chaotique où le jeu des alliances fut essentiel pour les souverains de ce temps. Les diplomaties furent amenées à jouer un rôle primordial dans les relations internationales de cette époque. Le contrôle des diplomates fut un enjeu capital pour ces souverains. Cette étude fut donc l’occasion de dresser un état des lieux de l’institution diplomatique, autre sujet peu abordé par l’historiographie pour cette période. J’ai pu ainsi constater que les principaux souverains d’Occident disposaient déjà de structures diplomatiques bien organisées, construites sur des critères de recrutement précis et souvent communs. L’analyse de ces critères met en évidence l’existence de véritables réseaux familiaux de diplomates choisis par les souverains pour leur fidélité, leur formation à l’art de la diplomatie et leur compétence dans ce domaine. Elle montre également que pour ces réseaux familiaux, le service diplomatique fut souvent un moyen d’accéder aux plus hautes fonctions dans l’entourage du souverain.
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Carmo, Gessica Fernanda do [UNESP]. "Os soldados de terno?: ruptura, crise e reestruturação da diplomacia brasileira (1964-1969)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154035.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Este trabalho aborda o papel do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) após o golpe de Estado de março de 1964, especificamente durante as gestões Castelo Branco (1964- 1967) e Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que o órgão não é uma burocracia insulada, mas sim um órgão que pode, como qualquer outra instituição, assimilar interesses políticos e ideológicos dos governantes do momento e atuar em função destes. Argumentamos que isso vale também para seu comportamento nos anos de institucionalização do regime ditatorial no Brasil. Procuramos compreender como o Ministério se comportou analisando três processos principais: o expurgo realizado no órgão, a formulação da política externa do novo regime e o esforço de legitimação internacional do mesmo por meio da diplomacia. Para avaliar nossa hipótese, utilizamos a literatura especializada, os principais documentos oficiais do período e duas bases de dados exclusivas: a primeira, dos diplomatas brasileiros (1889 a 2010) e, a segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Com isso, a dissertação nos ajudará a compreender como o Itamaraty reagiu frente a mudanças do regime governamental e as consequências disso para a própria organização diplomática.
This dissertation examines the role of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MREItamaraty) after the March 1964 coup d’État, specifically during the administrations of Castelo Branco (1964-1967) and Costa e Silva (1967-1969). We argue that the Ministry is not an insulated bureaucracy, but rather an organ that can, as any other government agency, assimilate the political and ideological interests of the ruling groups and act based on them. We argue that this holds true for its behavior during the institutionalization of the dictatorial regime in Brazil. We tried to understand how the MRE behaved through the analysis of three main processes: the purge carried out in the institution, the foreign policy formulation of the new regime, and its effort to gain international legitimacy through diplomacy. In order to evaluate our hypothesis, we used the specialized literature on the subject, the main official documents of the period, and two exclusive databases: the first, a database on Brazilian diplomats (from 1889 to 2010); the second, a database on foreign policy events (from 1930 to 1985). By doing so, this dissertation will help us understand how Itamaraty responded to regime changes and the consequences for the diplomatic organization itself.
Este trabajo aborda el papel del Ministerio de las Relaciones Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) con posterioridad al golpe de Estado de marzo de 1964, específicamente durante las gestiones Castelo Branco (1964-1967) y Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que el órgano no es una burocracia aislada, mas que puede, como cualquier otra institución, asimilar intereses políticos e ideológicos de los gobernantes del momento y actuar en función de este. Argumentamos que eso vale también para su comportamiento en los años de institucionalización del régimen dictatorial en Brasil. Procuramos comprender como el Ministerio se comportó analizando tres procesos principales: la expurgación realizada en el órgano, la formulación de la política externa del nuevo régimen y el esfuerzo de legitimación internacional do mismo por medio de la diplomacia. Para evaluar nuestra hipótesis, utilizamos la literatura especializada, los principales documentos oficiales del período y dos bases de datos exclusivas: la primera, de los diplomáticos brasileros (1889 a 2010) y, la segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Con eso, la disertación nos ayudará a comprender como Itamaraty reaccionó frente a las mudanzas del régimen gubernamental y las consecuencias de esto para la propia organización diplomática.
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Carmo, Gessica Fernanda do. "Os soldados de terno? : ruptura, crise e reestruturação da diplomacia brasileira (1964-1969) /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154035.
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Orientador: Shiguenoli MiyamotoResumo: Este trabalho aborda o papel do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) após o golpe de Estado de março de 1964, especificamente durante as gestões Castelo Branco (1964- 1967) e Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que o órgão não é uma burocracia insulada, mas sim um órgão que pode, como qualquer outra instituição, assimilar interesses políticos e ideológicos dos governantes do momento e atuar em função destes. Argumentamos que isso vale também para seu comportamento nos anos de institucionalização do regime ditatorial no Brasil. Procuramos compreender como o Ministério se comportou analisando três processos principais: o expurgo realizado no órgão, a formulação da política externa do novo regime e o esforço de legitimação internacional do mesmo por meio da diplomacia. Para avaliar nossa hipótese, utilizamos a literatura especializada, os principais documentos oficiais do período e duas bases de dados exclusivas: a primeira, dos diplomatas brasileiros (1889 a 2010) e, a segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Com isso, a dissertação nos ajudará a compreender como o Itamaraty reagiu frente a mudanças do regime governamental e as consequências disso para a própria organização diplomática.
Abstract: This dissertation examines the role of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MREItamaraty) after the March 1964 coup d’État, specifically during the administrations of Castelo Branco (1964-1967) and Costa e Silva (1967-1969). We argue that the Ministry is not an insulated bureaucracy, but rather an organ that can, as any other government agency, assimilate the political and ideological interests of the ruling groups and act based on them. We argue that this holds true for its behavior during the institutionalization of the dictatorial regime in Brazil. We tried to understand how the MRE behaved through the analysis of three main processes: the purge carried out in the institution, the foreign policy formulation of the new regime, and its effort to gain international legitimacy through diplomacy. In order to evaluate our hypothesis, we used the specialized literature on the subject, the main official documents of the period, and two exclusive databases: the first, a database on Brazilian diplomats (from 1889 to 2010); the second, a database on foreign policy events (from 1930 to 1985). By doing so, this dissertation will help us understand how Itamaraty responded to regime changes and the consequences for the diplomatic organization itself.
Resumen: Este trabajo aborda el papel del Ministerio de las Relaciones Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) con posterioridad al golpe de Estado de marzo de 1964, específicamente durante las gestiones Castelo Branco (1964-1967) y Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que el órgano no es una burocracia aislada, mas que puede, como cualquier otra institución, asimilar intereses políticos e ideológicos de los gobernantes del momento y actuar en función de este. Argumentamos que eso vale también para su comportamiento en los años de institucionalización del régimen dictatorial en Brasil. Procuramos comprender como el Ministerio se comportó analizando tres procesos principales: la expurgación realizada en el órgano, la formulación de la política externa del nuevo régimen y el esfuerzo de legitimación internacional do mismo por medio de la diplomacia. Para evaluar nuestra hipótesis, utilizamos la literatura especializada, los principales documentos oficiales del período y dos bases de datos exclusivas: la primera, de los diplomáticos brasileros (1889 a 2010) y, la segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Con eso, la disertación nos ayudará a comprender como Itamaraty reaccionó frente a las mudanzas del régimen gubernamental y las consecuencias de esto para la propia organización diplomática.
Mestre
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Ito, Hikoko, and 伊藤彥子. "The Japanese Consulate and the Japanese Cultural Centre." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31982840.
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Gilodi, Alexis. "Agents de la République dans l’Empire ottoman (1875-1914) : aux avant-postes de la défense du rang de la France." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0001.
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Après la défaite désastreuse de 1870 contre la Prusse, la France se devait de retrouver son rang de grande puissance. L’expansion de son domaine colonial en fut l’un des moyens. Sa relation avec l’Empire ottoman entrait dans ce cadre, notamment sous la forme d’un impérialisme financier. En parallèle, une prépondérance culturelle française s’imposait aux élites ottomanes. La propagation de l’enseignement du français sur tout le territoire de l’Empire a été essentiellement le fait des congrégations catholiques, elles-mêmes sous la protection des consuls, armés par les Capitulations et dont les fonctions à caractère politique étaient amplifiées. Le réseau consulaire en Turquie se trouve alors le plus dense de toutes les autres puissances. L’un des axes de ce travail est l’examen de la cohérence entre les carrières des personnels nommés en Turquie et les spécificités d’un contexte oriental en pleine évolution. L’analyse des causes de la défaite avait mis en lumière les faiblesses des services extérieurs. La République a renforcé les conditions de recrutement des diplomates, des consuls et des drogmans tout en instaurant des parcours de carrière où la faveur n’avait plus sa place. Ces changements font l’objet d’une étude prosopographique. Les caractéristiques personnelles d’environ cinq cents agents et les éléments descriptifs de leur carrière sont collationnés dans une base de données destinées à des analyses statistiques. La répartition du corpus en quatre groupes selon quatre périodes de recrutement successives fait ressortir les évolutions intervenues. Pour un certain nombre de ces agents, l’examen de leurs biographies permet d’illustrer les résultats de la statistique ou de faire ressortir des exceptions significatives. Le réseau consulaire et ses hommes sont un moyen. Pour quelles fins ? Les objectifs stratégiques de la France visés par le déploiement de son réseau font l’objet d’une comparaison avec les différentes puissances. Leur rivalité en Orient a entravé la constitution d’alliances, autre pôle majeur de la politique extérieure française.L’étude de cas réalisée à propos du Liban et du consulat général à Beyrouth soulève la problématique du clientélisme et de la signification du concept d’influence, dans une région où les catholiques sont minoritaires en nombre et ont un pouvoir économique et politique faible. Se pose dès lors la question des rapports de la France avec le monde musulman, que l’arrivée au pouvoir des Jeunes Turcs exacerbeIn the aftermath of a disastrous defeat by Prussia in 1870, France sought, in part through the expansion of her colonial domain, to retrieve her position as a great power.Financial imperialism created a semi-colonial aspect to the relationship between France and the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, the embrace of French culture by the Ottoman elite enhanced this tie. The expansion of the teaching of French throughout the empire was largely the work of the Catholic Church under the protection of the French consuls, themselves armed with the Capitulations and consequentially politically empowered. Thus, the French consular network in Turkey became the most entrenched of all the powersOne aspect of this work is the examination of the coherence between the consular staff resident in Turkey and the cultural standards of an oriental society in the midst of rapid change. Analysis of the reasons for the failures in this regard brings to light weakness of the foreign service at the time. The Republican regime increased the requirements for diplomats, consuls and dragomans while setting career path insulated from favouritism. These changes have been analyzed through a prosopographic study. Personal data of nearly five hundred officers and the details of their careers have been input in a database for the purpose of statistical analysis. Splitting the corpus in four groups according to four successive recruiting periods shows the evolutions that took place. Biographies of a number of these officers have been written illustrating statistical results or showing off meaningful exceptions. The consular network is a means but to what end? France’s strategic objectives, and those of the other powers, that underlined the development of their networks have been analyzed in a comparative perspective. Their rivalries in the Middle East hindered France’s formation of alliances, though that was a major goal of her foreign policy.The case study regarding Lebanon and the consulate general in Beirut addresses the question of patronage and the significance of influence in a region where Catholics are a minority and hold a weak economic and political power. Thus, is raised the question of the relationship between France and the Muslim world, exacerbated by the rise to power of the Young Turks
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McElrea, Patrick D. "The office of the High Commissioner : Canada's public link to gentlemanly capitalism in the City of London, 1869-1885." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ29500.pdf.
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Zambo, Mveng Jean-Claude. "La protection des travailleurs migrants au Cameroun et en France : étude de droit international et de droit comparé." Thesis, Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20012.
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De par le monde, les intérêts des personnes travaillant à l’étranger sont tout à la fois méconnus et contestés. Le but de cette étude est de dégager les lignes de force qui sous-tendent, non sans contradictions ni crise la protection de ces personnes. En s’appuyant à la fois sur le droit (interne et international) camerounais et français, la thèse s’attache à démontrer que, nonobstant leur appartenance à des espaces géographiques différents et quel que soit leur niveau dedéveloppement économique, les Etats assurent un traitement juridique semblable aux migrants qui exercent une activité rémunérée sur leur territoire. La démarche d’ensemble de la prise en compte de la situation juridique des travailleursmigrants est caractérisée par le décalage qui existe entre un renforcement normatif de la protection d’une part et une effectivité limité de celle-ci d’autre part. Dans un premier temps, le renforcement du droit se déduit tout d’abord de ladiversité des règles juridiques applicables aux travailleurs migrants et de la dynamique des interactions entre celles-ci.Ensuite, l’affermissement de la protection résulte dune capacité de jouissance et d’exercice de droits par les travailleurs migrants de plus en plus étendue et d’une mise en balance (verticale ou horizontale) relativement harmonieuse desdroits reconnus. Dans un second temps, cette consolidation normative de la protection des travailleurs migrants peine à s’affirmer dans les faits. Cela tient avant tout au fait que les mécanismes de mise en oeuvre des droits des travailleursmigrants sont relativement insatisfaisants et que les acteurs concernés par cette protection sont inégalement impliqués. Le constat d’une effectivité limitée de la protection des travailleurs migrants découle aussi de la diversité des freins à laréalisation des droits des travailleurs migrants et des réformes à envisager dans l’optique d’une meilleure prise en compte des droits de cette catégorie de personnes. Au total, l’étude constitue un bilan particulièrement actuel des forces et des faiblesses (limites) du droit dans ces deux pays, pour autant que soit concerné la sauvegarde des intérêts de cette catégorie fragile de personnes que sont les travailleurs migrants. Elle permet de réaffirmer l’égalité juridique des individus, face à l’inégalité économique criarde des Etats. Ce qui conduit à conclure que, dans le domaine de la protection de l’humain, tous les Etats sont, àdivers degrés, sur un terrain d’apprentissage. C’est dire si le droit est lui-même un enjeu permanent de la protection de l’Homme en général et du travailleur migrant en particulierAll over the world, the interests of people working abroad are at once unknown and disputed. The purpose of this study is to identify the lines of force behind, not without contradictions crisis or protect these people. Based on French and Cameroon law ( domestic and international ), the thesis seeks to demonstrate that, despite their belonging to different geographical areas and whatever their level of economic development, states provide legal treatment similar to migrants who are gainfully employed in their territory. The overall approach of taking into account the legal status of migrant workers is characterized by the gap between normative strengthening protection on the one hand and limited effectiveness thereof other. At first, strengthening of the law is deduced firstly from the diversity of legal rules applicable to migrant workers and the dynamics of interactions between them. Second, the strengthening of protection results with a capacity of enjoyment and exercise of rights by migrant workers more scope and a balancing (vertical or horizontal) rather harmonious recognized rights. In a second step, this normative consolidation of protection of migrant workers sentence to assert the facts. This is primarily due to the fact that the mechanisms of implementation of the rights of migrant workers are relatively unsatisfactory and that the actors involved in this protection are unequallyinvolved. The finding of limited effectiveness of the protection of migrant workers also stems from the diversity of obstacles to realizing the rights of migrant workers and to consider reforms in the context of a greater consideration of the rights of this category of people. In short, the study is a particularly current assessment of strengths and weaknesses of the law in both countries, so far as is concerned to safeguard the interests of this vulnerable category of people that are migrant workers. It helps to reaffirm the legal equality of individuals facing the screaming economic inequality states. This leads to the conclusion that in the field of protection of human, all states are, to varying degrees, on a training ground. That is,if the law itself is an ongoing issue for the protection of human rights in general and migrant workers in particular
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Eicher, Michael. "Protecting diplomats in Iraq what can the U.S. Department of State do to improve it's management and oversight of security contractors in Iraq? /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491053.
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Therrien, Marie-Josée. "Au-delà des frontières, l'architecture des chancelleries canadiennes, 1930-1992." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ39399.pdf.
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GUESSGEN, Florian. "Resources for Europe? The transformation of foreign service organization(s) in France and Germany in the light of the construction of a European diplomatic capability." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5135.
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Defence date: 3 June 2002Examining board: Prof. Knud Erik Jørgensen (Univ. of Aaarhus) ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil (Univ. of Munich) ; Prof. Daniel Verdier (EUI, Supervisor) ; Prof. Jan Zielonka (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Tindall, Karen. "Understanding and evaluating large-scale consular emergency response." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149640.
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With increasingly mobile societies and greater global interconnectedness, international travel has become cheaper and more streamlined. The number of individuals travelling across increasingly permeable borders continues to grow. Large-scale consular emergencies occur when a large number of foreign nationals are under threat or in distress following a natural disaster, terrorist attack, or escalation of unrest abroad. Presented in a 'thesis by publication' format, this dissertation examines how governments, and in particular foreign ministries, respond to incidents abroad affecting a large number of foreign nationals; the strategic and operational challenges they face in implementing these responses; and how the 'consular' nature of this class of emergency that spans the domestic and international arena, shapes these challenges and response patterns. Drawing on data from Australia, Sweden and the United Kingdom, this dissertation examines the role and performance of foreign ministries during responses to three major incidents abroad: the 2002 Bali bombings, the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and the 2006 evacuations from Lebanon. This dissertation sought to understand and evaluate government policies and practices with respect to large-scale consular emergency response, and draw attention to the foreign component of the typically domestic crisis management function of government. In the international environment of large-scale responses, governments have to work and contend with numerous actors. The scale of the emergency necessitates that bureaucracies engage in coordinated whole-of-government responses. Responses spanning both the domestic and international arena require coordinated action between foreign ministry headquarters and personnel abroad, and require cooperation with actors not normally involved in domestic emergencies. Managing distance in large-scale consular emergency responses encompasses more than physical and logistical distance. The challenge of assisting citizens whose emotions may be affected by the foreignness of the environment, or by feelings of connectedness despite the physical distance, necessitates a response that incorporates both pragmatism and compassion. Governments mounting large-scale responses also have to contend with the expectations of the citizenry, which often go beyond what governments are capable of delivering outside their national territories. Deconstructing large-scale consular emergency response into constituent challenges provides a framework in which to assess the responses. Large-scale consular emergencies test the limits of bureaucratic reach, highlight the relationship between the citizen and the state, and engage the political sphere with questions of how far a government should go to assist citizens. -- provided by Candidate.
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Bester, Petrus Cornelius. "A South African woman's experience of expatriate adjustment." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/632.
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A preliminary review of the literature on cultural or expatriate adjustment with regard to the spouses of diplomatic personnel, such as the military attaché, clearly indicated a gap in the existing knowledge scholars have of the adjustment experiences of spouses of expatriate managers. The aim of this study was exploring and describing one South African expatriate’s wife’s authentic experiences of expatriate adjustment to India. A modernist qualitative methodology with symbolic interactionism as theoretical framework and interpretivist constructivism as research paradigm was employed. The case study was used as qualitative research strategy and the life history was used as the qualitative research technique. Purposeful sampling was employed. Plummer’s (2001) critical humanism was included to reflect the flavour of the diversity of frameworks available to life history researchers. Data were obtained from solicited and unsolicited sources. This yielded a life history with rich descriptive data that were systematically analysed with the grounded theory technique proposed by Strauss and Corbin (1990, 1998). A conceptual framework was compiled and used to substantiate the finding by means of a literature review, the identification of the core category, and finally the development of a substantive theory called: a transitional theory of spousal expatriate adjustment. Guidelines proposed in the literature were followed to ensure the authenticity, trustworthiness and credibility of the study. The findings provided some understanding of how wives of military attaché’s experience the process of expatriate adjustment. Recommendations were made to improve current practice. The study also made a methodological contribution to the local study of Industrial and Organisational Psychology and in particular International Human Resources Management. Recommendations are made for future research.Prof. Willem Schurink
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Osborne, Edward C. "Pragmatic hawk Joseph C. Grew and the retention of the Emperor, 1942-1945 /." 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/36326616.html.
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Bamba, Djeneba. "Intercultural communication between french-speaking and non-french-speaking employees at a west African embassy in Pretoria." 2015. http://encore.tut.ac.za/iii/cpro/DigitalItemViewPage.external?sp=1001840.
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M. Tech. Language PracticeThis study seeks to investigate intercultural communication between employees at a French-speaking West African embassy in Pretoria. Thirty (30) research participants were selected by means of convenient and voluntary sampling techniques. The study followed a qualitative case study research approach, and used three instruments to collect its data: observation, recording and interviews. It analysed its data through conversational and content analyses. The findings of this study aimed to improve intercultural communication interaction between French and non-French-speaking employees in order to promote a friendlier intercultural environment.
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OSTERBERG, Oscar. "The promotion of a new state : a study of the Czechoslovak public diplomacy in Sweden, 1920-1938." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5928.
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Defence date: 27 September 2004Examining board: Prof. Peter Becker (European University Institute) - supervisor ; Prof. Bo Stråth (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philip Taylor (University of Leeds) ; Prof. Kristian Gerner (University of Lund)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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"A historical analysis of the emerging links between the Ottoman Empire and South Africa between 1861-1923." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/3241.
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Brewis, Anton. "Culture shock as part of a cultural diversity training programme in the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) : a critical analysis." Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25582.
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In a survey conducted, as part of this research, 83,33% of participating South African
diplomats indicated that the effects of cultural diversity and culture shock are
underestimated. As South African diplomats are expected by the Department of
International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) to work effectively in a crosscultural
environment abroad, the psychological disorientation caused by culture
shock could have a negative effect when working and living abroad. Severe culture
shock could cause a high level of strain, which could influence the ability of diplomats
to adapt effectively abroad, including spouse or partner dissatisfaction resulting from
culture shock depression. This could lead to a diplomat requesting to return to his or
her home country, with the associated high financial costs.
Cultural diversity training is defined by various authors as one aspect that could
assist in minimising culture shock since training provides knowledge, insight and
skills to deal with the negative effects of culture shock when deployed abroad.
Furthermore, the South African Public Service Act [1994] requires that human
resource managers within government departments, such as DIRCO, have the
responsibility to ensure that staff are effectively utilised and trained.
The question that subsequently directed this research was the following: What should
be included in the curriculum of a training programme aimed at minimising culture
shock among South African diplomats? The research assessed the current culture
shock training programme at DIRCO against international best practice, and it was
found that a cultural diversity training programme in culture shock should comprise
specific fundamentals, components and defining attributes relevant to definitions and
explanations on culture, culture-specific information, cross-cultural skills, conflict
resolution and dealing with culture shock in terms of cultural diversity, which has the
potential of reducing culture shock among South African diplomats effectively.
This research also found that there appears to be a gap in the scholarly literature and
knowledge within the field of Public Administration on the defining attributes of a
cultural diversity training programme with the potential of reducing culture shock
among diplomats. Ongoing research is encouraged and recommended in this particular field of study within the public sector.Public Administration
D.P.A.
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Wichhart, Stefanie Katharine. "Intervention : Britain, Egypt, and Iraq during World War II /." Thesis, 2007. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2007/wichharts70798/wichharts70798.pdf#page=3.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Texas at Austin, 2007.Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 420-428). Available electronically via the University of Texas at Austin's web site.