Academic literature on the topic 'Diplomatia'

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Journal articles on the topic "Diplomatia"

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Lalaki, Despina. "Techni kai psychropolemiki diplomatia: Diethneis eikastikes ektheseis stin Athina (1950–1967) (‘Art and Cold War diplomacy: International art exhibitions in Athens [1950–1967]’), Areti Adamopoulou (2019)." Journal of Greek Media & Culture 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc_00071_5.

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Review of: Techni kai psychropolemiki diplomatia: Diethneis eikastikes ektheseis stin Athina (1950–1967) (‘Art and Cold War diplomacy: International art exhibitions in Athens [1950–1967]’), Areti Adamopoulou (2019) Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 420 pp., ISBN 978-9-60122-444-2, p/bk, €32.00
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Elo, Mika. "Stengersin kosmopolitiikka ja taiteellisen tutkimuksen tiedolliset sitoumukset." Tiede & edistys, no. 4 (February 7, 2022): 266–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.51809/te.114365.

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Tieteenfilosofi Isabelle Stengersin ajattelu on saanut enenevässä määrin huomiota osakseen myös taiteiden alueella. Tämä artikkeli suhteuttaa Stengersin kosmopolitiikan ydinkysymyksiä taiteelliseen tutkimukseen ja tarkastelee tätä osana laajempaa taidetutkimuksen ekologiaa. Artikkeli erittelee erilaisten tutkimusjärjestelyjen reunaehtoja ja niiden keskinäisiä suhteita Stengersin käytänteiden ekologian valossa. Erityisen huomion kohteena on kysymys taiteiden yhteiskunnallisen aseman transformaatiosta, jota ruokkivat taiteellisen toiminaan tiedollisiin ulottuvuuksiin liittyvät pohdinnat, kokeilut ja institutionaaliset järjestelyt. Artikkeli osoittaa, että Stengersin kosmopolitiikka haastaa kysymään, miten taiteellinen tutkimus voisi entistä paremmin asemoida itsensä ei ainoastaan taidemaailman ja yliopistomaailman rajapinnalle vaan myös suhteessa muihin yhteiskunnallisiin konteksteihin. Stengersin ajattelun innoittamana artikkeli hahmottelee taiteiden alueelle moniarvoista tutkimuskulttuuria, jonka keskeisiä aineksia olisivat eritysisyyden arvostus, riskinotto ja diplomatia.
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Rikkonen, Lassi, and Pekka Isotalus. "Twitter-diplomatiasta." Prologi 18, no. 1 (November 28, 2022): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33352/prlg.119361.

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Kansainvälisten suhteiden viestintäympäristö on käynyt viime vuosikymmenten aikana läpi valtavia muutoksia. Viime vuosina erityistä huomiota on saanut Twitterin nousu julkisen diplomatian ja maailmanpolitiikan merkittäväksi areenaksi. Valtiojohtajat, hallitukset ja ulkoministeriöt ympäri maailman ovat valinneet Twitterin keskeiseksi sosiaalisen median viestintäkanavakseen. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan suomalaisten ulkopolitiikan ammattilaisten (N = 125) viestintätoimijuutta ja vuorovaikutusosallisuutta Twitterissä. Lisäksi tavoitteena oli tutkia heidän käsityksiään Twitter-diplomatian hyödyistä Suomen kannalta. Viestintätoimijuuden suhteen tarkastelun keskipisteessä olivat henkilökohtaiselle osallistumiselle annetut merkitykset. Vuorovaikutusosallisuus taas liittyy ennen kaikkea yksilön kykyyn olla osana viestintätilannetta ja siten suhteessa muihin viestijöihin. Se tarjoaakin Twitter-diplomatiaan osallistumista selventävän käsitteellisen viitekehyksen, koska siinä ilmenevät viestintäosaamisen kaikki tasot tulkintaosaamisesta viestiosaamiseen. Twitter-diplomatian hyötyjen osalta tarkastelun kohteena olivat mediajulkisuuteen, suhteiden rakentamiseen sekä maineeseen ja maakuvaan liittyvät asiat. Verkkokyselylomakkeella kerätyn aineiston analyysissa yhdisteltiin määrällisiä ja laadullisia tutkimusmenetelmiä. Tulosten mukaan Twitteriä työssään käyttävät diplomaatit ja muut ulkopolitiikan ammattilaiset suhtautuvat positiivisesti sen tarjoamiin hyötyihin julkisen diplomatian kannalta. Osallistujat jaoteltiin viestintätoimijuuden suhteen kolmeen viestijätyyppiin riippuen siitä, korostuivatko heidän vastauksissaan vuorovaikutukseen (julkiset diplomaatit) vai viestinnän näkyvyyteen ja tehokkuuteen (tiedottaja-diplomaatit) liittyvät asiat tai pitivätkö he henkilökohtaista osallistumista lainkaan tärkeänä (häivediplomaatit). Vuorovaikutusosallisuus oli sitä korkeampaa, mitä tärkeämpänä henkilökohtaista osallistumista pidettiin. Vuorovaikutusosallisuus oli myös yhteydessä korkeampiin arvioihin Twitter-diplomatian kokonaishyödyistä sekä suhteiden rakentamiseen ja ylläpitoon liittyvistä hyödyistä.
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Poggiolini, Ilaria. "LA DIPLOMAZIA PUBBLICA È IMPORTANTE? IL DIBATTITO SUI TEMI E GLI ATTORI DELLA DIPLOMAZIA PUBBLICA IMPEGNO DIPLOMATICO PUBBLICO." Il Politico 254, no. 1 (June 7, 2021): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2021.558.

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A seconda di come definiamo la diplomazia pubblica (PD), le sue radici possono essere fatte risalire al periodo tra le due guerre, agli anni '40, o più recentemente, agli anni '60 e all'era post guerra fredda. Attualmente, politici, diplomatici e studiosi sono sempre più attratti, interessati e coinvolti nella pratica e nella teoria di questo campo impegnativo e in rapidissimo sviluppo. L'accademia, così come il mondo della politica e della diplomazia, si stanno sforzando di capire da un lato, modellare e influenzare dall'altro, il flusso di impegno diplomatico pubblico che può lanciare e sostenere molteplici dialoghi con i pubblici stranieri in una strada a doppio senso senza precedenti, ma anche, inevitabilmente, permette al lato oscuro della disinformazione e della propaganda di trarre vantaggio da un ambiente diplomatico sempre più digitalizzato.
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Nurhartanto, Gregorius Sri. "DIPLOMATIC‌ ‌IMMUNITIES‌ ‌FROM‌ ‌THE‌ ‌PERSPECTIVE‌ ‌OF‌ ‌ CRIMINAL,‌ ‌CIVIL,‌ ‌AND‌ ‌ADMINISTRATIVE‌ ‌JURISDICTIONS‌ ‌ OF‌ ‌THE‌ ‌RECEIVING‌ ‌STATE‌." TANJUNGPURA LAW JOURNAL 5, no. 1 (April 9, 2021): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/tlj.v5i1.46220.

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AbstractA diplomatic mission is the representative of the sending state in the receiving state to carry out a sacred mission. For supporting the functions, diplomatic missions and diplomatic agents are given privileges and immunities rights. The privileges and immunities rights are not for individual diplomatic agents, but more importantly for the benefit of the mission as a whole. The consequence of having the privileges and immunities rights is the diplomatic missions and diplomatic agents are excluded from the local jurisdiction of the receiving state in the areas of criminal, civil and administrative law. This consequence creates complexity for the receiving country to follow up on diplomatic officials and their families if there is a violation or abuse of diplomatic immunity and privileges. There are some exceptions in world history where diplomatic officials can be followed up by recipient countries which can set a precedent for diplomatic immunity and privileges.AbstrakMisi diplomatik adalah misi resmi negara pengirim di negara penerima yang mengemban misi suci. Guna menunjang kelancaran tugas misi diplomatik maka misi diplomatik dan pejabat diplomatik diberikan hak-hak kekebalan dan keistimewaan. Hak-hak kekebalan dan keistimewaan itu bukan semata-mata untuk diri pejabat diplomatik maupun anggota keluarganya, tetapi yang lebih penting adalah untuk kepentingan misi secara keseluruhan. Konsekuensi dari dimilikinya hak-hak kekebalan dan keistimewaan tersebut adalah misi diplomatik dan pejabat diplomatik beserta anggota keluarganya dikecualikan dari yurisdiksi lokal negara penerima baik di area hukum pidana, perdata maupun acara. Konsekuensi ini mengakibatkan kompleksitas bagi negara penerima untuk menindak lanjuti pejabat diplomatik beserta keluarganya bila terjadi suatu pelanggaran maupun penyalahgunaan kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik tersebut. Terdapat beberapa pengecualian terjadi di dalam sejarah dunia dimana pejabat diplomatik dapat ditindak lanjuti oleh negara penerima yang dapat menjadi preseden terkait kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik.
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Gunawarman, Irsyad Prabowo, Wisnu Aryo Dewanto, and Suhariwanto Suhariwanto. "Kekebalan Diplomatik dalam Transaksi Komersial." KELUWIH: Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 1, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24123/soshum.v1i2.3333.

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Abstract—Diplomatic immunity and privilege which is arranged in the Vienna Convention 1961 is very important in ensuring the enactment of diplomatic functions in doing the mission. The abuse of immunity and privilege owned by the diplomatic representative often happens. Diplomatic representative abuse their rights in the form of mild violation to heavy crime. There have been cases on the abuse of diplomatic immunity in commercial transaction related to the civil jurisdiction immunity of the country the diplomat assigned in. The landlord in the country who rent their property to the diplomatic representative have become the victim in the abuse of diplomatic immunity. There was a diplomatic representative who refused to pay the rent because of diplomatic immunity reason and eventually managed to escape from the obligation to pay for the commercial transaction due to the protection of the immunity and privilege Keywords: abuse, diplomatic immunity, commercial transaction Abstrak—Kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik yang diatur di dalam Konvensi Wina 1961 merupakan hal yang sangat penting untuk menjamin pelaksanaan fungsi diplomat dalam menjalankan misinya. Penyalahgunaan kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimiliki perwakilan diplomatik masih sering terjadi. Perwakilan diplomatik menyalahgunakannya dalam bentuk pelanggaran ringan hingga kejahatan yang berat. Dalam perkembangannya, telah terjadi kasus penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik dalam transaksi komersial yang berkaitan dengan kekebalan yurisdiksi sipil negara penerima. Para tuan tanah dari negara penerima yang menyewakan propertinya kepada perwakilan diplomatik menjadi korban dalam penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik. Ada perwakilan diplomatik yang menolak membayar biaya sewa dengan alasan kekebalan diplomatik yang pada akhirnya lolos dari kewajibannya untuk membayar transaksi komersial karena berlindung pada kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimilikinya Kata kunci: penyalahgunaan, kekebalan diplomatik, transaksi komersial
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Putri, Janardana, and I. Made Budi Arsika. "Pemberian Suaka Diplomatik dalam Hukum Internasional: Dilema antara Aspek Kemanusiaan dan Tensi Hubungan Bilateral." Undang: Jurnal Hukum 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 293–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/ujh.5.2.293-323.

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Diplomatic asylum is a practice of granting international protection outside of state territory which is often carried out based on the extraterritorial theory and the principle of inviolability possessed by a state to carry out its diplomatic mission. In several cases, diplomatic asylum is sometimes regarded as reducing the sovereignty of a state which potentially leads to increasing bilateral tensions. However, humanity considerations as the reasons behind the granting of diplomatic asylum are appreciated by the international society. This article aims to discuss the existence of diplomatic asylum from the perspective of sovereignty and the legitimacy of diplomatic officials to grant diplomatic asylum. This article concludes that international law generally places state sovereignty and non-intervention as fundamental principles that must be respected. Both the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (1963) do not specifically regulate the issue of diplomatic asylum, therefore, its legal basis often refers to state practices. The granting of diplomatic asylum that is not based on humanity's interest may raise a controversy under international law. Instruments of international human rights law justify for diplomatic officials to grant asylum to people in need, especially in critical situations that threaten the safety of that person. Abstrak Suaka diplomatik merupakan praktik pemberian perlindungan internasional di luar wilayah teritorial suatu negara yang kerap dilakukan atas dasar eksistensi teori ekstrateritorial dan prinsip inviolabilitas yang dimiliki oleh suatu negara untuk melaksanakan misi diplomatiknya. Dalam beberapa kasus, pemberian suaka diplomatik terkadang dianggap mereduksi kedaulatan suatu negara sehingga berpotensi meningkatkan tensi hubungan bilateral. Hanya saja, dalil kepentingan kemanusiaan sebagai dasar pemberian suaka diplomatik justru diapresiasi oleh masyarakat internasional. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas mengenai eksistensi suaka diplomatik yang ditinjau dari perspektif kedaulatan dan legitimasi pejabat diplomatik untuk memberikan suaka diplomatik. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa hukum internasional pada umumnya menempatkan kedaulatan negara dan non-intervensi sebagai prinsip-prinsip penting yang harus dihormati. Baik Konvensi Wina mengenai Hubungan Diplomatik (1961) maupun Konvensi Wina mengenai Hubungan Konsuler (1963), tidaklah secara spesifik mengatur persoalan suaka diplomatik, oleh karenanya suaka diplomatik berkembang pada praktik negara-negara. Pemberian suaka diplomatik yang tidak didasarkan dengan kepentingan kemanusiaan dapat memunculkan kontroversi dalam hukum internasional. Instrumen hukum hak asasi manusia internasional memberikan justifikasi bagi pejabat diplomatik untuk memberikan suaka kepada orang yang membutuhkan, khususnya dalam situasi genting yang mengancam keselamatan orang tersebut.
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Zainol, Siti Zulfa Palem, and Izziah Suryani Mat Resad@Arshad. "PENGARUH HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK TURKI DAN JEPUN TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI JEPUN[THE INFLUENCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP OF TURKEY AND JAPAN ON ISLAMIC DEVELOPMENT IN JAPAN]." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol2iss2pp139-154.

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This paper reviews the development of diplomatic relation between the Turkish and Japanese governments in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the 19th century, the diplomatic relation involved the Turkish Ottoman Empire and the kingdom of Emperor Meiji. In the 20th century, it involved the Republic Turkey government and the Japanese government. In addition, this article explores the various factors and efforts made by the two governments to contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relation between Turkey and Japan. This qualitative research used secondary resources collected from books, articles and theses. The findings reveal that diplomatic relation between Ottoman and Japanese governments had many positive impacts on the development of Islam in Japan. The fall of the Ottoman Empire did not stop this diplomatic relation. In 1924, the Turkish Republic continued diplomatic ties with Japan until 1945 but the diplomatic ties ceased as a result of the Second World War. This paper concludes that the diplomatic relation between the two governments has influenced the development of Islam in Japan through the formation of Islamic community, the construction of mosques and the translation of the Qur'an.Keywords: Diplomatic relationship, Turkey, Japan, Islamic community, Islamic developmentCite as: Palem Zainol, S.Z., & Mat Resad@Arshad, I.S. (2017). Pengaruh hubungan diplomatik Turki dan Jepun terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun [The influence of diplomatic relationship of Turkey and Japan on Islamic development in Japan]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 139-154. AbstrakKertas kerja ini menerangkan pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-19 dan ke-20. Permulaan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun berlaku melalui dua era pemerintahan. Era pertama adalah empayar Uthmaniyyah dan empayar Maharaja Meiji pada abad ke-19 dan era kedua adalah kerajaan Republik Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-20. Di samping itu, artikel ini menerokai kepelbagaian faktor dan usaha yang dibuat oleh kedua-dua kerajaan untuk menyumbang kepada permbentukan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan Jepun. Kajian kualitatif ini menggunakan sumber sekunder yang dikumpul daripada buku-buku, artikel-artikel dan tesis-tesis. Hasil kajian ini mendedahkan bahawa perkembangan hubungan empayar Uthmaniyyah dan kerajaan Jepun mempunyai banyak kesan positif terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun. Kejatuhan empayar Uthmaniyyah tidak menghentikan hubungan diplomatik ini. Pada tahun 1924, kemunculan kerajaan Republik Turki tetap meneruskan hubungan diplomatik dengan Jepun sehingga tahun 1945 tetapi hubungan diplomatik ini terhenti akibat Perang Dunia Kedua. Dapatlah disimpulkan bahawa pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kedua-dua kerajaan telah membawa kepada perkembangan Islam di Jepun melalui pembentukan organisasi masyarakat Islam, pembinaan masjid dan terjemahan al-Qur'an.Kata Kunci: Hubungan diplomatik, Turki, Jepun, masyarakat Islam, pembangunan Islam
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Pajtinka, Erik. "Diplomatic Support of Arms Trade: an Agenda of Military Diplomacy and Military Diplomats?" Vojenské rozhledy 26, no. 1 (February 27, 2017): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.26.2017.01.052-063.

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Nte, Ngboawaji Daniel, Oluka Nduka Lucas, Awajiowa Daniel Nte, and Awwal Isah. "The Dynamics And Vicissitudes of China- India Relations in The Post-2017 Border Conflict." Jurnal Global & Strategis 15, no. 2 (October 11, 2021): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.15.2.2021.429-450.

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This study argued that one of the primary reasons China-India renewed diplomatic intercourse after the border conflict of 2017 was the fear of emergent cross-border terrorism in the Southern Asia region. It also argued that, although both nations have different approaches to terrorism, there was a need for a collective fight against the emerging cross-border terrorist groups believed to have been strengthened by ISIS affiliation. Furthermore, the study revealed that India and China’s rising economic posture contributed to the renewed diplomatic ties. On these premises, this study is posed to examine the reasons and benefits of China-India’s renewed economic, diplomatic intercourse after the border conflict of 2017.Keywords: China-India, Economic Relations, Diplomatic Relations, Cross- border terrorismTulisan ini berargumen bahwa salah satu alasan utama China-India memperbarui hubungan diplomatik setelah konflik perbatasan tahun 2017adalah karena ketakutan akan terorisme lintas batas yang muncul di kawasan Asia Selatan. Tulisan ini juga berpendapat bahwa, meskipun kedua negara memiliki pendekatan berbeda terhadap terorisme, ada kebutuhan untuk perjuangan kolektif melawan kelompok teroris lintas batas yang diyakini telah diperkuat oleh afiliasi ISIS. Lebih lanjut, tulisan ini mengungkapkan bahwa postur ekonomi India dan China yang sedang rising berkontribusi terhadap hubungan diplomatik kedua negara paska konflik perbatasan 2017. Berdasarkan premis-premis tersebut, penelitian ini diajukan untuk mengkaji alasan dan manfaat hubungan ekonomi dan diplomatik China-India yang diperbarui setelah konflik perbatasan tahun 2017.Kata-kata Kunci: China, India, Hubungan Ekonomi, Hubungan Diplomatik, Terorisme lintas batas
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Diplomatia"

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Bély, Lucien. "Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37602781m.

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Bély, Lucien. "Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010635.

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Ce travail ne vise pas à faire l'histoire des solutions diplomatiques imposées à Utrecht, mais il tente de lier l'histoire des négociations et des négociateurs aux réalités sociales, économiques, et politiques qui étaient celles de ce temps. Tous les éléments biographiques ont été rassemblés sur les origines sociales et les carrières des diplomates au début du XVIIIe siècle. Dans un second temps, à travers les correspondances politiques (affaires étrangères, Paris ; P. R. O. , londrès; Bodleian library, oxford; A. R. A. , La Haye; A. S. V. , Rome), l'étude a porté sur le travail du congrès d'Utrecht. Comme c'était une réunion internationale, la vie sociale était considérée comme un support des discussions. Il est important de voir comment les négociateurs jugeaient le rassemblement d'Utrecht et quels étaient les moyens qu'ils avaient de comprendre et de défendre des problèmes politiques (Quelle langue utiliser? Quelle documentation? Que faut-il écrire? Quelle attitude adopter en public?). Enfin les échanges quotidiens de lettres permettent de cerner comment ces spécialités de la paix se représentaient l'organisation des états européens. Dans un troisième temps, l'information secrète a retenu l'attention, car les diplomates voulaient être bien informés. Au portrait du "bon espion" qu'ils faisaient, on a opposé celui que brossait la police. Les réseaux d'espionnage, les méthodes du renseignement, la substance de l'information ont été ensuite abordés. Enfin, par le biais de la propagande, c'est l'utilisation et la manipulation de la nouvelle qui ont été étudiées. Un congrès est destiné à bâtir une paix: voilà pourquoi Utrecht est une occasion de considérer les rapports entre la paix et la guerre dans les sociétés anciennes. Le traité de 1713 a été permis par un accord commercial anglo-espagnol : les questions économiques ont donc joué un rôle important dans la négociation et il est utile de voir comment ces domaines étaient décrits par les diplomates. La guerre transformait aussi les voyages qui ont pu être approchés par le journal d'un précepteur anglais et une liste des passeports pour 1712. L'installation de la paix demandait du temps et sa célébration était un moyen d'interesser les peuples à un tel évènement politique. Enfin le début du XVIIIe siècle, avec l’abbé de Saint-Pierre, a vu s'amorcer une vaste réflexion sur les fondements d'une paix durable
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Medeiros, Fernanda Luíza Silva de. "Feminizando a diplomacia : um estudo das narrativas de mulheres diplomatas." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/31580.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2017.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES).
Uma série de estudos indica que o campo diplomático foi construído como uma estrutura voltada para os homens, como o foram várias áreas da esfera pública. O resultado disso são barreiras e constrangimentos de gênero que prejudicam as chances das mulheres de entrar e progredir nesta carreira. Este efeito também colabora para a percepção geral do meio diplomático como um ambiente masculinizado e fechado às mulheres. Desse modo, essa dissertação busca mostrar e discutir as narrativas das mulheres diplomatas de maneira a contrastar suas vivências com as perspectivas e abordagens teóricas que lidam com a referida estrutura na qual atuam Para alcançar este objetivo, foram conduzidas entrevistas profundas com dezesseis diplomatas estrangeiras residentes em Brasília, com o fim de captar e analisar narrativas relativas a diferentes serviços diplomáticos, bem como apontar tendências que poderiam contribuir para o entendimento e mudança da estrutura de gênero por meio do método de análise de narrativas.
There are several studies implying that the diplomatic field was built as a male-oriented structure, catered by and for men – as were several other areas of the public sphere. This results in gendered constraints and barriers that jeopardize women’s entry and advancement in this career. It also furthers the perception of diplomacy as a masculine environment that is hostile to women. Considering this, this dissertation aims at displaying and discussing women diplomats’ narratives under this structure. To achieve this goal, in-depth interviews were conducted with sixteen foreign diplomats stationed in Brasília, Brazil, to apprehend and analyze experiences stemming from different foreign services, as well as to point out tendencies that could help in assessing and modifying this gendered structure through the narrative analysis approach.
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Liutkutė, Laura. "Igno Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla 1954-1959 m." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130604_234838-19744.

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Ignas Šeinius – diplomatas, atstovavęs Lietuvą tarpukariu, 1927 m. veiklą nutraukęs, o po Lietuvos okupacijos prisijungęs prie Lietuvos diplomatinės tarnybos (LDT), kurioje kartu su kitais jos nariais kėlė Lietuvos laisvinimo bylą ir reprezentavo tėvynės vardą Vakarų šalyse. Tačiau I. Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla iki šiol nėra susilaukusi platesnių tyrinėjimų. Greičiausiai viena iš šių tyrinėjimų stokos priežasčių yra tai, kad I. Šeiniaus archyvai ilgai buvo saugomi Švedijoje, ne Lietuvoje. 2011 m. įvykęs jų pargabenimas į Lietuvą sąlygojo naujų istoriografinių tyrinėjimų apie šio diplomato veiklą atsiradimą. Taigi šio darbo tikslas yra išnagrinėti I. Šeiniaus diplomatinę veiklą Švedijoje 1954-1959 m. Didžioji dalis duomenų paimti iš LCVA saugomo I. Šeiniaus fondo 675. Prisijungti prie LDT 1954 m. I. Šeinius buvo paprašytas Stasio Lozoraičio, buvusiam Lietuvos atstovui Švedijoje Vladui Žilinskui išvykus į JAV. Visą atstovavimo laikotarpį I. Šeinius dirbo kaip neoficialus Lietuvos atstovas Skandinavijos valstybėse. Jo veikla rėmėsi keliais pagrindiniais principais: bendradarbiavimu su LDT nariais, iš kurių stipriausi ir nuolatiniai kontaktai buvo palaikomi su LDT šefu S. Lozoraičiu, įvairių Lietuvos laisvinimui svarbių švenčių ir minėjimų organizavimu, politinių įvykių stėbėjimu atstovaujamojoje šalyje ir nuolatiniu pranešinėjimu apie tai kitose šalyse reziduojantiems Lietuvos diplomatams, taip pat naudingų kontaktų atstovaujamai šaliai užmezgimu ir palaikymu bei rūpinimusi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Ignas Scheynius – the diplomat, represented Lithuania in interwar period, after 1927 years he suspended that activity, but after Lithuanian occupation came back and attached to Lithuanian Diplomatic Servise (LDS), where he, together with others members of LDS, raised Lithuanian liberation case and represented Lithuanian name to the West countries. But I. Scheynius diplomatic activity was not explored very widely. Possibly, the one reason of the lack of that kind researches is that the archives of I. Scheynius long time were kept in Sweden, not in Lithuania. In 2011 they were brought to Lithuania and that caused the appearance of new historiography researches about I. Scheynius diplomatic activity. Therefore the aim of this paper is to investigate the diplomatic activity of I. Scheynius in 1954-1959 years. To reach the aim was analysed the documents of I. Scheynius activity saved in Office of the Chief Archivist of Lithuania, number of fund 675. To join to LDS in 1954 I. Scheynius was asked by LDS chief Stasys Lozoraitis, after the last representative in Sweden V. Žilinskas moved to USA. All the time of his agency I. Scheynius worked as unofficial Lithuanian representative in Skandinavia. There was a few main rules of the activity of I. Sheynius: collaboration with others LDS members, of which the strongest and most steady connection was with LDS chief S. Lozoraitis, concerning about the organization of celebrations and commemorations important to Lithuanian liberation... [to full text]
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Damberg, Elin. "Tyst diplomati : En jämförande fallstudie som skildrar den tysta diplomatin som förhandlingsstrategi i konfliktlösningar." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48779.

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Through an older study auspices, awakened an interest to study how the statesmen manage the world order. The answer has its starting point in diplomacy. This paper will focus on the most criticized and controversial branch of diplomacy: the quiet diplomacy. The quiet diplomacy is a deemed confidential and flexible method that is adopted for particularly sensitive conflict resolutions, which takes place at an intergovernmental level. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the diplomatic process in three journalistic cases. Although, these cases are different in one significant standing, one resemblance may be noticed. All cases encompass a quiet diplomacy. Have the quiet diplomacy developed opportunities or obstacles in the various mediation activities? Theories in the form of analysis dimensions serve as the framework in this paper and are tasked to derive the concept through the respective cases.
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Tischer, Anuschka. "Französische Diplomatie und Diplomaten auf dem Westfälischen Friedenskongress : Außenpolitik unter Richelieu und Mazarin /." Münster : Aschendorff, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37218724r.

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Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn, 1998. Titre de soutenance : Außenpolitik von Richelieu zu Mazarin : französische Diplomatie und Diplomaten auf dem Westfälischen Friedenskongress.
Bibliogr. p. 439-467. Index.
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Fonseca, Gabrieli Aparecida da. "Identificação documental em arquivos pessoais : possibilidades, convergências e desafios /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/150780.

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Orientador: Sonia Maria Troitiño Rodriguez
Banca: Telma Campanha de Carvalho Madio
Banca: Ana Célia Rodrigues
Resumo: The present dissertation deals with Archival Identification in Personal Papers, through the analysis of the specific situation in this file type, especially with regard to documentary production and recovery of principle of provenance. Thus, we seek to trace a brief history, conceptualization and analysis of Archival Identification indicated in the national and international literature, based on the research of Brazil and Spain. Also points up the relationship between the Archival Identification and the principles, functions and methods of Archival Science. Turning specifically to the case of personal papers, which have a remarkable difference in their composition. Thus, it is proposed to reflect the issues surrounding personal papers. It is thus a theoretical research that has as object the personal papers, following the Total Archives approach, which comprises the integration of the files and documentary treatment. It is thus possible to see how the theory is important in the development of practice, considering that design differences can result in different specific effects. In this sense, it is expected that the critical analysis grounded in theoretical basis of different understandings of Archival Identification and establishment of the Personal Papers can potentially contribute to the development of Archival science while science, including by making possible greater concreteness to practical application of archival doings.
Abstract: A presente dissertação trata a respeito da Identificação Documental em arquivos pessoais, através da análise das especificidades existentes nesse tipo de arquivo, especialmente no que se refere à produção documental e recuperação do princípio de proveniência. Assim, buscou-se traçar um breve histórico, conceituação e análise da Identificação Documental na literatura nacional e internacional, tomando como base as pesquisas de Brasil e Espanha. Ressalta-se também a relação existente entre a Identificação Documental e os princípios, funções e métodos da Arquivologia. Voltando-se especificamente para o caso dos arquivos pessoais, que apresentam um notável diferencial em sua composição. Dessa forma, propõe-se refletir sobre questões que envolvem os arquivos pessoais. Trata-se, de uma pesquisa teórica que tem como objeto os arquivos pessoais, seguindo a abordagem do Total Archives, a qual compreende a integração entre os arquivos e tratamento documental. Torna-se, assim, possível perceber o quanto a teoria é importante no desenvolvimento da prática, considerando que diferenças de concepção podem ocasionar efeitos concretos divergentes. Nesse sentido, espera-se que a análise crítica, embasada em fundamentação teórica dos diferentes entendimentos de Identificação Documental e da constituição dos arquivos pessoais, possa vir a contribuir, para a evolução da Arquivologia enquanto ciência, inclusive por tornar possível maior concretude à aplicação prática dos fazeres... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Pereira, Elcimar Dias. "Programa de ação afirmativa do Instituto Rio Branco: discursos de diplomatas e candidatos/as à diplomacia." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2014. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17079.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elcimar Dias Pereira.pdf: 30966357 bytes, checksum: 61d277fcb0ceda82d755a3f76a8230b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-07
This research aims to describe and interpret speeches of ex-scholarship diplomats and diplomacy candidates (candidates for scholarship and scholarship holders) about their perceptions regarding the Affirmative Action Program (AAP) "Vocation for Diplomacy Award Scholarship" of the Rio Branco Institute (IRBr), an agency of the Ministry of External Relations, and the impact of the AAP in their professional and academic careers. The research is based on the assumption that there is an underrepresentation of black people in the diplomatic service and that the Affirmative Action Program does not place them on a par with white people to compete for the Entrance Examination for Diplomatic Career (EEDC).In addition to searching bibliographies of works that address the topic, public notices both from the AAP as the EEDC of the last ten years were studied. For the data analysis of this thesis, we used Nancy Fraser s Theory of Justice, from the perspectives of the three dimensions of justice (redistribution, recognition and representation) and Studies of Race Relations, through empirical data, presentation of concepts related to race, and affirmative action. For the development and organization of the study, we used the method of Depth Hermeneutics of John Thompson and the set of techniques for content analysis of Laurence Bardin. For empirical data collection, ten semi-structured interviews were performed with men and women, aged 24-44, candidates for scholarship, scholarship holders, ex-scholarship holders who passed the EEDC, and ex-scholarship holders who did not pass the examination. From the interviews, we found that the AAP was crucial for some of the respondents to decide to pursue a diplomatic career, and, to others, the scholarship meant the pursuit of the fulfillment of an old dream that seemed unattainable. It was also found that studying for the scholarship or being a scholarship holder was very important for the expansion of their professional and academic horizons, even for people who did not become diplomats. Regarding Nancy Fraser s theory, on the scope of the three dimensions necessary to obtain justice, it was considered, through the speech of the respondents, that the Program does not cover all three dimensions. Since the redistributive dimension provides financial opportunity to people who, without aid, could not perform the necessary training for the examination, the amount offered does not guarantee that black people are on a par with white people to compete. The recognition dimension leaves much to be desired in the view of most of the respondents, since actions that aim to transform the prejudiced conceptions related to black people are not carried in the prestigious space. More over, the limitation on the recognition dimension directly affects the representation dimension, since not always black diplomats are recognized as such in the places they are
percepções a respeito do Programa de Ação Afirmativa (PAA) Bolsa Prêmio de Vocação para Diplomacia do Instituto Rio Branco (IRBr), órgão do Itamaraty, e a repercussão do PAA em suas trajetórias profissionais e acadêmicas. Parte-se do pressuposto de que há uma sub-representação de negros/as na carreira diplomática e que esse Programa de Ação Afirmativa não coloca negros/as em pé de igualdade com os brancos para concorrer ao Concurso de Admissão para Carreira Diplomática (CACD). Para além de buscar bibliografias de trabalhos que abordam o tema, foram estudados os editais dos últimos dez anos tanto do PAA quanto do CACD. Para a análise dos dados desta tese, lançamos mão da Teoria de Justiça de Nancy Fraser, a partir das perspectivas das três dimensões de justiça (redistribuição, reconhecimento e representação) e dos Estudos de Relações Raciais, por meio de dados empíricos, apresentação de conceitos relativos à raça e ação afirmativa. Para o desenvolvimento e a organização do estudo, utilizamos o método de Hermenêutica de Profundidade de John Thompsom e o conjunto de técnicas para análise de conteúdo de Laurence Bardin. Para o levantamento dos dados empíricos foram realizadas dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas, com homens e mulheres, na faixa etária de 24 a 44 anos, com candidatos/as à bolsa, bolsistas e ex-bolsistas aprovados/as no CACD e ex-bolsistas não aprovados no concurso. A partir das entrevistas, foi possível identificar que o PAA foi crucial para que alguns/as entrevistados/as decidissem seguir a carreira diplomática e, para outros/as, a bolsa, significou a busca de realização de um sonho antigo que parecia inatingível. Verificou-se, também, que estudar para a bolsa ou ser bolsista foi muito importante para a ampliação dos horizontes profissionais e acadêmicos dos participantes, mesmo para as pessoas que não se tornaram diplomatas. Em relação à teoria de Nancy Fraser, relativa ao alcance das três dimensões necessárias para obter-se a justiça, considerou-se, a partir das falas dos/as entrevistados/as, que o Programa não contempla as três dimensões. Uma vez que a dimensão redistributiva oferece oportunidade financeira para pessoas que, sem o recurso, não conseguiriam realizar a formação necessária para o concurso, o valor oferecido não garante que negros/as estejam em pé de igualdade com os/as brancos/as para competir. A dimensão de reconhecimento deixaria a desejar, na visão da maioria dos/as entrevistados/as, pois, não são realizadas ações que visem transformar as concepções preconceituosas relacionadas aos negros/as em espaços de prestígio. E a limitação em relação à dimensão de reconhecimento afeta diretamente a dimensão de representação, uma vez que, nem sempre negros/as diplomatas, são reconhecidos/as como tal nos espaços em que circulam
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Dullin, Sabine. "Diplomates et diplomatie soviétiques en Europe (1930-1939) : structures et méthodes d'une politique extérieure sous Staline." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010645.

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Cette thèse est une étude du commissariat du peuple aux affaires étrangères (NKID) entre 1930 et 1939, période où Litvinov est le chef de la diplomatie. S'inscrivant dans le champ des études historiques sur le processus de décision en politique étrangère, elle s'appuie, grâce à l'ouverture des archives à Moscou, sur une documentation nouvelle qui permet d'analyser de manière plus précise qu'avant les relations de travail existant entre le NKID et les dirigeants du parti. Elle permet aussi d'évaluer la place qu'avait l'appareil diplomatique par rapport au Komintern ou à d'autres institutions soviétiques comme les commissariats au commerce extérieur et à la défense. Cette étude de cas recoupe la question plus vaste du rôle que peuvent jouer les appareils gouvernementaux dans un état-parti à tendance totalitaire. Ces problématiques sont abordées à travers l'histoire de la politique extérieure de l'URSS en Europe. A des moments clé comme l'adhésion de l'URSS à la politique de sécurité collective en décembre 1933, son entrée à la SDN en septembre 1934 ou la conclusion du pacte d'assistance mutuelle avec la France en mai 1935, l'analyse du processus de décision montre l'influence acquise par Litvinov auprès de Staline ainsi que les fonctions d'information et de propagande dévolues aux ambassades soviétiques en Europe et aux délégués de l'URSS à Genève. Ces diplomates soviétiques possèdent des caractéristiques personnelles qui favorisent l'intégration de l'URSS au "concert européen". A partir de la fin 1936 en revanche, dans le contexte de la grande terreur et dans un climat de guerre imminente, le NKID, forge par Litvinov, s'affaiblit avant de disparaitre. Face à des dirigeants, revenant à un anti-impérialisme indifférencié et à une politique isolationniste, les options de Litvinov sont contestées, tandis que Staline, s'efforçant de faire disparaitre toute parcelle d'autonomie, utilise les purges pour prendre en main, sans plus d'intermédiaire, l'outil diplomatique
This thesis is a study of the people's commissariat for foreign affairs (NKID) between 1930 and 1939, when litvinov is the chief of the diplomacy. Belonging to the historical field of studies on the decision-making process, it is based, thanks to the opening of archives in moscow, on a new documentation which offers the possibility to analyse more precisely than before the working relations between NKID and the party's leading circles. It makes it also possible to evaluate the place of the diplomatic institution in regard to the comintern but also to soviet institutions, such as commissariats for foreign trade and for defense. Underlying this study-case, rests the larger question of the role played by higher administrations inside a party-state with totalitarian tendencies. These issues are treated throughout history of soviet union's foreign policy in Europe. At some key-moments, such as the soviet decision to follow a policy of collective security in december 1933, ussr's decision to join the league of nations in september 1934 or the signature of the mutual assistance pact with france in may 1935, the analysis of the decision-making process shows the influence gained by Litvinov amongst soviet leaders in the diplomatic field, and gives a better understanding of the job asked to soviet embassies in Europe and to soviet delegates in Geneva, charged of information and propaganda. Soviet diplomats have a profile allowing a good adaptation and a successful integration of the ussr in the "concert europeen". But, after the end of 1936, in the context of the great terror and a pre-war atmosphere, the NKID, forged by litvinov, becomes weaker, before disappearing totally. Facing party leaders coming back to the theory of undifferentiated anti-imperialism and to an isolationnist policy, Litvinov's projects become questioned, while stalin, doing his best to eliminate any scrap of autonomy, uses the purges to take control over diplomacy with no more go-between
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Gaspar, Maria Joana da Costa Afonso Lino. "O diplomata no século XXI: Continuidades e mudanças na prática diplomática face às transformações tecnológicas - o caso português." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21408.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
O início do século XXI é marcado por uma evolução tecnológica muito rápida, sobretudo no domínio das comunicações e da digitalização dos instrumentos de trabalho. Essas transformações afetaram a prática diplomática no que respeita aos atores, temas, modos e funções. Analisadas as cinco funções definidas no artigo 3º da Convenção de Viena sobre Relações Diplomáticas de 1961 - Representar; Proteger; Negociar; Informar; Promover - verifica-se que a diplomacia, mais do que sofrer uma completa transformação, inovou nos seu métodos e instrumentos de trabalho, protagonizando uma contrarevolução. A utilização inteligente das novas tecnologias para apoiar métodos já experimentados e testados promove uma diplomacia madura, nem tradicional nem moderna. A forma como os diplomatas portugueses percecionam essas alterações foi estudada através de entrevistas realizadas a uma amostra de profissionais. As exigências contemporâneas da diplomacia provocam o debate sobre as características pessoais e as competências técnicas necessárias ao diplomata moderno. Em Portugal, a forma de recrutamento é ainda sobretudo baseada na aferição de conhecimentos académicos e domínio linguístico, no entanto, a maioria dos diplomatas portugueses considera que o principal fator de sucesso de um diplomata recai sobre as suas características psicológicas, em particular, a adaptabilidade, a capacidade de relacionamento interpessoal, a motivação para o serviço público e a resiliência que permite aguentar a mudança.
The beginning of the 21st century reveals an extremely fast technological evolution, especially in communications and the digitalization of work methods. These transformations affected the diplomatic practice in what concerns its actors, themes, modes, and functions. Bearing in mind the five functions as defined by the Vienna Convention on International Relations of 1961 – representation, protection, negotiation, information, promotion – it is possible to assert that diplomacy, more than engaging in a complete transformation, has innovated its methods and work instruments, staging a counterrevolution. The smart use of new technologies to support well tried methods promotes a mature diplomacy, neither traditional nor modern. The way Portuguese diplomats envisage these changes was analysed through interviews to a sample of professionals. The contemporary demands of diplomacy inspire the debate on what personal characteristics and technical competences are essential to the modern diplomat. In Portugal, recruitment procedures are still much based in evaluating academic knowledge and language expertise, however, most Portuguese diplomats believe that the main success factor of a diplomat rely on his/hers psychological characteristics, in particular, adaptability, the ability to connect with others, public service motivation and resilience to endure change.
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Books on the topic "Diplomatia"

1

Ġambašiże, Maia. Xetʻuri diplomatia. Tʻbilisi: Kʻartʻuli akademiuri cigni, 2012.

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A, Menteshashvili Z., Guruli Vaxtang, and Papašvili Murman, eds. Sagareo politika da diplomatia. Tʻbilisi: Tʻbilisis universitetis gamomcʻemloba, 2004.

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author, Jinčaraże Kʻetʻevan, and Sonġulašvili Vaxtang author, eds. Saxalxo diplomatia da sakʻartʻvelos okupirebuli teritoriebi. Tʻbilisi: Gamomcʻemloba "Meridiani", 2020.

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Goišvili, Berdo. Mogesalmebitʻ, Tʻušebo: Saxelovani švilebi Sakʻartʻvelosi Tʻušetʻidan, saxalxo gmirebi da Tʻuštʻa diplomatia. Tʻbilisi: "Sazogadoeba cʻodna", 2005.

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Ștețcu, Petru. Diplomaţia şi protocolul diplomatic. Turnu: Editura Concordia, 2019.

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Taub, Daniel. Parasha diplomatit: An Israeli diplomatic perspective on the weekly Torah reading. Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2007.

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Napoléon, Fondation, Académie des sciences morales et politiques (France), France. Ministère des affaires étrangères. Direction des archives, and Souvenir napoléonien (Association), eds. Diplomaties au temps de Napoléon: Actes du colloque des 24 et 25 mars 2014, organisé par la Fondation Napoléon, l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques, la direction des Archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères et le Souvenir napoléonien. Paris: CNRS, 2014.

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Pašić, Mirza. Diplomatija. Sarajevo: TKD Šahinpašić, 2008.

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Kurmanguzhin, S. A. Diplomatic protocol and diplomatic correspondence. Almaty: Print House "KAPrint", 2001.

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Gaimushō, Japan. Diplomatic bluebook: Japan's diplomatic activities. Tokyo: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Diplomatia"

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von Thiessen, Hillard. "Diplomaten und Diplomatie im frühen 18. Jahrhundert." In Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz Beihefte, 13–34. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666101250.13.

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Anton, Anca, and Raluca Moise. "The Citizen Diplomats and Their Pathway to Diplomatic Power." In Diplomacy, Organisations and Citizens, 219–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81877-7_13.

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Päßler, Ulrich. "Diplomatie." In Alexander von Humboldt-Handbuch, 166–68. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-04522-5_21.

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Päßler, Ulrich. "Diplomatie." In Alexander von Humboldt-Handbuch, 166–68. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62825-6_21.

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Arnold, Hans. "Diplomatie." In Handwörterbuch Internationale Politik, 58–63. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-86675-2_7.

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Krekeler, Heinz. "Diplomatie." In Handwörterbuch Internationale Politik, 98–105. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-20299-8_15.

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Wilhelm, Andreas. "Diplomatie." In Handbuch der Internationalen Politik, 337–52. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-92148-8_20.

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Varwick, Johannes. "Diplomatie." In Handwörterbuch Internationale Politik, 62–68. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-85140-6_7.

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Arnold, Hans. "Diplomatie." In Handwörterbuch Internationale Politik, 49–54. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95128-1_6.

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Scholtyseck, Joachim, and Thomas Freiberger. "Diplomatie." In Bonner Enzyklopädie der Globalität, 1101–15. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-13819-6_91.

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Conference papers on the topic "Diplomatia"

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ALTINTAŞ, Ahmet. "YENİ BELGELER IŞIĞINDA CUMHURİYETİN İLK DÖNEMİNDE TÜRKİYE-ABD İLİŞKİLERİ (1929-1932)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.03.

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Bu çalışmanın amacı, Dışişleri Bakanlığı Arşivinde 2009-2013 yılları arasında yaptığım görev çerçevesinde, dikkatimi çeken ABD belgeleri ışığında, 1929-1932 dönemini Türk-ABD ilişkilerini diplomasi tarihi açısından değerlendirmek, bu dönemdeki ikili ilişkiler ve sorunlara ışık tutmaya çalışmaktır. Türk-ABD ilişkileri araştırmaları genellikle İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası döneme, Soğuk Savaş’ta iki ülkenin yakın iş birliği üzerine odaklanmıştır. Bu çalışma, açılan Dışişleri belgeleri, konu ile ilgili diğer çalışmalar ve anılar üzerine inşa edilmiştir. Türk-ABD ilişkilerini değerlendirmek için tarihi arka planı ihmal etmemek gerekir. Bilindiği üzere, ABD ile, 6 Ağustos 1923’te Lozan’da imzalanan Genel Anlaşmayı ABD Senatosu’nun 18 Ocak 1927’de onaylamaması üzerine, diplomatik ilişkiler, 17 Şubat 1927’de teati edilen Modus Vivendi ile kurulmuştur. Bunun üzerine, Türkiye, Vaşington’a Ahmet Muhtar Bey’i, ABD de Ankara’ya Joseph Grew’u Büyükelçi olarak atamışlardır. İki seçkin diplomat iki ülke arasındaki ilişkilerin gelişmesi amacıyla çaba sarfederken, iki ülke karar vericileri de ikili ilişkilerin gelişmesini desteklemişler ve teşvik etmişlerdir. 1927- 1928 dönemi ikili ilişkilerin kuruluşu şeklinde tanımlanabilir. 1929- 1932 dönemi ise ilişkilerin sağlamlaştırılmasına yönelik çalışmaların yapıldığı ve bu ilişkilerin sağlam bir zemine oturtulmasıdır. Nitekim bu dönemde, Briand-Kellog Paktı’na 19 Ocak 1929’da katılınmış, 1 Ekim 1929’da iki ülke arasında Ticaret ve Denizcilik Anlaşması, 28 Ekim 1931’de de Yerleşme ve İkamet Andlaşması imzalanmıştır. Bu dönemde, ABD’nin tazminat taleplerinin çözümü için adımlar atılmış, Suçluların İadesi ile ilgili Anlaşma konusu ele alınmıştır. Böylelikle, bu dönemde ikili ilişkilerin hukuki temelleri oluşturulmuştur. Bu dönemde, askeri, kültürel, ticari ilişkileri geliştirmek için adımlar atılmış, gemi ziyaretleri, öğrenci değişimi sağlanmıştır. Türkiye, ABD’den teknik personel, mühendis temin ederek büyük projeler gerçekleştirmek istemiş, eski Maliye Bakanı Saraçoğlu Şükrü Bey’in ABD’yi ziyareti bu dönemde meydana gelmiştir. 1929-1932 dönemi Türk-ABD ilişkilerinin sağlamlaştırılmasını sağlayarak ve genellikle Soğuk Savaş döneminde ikili ilişkilerin stratejik ortaklık haline gelmesinde katkısı bulunan bir dönem olmuştur.
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2

Arsovski, Marjan. "METHODS OF DIPLOMATIC NEGOTIATION." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p14.

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ct In a world full of wars in which we live today, diplomacy emerges as the only means of conducting nonviolent relations between the nations by peaceful means. More specifically, diplomacy signifies a process and mechanism for conducting peaceful negotiations. The state of the League of Nations and the United Nations usher in a new era of diplomacy by applying the principles used in dialogue. In this context, the research is aimed at analyzing the most appropriate methods and principles of diplomacy in order to have successful negotiations to be used in the contemporary world. Keywords: methods of negotiation, diplomacy, international relations
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Luton, César. "La Diplomatie de L'éclipse." In SIGGRAPH '23 Electronic Theater: Special Interest Group on Computer Graphics and Interactive Techniques Conference: Electronic Theater. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3577024.3588734.

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Roughan, Christine. "Digital editions and diplomatic diagrams." In the First International Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2595188.2595189.

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Suh, Soojung. "NON-STATE ACTORS AND ECONOMIC EXCHANGES BETWEEN CHINA AND SOUTH KOREA BEFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS: FOCUS ON DECLASSIFIED DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENTS." In Chinese Studies in the 21st Century. Buryat State University Publishing Department, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/978-5-9793-1802-8-2022-65-73.

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Non-state actors not only play the role of diplomatic consumers in the international community, but also as diplomatic participants. Especially before the diplomatic relations between China and South Korea, non-state actors, through economic exchanges, played a particular role in improving the relations between the two countries. This study analyzes the improvement of China-South Korean ties from the perspective of non-state actors participating in economic exchanges divided into beginning, expansion, and maturity periods. It also, demonstrates the importance and irreplaceability of non-state actors before the establishment of diplomatic relations.
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Yapparova, Venera. "LINGUISTIC FEATURES OF RUSSIAN DIPLOMATIC DISCOURSE." In 4th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/32/s14.102.

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Moreira, Vaninne Arnaud de Medeiros. "DIPLOMACIA DAS VACINAS E COVID-19." In Congresso Internacional de Direitos Humanos de Coimbra. Recife, Brasil: Even3, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29327/1163602.7-560.

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"China's Diplomatic Strategy in The New Era." In 2020 Conference on Social Science and Modern Science. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0000831.

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Huo, Xiaojing. "Research on Vague Translation of Diplomatic Terms." In 4th International Conference on Management Science, Education Technology, Arts, Social Science and Economics 2016. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/msetasse-16.2016.265.

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Poláček, Peter. "Vermírna diplomacia ako nástroj vesmírnej bezpečnostnej politiky." In Národná a medzinárodná bezpečnosť. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/nmb.c.2023.9788080406516.379-387.

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Space diplomacy can be defined as the integration of knowledge, innovation and regulation between nations for better application and coexistence in space. Diplomacy is not only about international affairs. Although Space diplomacy is not new, the recent expansion of corporate countries with access to space increased the need for diplomacy that covered international relations and interactions beyond our atmosphere. Current international issues are now expanding into a multidisciplinary set of geopolitical and geoeconomic issues that must be based on fundamental scientific and technological analysis. Space diplomacy according to had, in addition to many issues, the involvement of multiple state and private actors, growing space infrastructure and satellite service providers, launch risk scenarios and space debris, and issues of deep space regulation. The aim of this paper is to delineate current role of space diplomacy from the perspective of security and defense policy.
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Reports on the topic "Diplomatia"

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White, Jr, and Samuel. Developing a Diplomatic Corps that is Second-to-None: The Army War College Partners to Develop Tomorrow's Diplomats. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada544357.

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Martínez Linero, Omaira María. Diplomacia y protocolo. Ediciones Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia, December 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.16925/gcnc.07.

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Rodrigues S. Bibiani, Anna Clara, and João Feres Júnior. Diplomacia, conflito e imprensa. Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/manchetrometro.2020.0019.

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Manfredi Sánchez, JL, JM Herranz de la Casa, and F. Seoane Pérez. Diplomacia de movilización. Referenda de Cataluña y Escocia en la diplomacia en red. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, October 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2016-1129.

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Hicks, Jacqueline. Defining and Measuring Diplomatic Influence. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.032.

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This review found no sources of straightforward indicators for use in measuring diplomatic influence. The literature and evaluations found to recommend the use of tailor-made evaluations to account for “differences in diplomatic settings, diplomatic activities and policy fields”. They hinge on developing a theory of change alongside questions and evaluation criteria that are context-specific. They rely on assessing intermediate goals as a ‘proxy’ for the immeasurable long-term influence, and causal contributions (contributed to a result) rather than causal attributions (caused a result). It was also frequently mentioned that programme designers tend to design programmes to support diplomatic influence without specific and measurable objectives because influencing processes are by nature non-linear. In these cases, evaluations will be correspondingly unable to provide specific and measurable indicators of achievement.
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Smith, Graeme. Measuring China’s diplomatic reach in the Pacific. Edited by Tasha Wibawa. Monash University, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/5b24-6798.

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Ciorciari, John D. Japan as a diplomatic asset to ASEAN. East Asia Forum, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1696543224.

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Lankov, Andrei. Diplomatic shifts belie continuity in North Korea. East Asia Forum, January 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1706263200.

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Popovski, Zdravko. Military Diplomatic Challenges: The Birthing of New Democracies. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada377410.

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Fisman, Raymond, and Edward Miguel. Cultures of Corruption: Evidence From Diplomatic Parking Tickets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12312.

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