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Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomata militaria'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 9 March 2023

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1

Peralta Labrador, Eduardo. "Las cohortes cántabras del ejército romano: Cohors I Cantabrorum." Hispania Antiqua, no. XLI (December 11, 2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ha.xli.2017.131-172.

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Peralta Labrador, Eduardo. "Las cohortes cántabras del ejército romano: Cohors II Cantabrorum." Hispania Antiqua, no. XLI (December 12, 2017): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ha.xli.2017.173-209.

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3

Eck, Werner, and Andreas Pangerl. "Fragmentarische Militärdiplome aus der Zeit von Domitian bis Commodus." Acta Musei Napocensis 56 (December 12, 2019): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.56.04.

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A total of thirteen fragments of diplomata militaria are published. They date from the period between Domitian and Commodus: one each from the reign of Domitian, Nerva, Trajan and Commodus, and two each from the reign of Pius, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. But five alone date back to Hadrian, including the first he issued for the army of Egypt. There are two each for the troops of Moesia inferior and Pannonia superior, one each for Dacia inferior, Aegyptus and either for an Italian fleet or the Praetorians. Six more are for auxiliary troops, but remain unknown for which province.
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4

Świętoń, Adam, and Konrad Tadajczyk. "‘EDICTUM DOMITIANI DE PRIVILEGIIS VETERANORUM’. EDYKT CESARZA DOMICJANA O PRZYWILEJACH WETERANÓW." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 4 (December 5, 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.4.01.

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‘Edictum Domitiani de Privilegiis Veteranorum’: The Emperor Domitian’s Edict on Veterans’ PrivilegesSummaryThis article contains the text and translation of the Edictum Domitiani on veterans’ privileges with a commentary. This edict is an interesting illustration of imperial military and social policy on the privileges of veterans and their families. Its text survives thanks to a private copy made by Marcus Valerius Quadratus, a discharged soldier of the legio X Fretensis. The privileges granted by the Emperor Domitian guaranteed benefits also found in other veterans’ concessions (as the diplomata militaria shows) – citizenship, tax exemption, conubium with a peregrine woman. But the personal scope of Domitian’s privileges is unusual – its beneficiaries were not only veterans and their children, but also their wives and parents (if they lived with the soldier after his discharge). The full range of privileges is unknown; unfortunately Valerius’ copy is partly damaged. The authors also discuss some of the doubts concerning the edict’s addressees and types of privileges granted under this edict.
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Huang, Reyko. "Rebel Diplomacy in Civil War." International Security 40, no. 4 (April 2016): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00237.

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In the midst of civil war, rebel groups often expend significant resources opening offices in foreign capitals, meeting with heads of state, expanding their overseas networks, appealing to international organizations, and contacting foreign media. Existing scholarship has generally neglected international diplomacy as an aspect of violent rebellion, focusing instead on rebel efforts at domestic organization. A systematic documentation of rebel diplomacy in post–1950 civil wars using new quantitative and qualitative data shows that rebel diplomacy is commonplace and that many groups demonstrate as much concern for overseas political campaigns as they do for domestic and local mobilization. Diplomacy, furthermore, is not a weapon of the militarily weak, but a tactical choice for rebel groups seeking political capital within an international system that places formidable barriers to entry on nonstate entities. An original analysis of the diplomacy of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in the Angolan civil war using archival sources further demonstrates why rebels may become active diplomats in one phase of a conflict but eschew diplomacy in another. More broadly, the international relations of rebel groups promise to be an important new research agenda in understanding violent politics.
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Vaïsse, Maurice. "Diplomatie et outil militaire." Revue Défense Nationale N° 777, no. 2 (February 2, 2015): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdna.777.0005.

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7

Munhoz, Sidnei J. "George Frost Kennan e a arquitetura da política externa dos EUA na gênese da Guerra Fria." Diálogos 22, no. 1 (July 7, 2018): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v22i1.43621.

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Este artigo analisa a importância do papel desempenhado pelo diplomata George Frost Kennan na elaboração da política externa dos Estados Unidos durante a Guerra Fria. Ao final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, no contexto marcado pelas apreensões relativas às rivalidades globais entre os EUA e a URSS, Kennan recomendou uma estratégia com a intenção de conter as potenciais tendências expansionistas da União Soviética. Em sua consideração, a principal ameaça posta pela União Soviética não era militar, mas sua capacidade de influência ideológica, veiculada pelos partidos comunistas e seus seguidores no interior das sociedades democráticas ocidentais. Desta hipótese precedente, Kennan arquitetou a Doutrina de Contenção, uma estratégia crucial da política externa dos Estados Unidos durante a Guerra Fria. Como um diplomata de carreira e grande autoridade nos estudos relacionados à sociedade Soviética, Kennan escreveu durante a sua vida uma extraordinária obra relacionada à diplomacia dos EUA e aos seus desafios colossais no ambiente do conflito global. No entanto, desde o início da segunda Administração Truman, Kennan observou que a estratégia estadunidense em relação à Guerra Fria havia se tornado mais militarista e intensificado a corrida armamentista. Ao assumir uma posição crítica em relação a essas diretrizes, que, de acordo com a sua perspectiva, levava à distorção da sua concepção original da teoria da Contenção, Kennan foi marginalizado pelo novo Secretário de Estado, Dean Acheson e deslocado do núcleo de elaboração política do governo. Posteriormente, ele questionou a adopção da Doutrina Truman, a criação da OTAN e o envolvimento dos Estados Unidos nas guerras da Coréia e do Vietnam. Abstract George Frost Kennan and the architecture of U.S. Foreign Policy in the genesis of the Cold War This article analyzes the major role performed by diplomat George Frost Kennan in the United States Foreign Policy during the Cold War. By the end of World War II, amidst apprehensions concerning the U.S. and the USSR global rivalries, Kennan recommended a strategy intending to contain the potential expansionist tendencies of the Soviet Union. In his consideration, the core threat upraised by Soviet Union was not military, but its ideological influence conveyed by Communist parties and fellow travelers inside the western democratic societies. From this preceding hypothesis, Kennan designed the doctrine of containment, a crucial strategy of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War. As a career diplomat and major authority on Soviet society, Kennan wrote during his lifetime an remarkable work related to U.S. diplomacy and its colossal challenges in the environment of that global conflict. Nonetheless, since the inauguration of the second Truman administration, Kennan observed that U.S. Cold War strategy had become more militaristic and that it had strengthened the arms race. For assuming a critical position towards this path, which, according to his perspective, was a distortion of his original containment theory, Kennan was marginalized by the new Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, and displaced from core government power. Subsequently, he stood up against the adoption of the Truman Doctrine, the creation of NATO and the commitment of the United States in the Korean and Vietnam wars. Resumen George Frost Kennan y la arquitectura de la política externa de los EUA en el origen de la Guerra Fría Este artículo analiza la importancia del papel desempeñado por el diplomático George Frost Kennan en la elaboración de la política externa de los Estados Unidos durante la Guerra Fría. Al finalizar la Segunda Guerra Mundial, en el contexto marcado por las aprehensiones vinculadas a las rivalidades globales entre los EUA y la URSS, Kennan recomendó una estrategia con la intención de contener las potenciales tendencias expansionistas de la Unión Soviética. En su entendimiento, la principal amenaza de la Unión Soviética no era militar, y sí su capacidad de influencia ideológica, vehiculada por los partidos comunistas y sus seguidores en el interior de las sociedades democráticas occidentales. Partiendo de esta hipótesis, Kennan ideó la Doctrina de Contención, una estrategia crucial de la política externa de los EEUU durante la Guerra Fría. Como diplomático de carrera y una autoridad en estudios relacionados a la Unión Soviética, Kennan escribió durante su vida una extraordinaria obra relacionada a la diplomacia estadounidense y sus desafíos colosales en el ambiente del conflicto global. Sin embargo, desde el inicio de la segunda administración Truman, Kennan observó que la estrategia de los EUA en relación a la Guerra Fría se había tornado más militarista, intensificándose la carrera armamentista. Al asumir una posición crítica en relación a estas directrices que, de acuerdo a su perspectiva, conducía a la distorsión de su original teoría de la Contención, Kennan fue marginado por el nuevo Secretario de Estado, Dean Acheson, y desplazado del núcleo de elaboración política del gobierno. Posteriormente, él cuestionó la adopción de la Doctrina Truman, la creación de la OTAN y la participación de Estados Unidos en las guerras de Corea y de Vietnam
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Jiménez de Furundarena, Agustín. "Cohors IV Callaecorum Lucensium equitata." Hispania Antiqua, no. XLI (December 11, 2017): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ha.xli.2017.107-130.

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Se analiza la historia y evolución de una unidad auxiliar del ejército romano de origen hispano, la Cohors IV Callaecorum Lucensium equitata, que conocemos casi exclusivamente a través de Diplomata militaris. Fue creada tras el grave revés romano de Rhandeia (62 d. C) y perduró hasta la expeditio Parthica de Lucio Vero.
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9

Gomart, Thomas. "La diplomatie vue par un militaire." Études Octobr, no. 10 (2020): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.4275.0029.

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10

d'Abzac, Claude, Jean Doise, and Maurice Vaisse. "Diplomatie et outil militaire, 1871-1969." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 19 (July 1988): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769804.

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Shorrock, William I., Jean Doise, and Maurice Vaisse. "Diplomatic et outil militaire, 1871-1969." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 786. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873857.

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12

Araujo, Rodrigo Nabuco de. "Diplomatas de farda. A França e o golpe de 1964." HISTÓRIA UNICAP 3, no. 5 (November 2, 2016): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/hu.2016.v3n5.p56-70.

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Este trabalho analisa o impacto das negociações militares na resolução de conflitos diplomáticos, entre a França e o Brasil, de João Goulart a Costa e Silva. Busca-se compreender o papel do adido militar, secretário para as relações militares, em momentos de ruptura política. Enquanto vários adidos brasileiros se sucedem na embaixada em Paris, diante da fragilidade das relações bilaterais e da importância dos acontecimentos políticos no Brasil, no Rio de Janeiro, o adido francês representa a continuidade dos negócios, devido às afinidades entre militares anticomunistas, franceses e brasileiros. Desse modo, o reatamento do diálogo pode ser compreendido como o resultado da relação pessoal entre os diplomatas de farda e os principais atores do golpe de 1964. Observa-se que os militares franceses se mantiveram à frente da chancelaria francesa, e, habilmente, conseguiram solucionar os principais conflitos entre os dois países, ao prepararem o reconhecimento do governo militar. Oficiais e diplomatas do entourage do presidente de Gaulle, veteranos da Résistance e das guerras coloniais buscavam realizar o projeto gaullista de reconquista da América Latina.
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13

Swistek, Göran. "The Nexus Between Public Diplomacy and Military Diplomacy in Foreign Affairs and Defense Policy." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 11, no. 2 (2012): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.11.2.06.

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Swistek, Göran. "Связь между публичной и военной дипломатией во внешней и оборонной политике." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 11, no. 2 (2012): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.rus.11.2.06.

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15

Calderón Quindós, Fernando. "Francisco Xavier de Carrión y Ribas, un diplomático zamorano amigo de Jean-Jacques Rousseau." Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII, no. 26 (October 27, 2017): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/cesxviii.26.2016.271-297.

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RESUMENRousseau cita varias veces en Las Confesiones el nombre del diplomático español Francisco Xavier de Carrión y Ribas, de quien muy poco se ha sabido hasta nuestras fechas. El artículo reconstruye su vida, desde su primer empleo conocido en el séquito de don Álvaro de Mendoza, sumiller de cortina de Felipe V, hasta su nombramiento como contador general de las Órdenes Militares. Entre sendos empleos, su actividad diplomática le llevó a recorrer media Europa como secretario de embajada siempre y como encargado de negocios alguna vez. Venecia, Estocolmo, Viena, París y Londres dibujan su singladura diplomática y trazan el itinerario de una vida marcada por las luchas de poder y aspiraciones territoriales de las naciones europeas. Hombre culto, Rousseau lo conoció en Venecia en el otoño de 1743, cuando el ginebrino contaba 31 años y el zamorano apenas 25. Treinta años después, todavía se escribían.PALABRAS CLAVEFrancisco Xavier de Carrión, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, diplomacia, cortes europeas. TITLEDiplomat Francisco Xavier de Carrión y Ribas, Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s friend from ZamoraABSTRACTAt times, Rousseau names the Spanish diplomat Francisco Xavier de Carrion y Ribas –who very little has been known to our dates- in his Confessions. The article rebuilds his life, from his first known job in the Don Alvaro de Mendoza’s retinue, Phillipe’s V «sumiller de cortina», until his appointment as chief accountant of the Military Orders. Between his two separate jobs, his diplomatic activity led him to travel over half Europe always as embassy secretary and seldom as «chargé d’affaires». Venice, Stockholm, Vienna, Paris and London draw his diplomatic parcours and trace the journey of a life marked by power struggles and the territorial aspirations of European nations. Educated men, Rousseau and Carrión, met for the first time in Venice in 1743’s autumn, when the former was 31 and Carrión just 25. Thirty years later, they still wrote to each other.KEY WORDSFrancisco Xavier de Carrión, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, diplomacy, European courts.
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Soprano, Germán. "Raymond Aron: política, estrategia y formas de la guerra contemporánea." Cuestiones de sociología, no. 20 (February 4, 2019): e077. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23468904e077.

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Este artículo tiene por objeto el análisis sociológico de Raymond Aron sobre las relaciones entre política, diplomacia y estrategia. Me enfocaré en las comprensión de Aron acerca de: 1) la diplomacia y la estrategia como vectores de la política externa de los Estados; 2) las tensiones en la guerra entre el conductor político y el conductor de las operaciones militares; 3) las formas de la guerra contemporánea: “guerra convencional”, “guerra nuclear” y otras formas de la “guerra no convencional”. Por último reflexionaré sobre la importancia de la obra de Aron para académicos, políticos y militares en la Argentina actual.
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Farias Guedes, Henrique Lenon. "Exércitos Privados, Diplomatas Independentes e Constituições Cosmopolitas: Vestefália e o Papel do Estado Contemporâneo." Revista de Teorias e Filosofias do Estado 1, no. 1 (December 6, 2015): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2525-9652/2015.v1i1.761.

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O presente trabalho identifica três tendências políticas globais que aparentemente apontam a defasagem do modelo vestefaliano de direito internacional, centrado no Estado. A princípio, revisa-se o conceito de Estado vestefaliano, destacando-se as conseqüências jurídicas da Paz de Vestefália, celebrada em 1648. Em seguida, baseando-se em literatura especializada, apresenta-se a ascensão das empresas provedoras de serviços militares e de segurança privada, cujam era existência desafia o conceito de Estado como entidade que monopoliza o uso legítimo da força, além de relativizar o princípio da não-intervenção. Em terceiro lugar, identifica-se o desenvolvimento de uma associação civil, de crescente atuação nas Nações Unidas, especializada em prestar consultoria em política externa e representar diplomaticamente Governo siniciantes e grupos não-reconhecidos, havendo referências, neste artigo, a materiais produzidos pela organização, intitulada Independent Diplomat. Por fim, aponta-se, com base em referencial teórico estrangeiro, a difusão contemporânea do conceito de constitucionalismo além do Estado, que incluído constitucionalismo cosmopolita a constituições privadas. Em umesforço de relacionar os fenômenos examinados cuja atualidade, alcance e ineditismo justificam a relevância da pesquisa, o artigo aponta que constituições cosmopolitas, diplomatas independentes e exércitos terceirizados, embora contra digam a tradição vestefaliana, não necessariamente dispensam o Estado como ator principal do direito internacional.
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Steiner, Barry H. "Bargaining in asymmetric crisis." International Relations 32, no. 3 (June 6, 2018): 321–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818777816.

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Diplomacy, defined as formal communication and bargaining between states, is subject to limits that diplomatic theory must demarcate and understand. This article compares state incentives and disincentives (including rejection of negotiation as well as refusal to concede) affecting the decision whether to negotiate in six cases of interstate crisis between militarily unequal antagonists. While it has been argued that asymmetric powers are more likely to reach negotiating agreement than their symmetric counterparts, with weaker states doing surprisingly well, that finding is questioned here in the crisis context. For example, the militarily inferior antagonist, attracted to diplomacy as an alternative to war, might well anticipate inferior results from direct negotiations. The weaker antagonist’s unwillingness in these cases to negotiate with a strong opponent suppressed diplomacy, but great power support for the weaker side, and the stronger power’s lack of war readiness, added to the stronger antagonist’s willingness to negotiate.
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Simon, Sheldon W. "Conflict and Diplomacy in the South China Sea." Asian Survey 52, no. 6 (November 2012): 995–1018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.6.995.

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Abstract Disputes over sovereignty and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea (SCS) involve both the claimants and major maritime powers. Two starkly different approaches to the SCS conflict are discussed: (1) diplomacy among the claimants either bilaterally or multilaterally; (2) if diplomacy fails, the claimants are building their militaries to assert their rights through force.
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Garcia, Eugênio Vargas. "O pensamento dos militares em política internacional (1961-1989)." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 40, no. 1 (June 1997): 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73291997000100002.

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O artigo trata de questões relacionadas à evolução do pensamento dos militares brasileiros, no período 1961-1989, em matéria de relações internacionais e Política Externa. Levanta algumas das limitações da interpretação crítica tradicional e analisa a concepção de política internacional prevalecente na doutrina das Forças Armadas. Procura destacar, por fim, traços distintivos que marcaram o pensamento dos militares sobre o assunto, incluindo sua vinculação com as grandes tendências históricas da diplomacia brasileira.
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Burns, Mila. "Ditadura tipo exportação: a diplomacia brasileira e a queda de Salvador Allende * Dictatorship for export: brazilian diplomacy and the overthrow of Salvador Allende." História e Cultura 5, no. 3 (December 14, 2016): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i3.2003.

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Este artigo analisa a influência diplomática do Brasil no golpe militar no Chile, em 1973, uma área até então negligenciada da produção historiográfica. O foco central são as seguintes questões: em que medida o regime militar de direita do Brasil influenciou a queda de Salvador Allende? Qual era a relação entre os dois países durante os anos que antecederam o golpe no Chile? De que maneiras o Brasil e os Estados Unidos agiram como parceiros nesse evento? Partindo de uma exploração profunda de um exemplo histórico em arquivos e usando documentos recentemente desclassificados, este trabalho pretende abrir novas possibilidades para uma gama de estudos sobre as relações entre governos militares da América do Sul.
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Garay Vera, Cristian Eduardo, and Valeska Tamara Troncoso Zúñiga. "Influencia de la “diplomacia militar” en las fuerzas armadas chilenas durante la temprana guerra fría 1942-1952." CUHSO · Cultura - Hombre - Sociedad 28, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.7770/0719-2789.2018.cuhso.04.a02.

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Los autores caracterizan un periodo de las relaciones civiles-militares en Chile anterior a la crisis de 1973. Es el periodo comprendido entre los años 1942 y 1952 para aplicar un concepto de "diplomacia militar" y describir las relaciones profesionales autónomas entre las fuerzas armadas de Chile y Estados Unidos. Esto nos permite verificar el modelo del profesionalismo de Huntington, pues si bien estos contactos entre las Fuerzas Armadas se relacionan en un nivel profesional, mediante la asistencia militar estadounidense, en el marco de cooperación panamericana, se produce una concordancia entre la perspectiva estratégica chilena y la estadounidense. Todo dentro de una subordinación formal en términos de relaciones civiles-militares. Esto les permite a los mandos militares chilenos comunicar a nivel de la conducción política y del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile sus propuestas concordadas con mandos militares de EE.UU.
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Garay Vera, Cristian Eduardo, and Valeska Tamara Troncoso Zúñiga. "Influencia de la “diplomacia militar” en las fuerzas armadas chilenas durante la temprana guerra fría 1942-1952." REVISTA CUHSO 28, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 170–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7770/cuhso.v28i2.1439.

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Los autores caracterizan un periodo de las relaciones civiles-militares en Chile anterior a la crisis de 1973. Es el periodo comprendido entre los años 1942 y 1952 para aplicar un concepto de "diplomacia militar" y describir las relaciones profesionales autónomas entre las fuerzas armadas de Chile y Estados Unidos. Esto nos permite verificar el modelo del profesionalismo de Huntington, pues si bien estos contactos entre las Fuerzas Armadas se relacionan en un nivel profesional, mediante la asistencia militar estadounidense, en el marco de cooperación panamericana, se produce una concordancia entre la perspectiva estratégica chilena y la estadounidense. Todo dentro de una subordinación formal en términos de relaciones civiles-militares. Esto les permite a los mandos militares chilenos comunicar a nivel de la conducción política y del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile sus propuestas concordadas con mandos militares de EE.UU.
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YOU, Ji. "The Military Role in China's Foreign Policy-Making." East Asian Policy 06, no. 04 (October 2014): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930514000324.

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The PLA role in China's foreign policy is integral and deep. Politically it follows overall civilian primacy in foreign policy-making. Militarily the PLA sticks to assertiveness/war aversion dynamics in tackling external security threats, especially over territorial disputes. Functionally, the PLA abides by a top-down division of labour with diplomats. The PLA role in foreign policy-making can be overtly influential, as national/security/military-related foreign affairs are generally more important.
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Álvarez-Calderón, Carlos Enrique, Luisa Fernanda Villalba-García, and Andres Eduardo Fernández-Osorio. "Intereses nacionales y diplomacia de defensa. Aportes para la formulación de la política exterior colombiana." Revista Logos Ciencia & Tecnología 14, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22335/rlct.v14i3.1608.

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Este artículo explora los aportes de las Fuerzas Militares a la formulación de la política exterior en Colombia por medio de la diplomacia de defensa, argumentándose que es un elemento fundamental en las relaciones exteriores y que contribuye al entendimiento y mitigación de los factores de inestabilidad exógenos que afectan la consecución de los intereses nacionales. A través de una metodología de estudio de caso se analizan los componentes de la gran estrategia nacional, se examinan los antecedentes y proyecciones de la diplomacia de defensa como herramienta del decisor político. De igual forma, se analiza el concepto de intereses nacionales y su relación con el establecimiento de un derrotero de las decisiones estatales; y se exploran las posibilidades de empleo de la diplomacia de defensa en la búsqueda del bien común. Finalmente se concluye que la diplomacia de defensa es una herramienta necesaria para garantizar la supervivencia del Estado ante las complejidades que presupone un mundo cambiante e interconectado.
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Cauchies, Jean-Marie. "Baudouin de Bourgogne (v. 1446-1508), bâtard, militaire et diplomate. Une carrière exemplaire ?" Revue du Nord 77, no. 310 (1995): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rnord.1995.5007.

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Tobback, Louis. "De politicus, de diplomaat en de deskundige in het veiligheidsbeleid." Res Publica 29, no. 1 (March 31, 1987): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i1.18959.

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Who makes decisions concerning defence policy in Belgium? Not the public opinion, because otherwise there would be no Cruise missiles.Not the Parliament, because the parliamentarians only ratify international treaties. Not the Minister of Foreign Affairs, because the Minister of Defence makes decisions without contacting Foreign Affairs. Even the Government as a whole and the Prime Minister do not much take care about the defence policy. The so-called experts concerning defence policy are the militaries, the diplomats and the NATO-bureaucrats.Yet, the political problems with respect to the Atlantic Alliance and the division of the European continent, wilt constrain the politicians to reconsider the basic options of the policy.
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Galastri, Leandro de Oliveira. "A participação brasileira na missão de observadores militares Equador-Peru – MOMEP (1995-1999)." Tematicas 13, no. 25 (March 1, 2005): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/tematicas.v13i25/26.13617.

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Formada por militares de Argentina, Brasil, Chile e Estados Unidos, a MOMEP exerceu suas atividades entre março de 1995 e junho de 1999, numa região fronteiriça entre Equador e Peru localizada no Vale do Rio Cenepa, na Cordilheira de Condor. Trata-se de uma região selvática, sobre a qual não havia até então acordo sobre demarcação de fronteiras, o que levou aqueles países à guerra no início de 1995. O objetivo da MOMEP foi promover e monitorar a separação das forças em litígio e a conseqüente consolidação do cessar-fogo necessário para o início e prosseguimento das conversações diplomáticas. Ela atuou também com os diplomatas dos respectivos países, em algumas capitais nas quais emitiu documentos sobre o andamento das negociações. A perspectiva deste trabalho é definida analiticamente sobretudo pela participação do Exército Brasileiro.
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Feu, Montse. "Isabel de Palencia: Diplomacia, periodismo y militancia al servicio de la República." Letras Femeninas 41, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 326–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44733797.

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Pham Thi Kim, Anh. "Mission, role, qualities and competence of teachers in Ho Chi Minh’s thoughts." Journal of Science Educational Science 66, no. 4D (October 2021): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1075.2021-0141.

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President Ho Chi Minh is not only an outstanding politician, militarist, culturist and diplomat but also a great teacher and talented educationist. On the basis of reviewing and studying Ho Chi Minh’s documents, articles, speeches and letters sent to the education system, my paper aims at summing up and systematizing Ho Chi Minh’s thoughts about the mission, role, qualities and competence of teachers. By doing that, there are some recommendations on how to train and strengthen the role, qualities and competence of teachers in line with Ho Chi Minh’s thoughts in teacher-training institutions.
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Chernyavsky, S. I. "The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the City of Kuibyshev (1941-1943)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-178-198.

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This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.
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Hurak, Ihor. "The Russian military presence and the Russian diplomacy in the context of the conflict in eastern Ukraine." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 1, no. 2 (June 9, 2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2015.1.2.161.

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Schlumberger, Guillaume. "La coopération internationale, clé de voûte de la diplomatie militaire de la France." Les Champs de Mars N°32, no. 1 (2019): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lcdm.032.0103.

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Silva, Antenor Alves, and Vinício Carrilho Martinez. "Princípios da organização e do emprego de forças especiais em escala mundial." GEOGRAFIA (Londrina) 27, no. 2 (August 10, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2447-1747.2018v27n2p9.

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Muitos Estados soberanos, além da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) e da União Europeia (UE), contam com o serviço de tropas militares especializadas para realização de operações que demandam maiores velocidade, precisão e sigilo, seja no seu próprio território ou além de suas fronteiras, caso sejam do seu interesse político ou econômico, pois nem sempre a diplomacia consegue atingir os objetivos institucionais de modo eficaz. Essas ações militares são executadas pelos mais diversos tipos de forças especiais – cujos modi operandi dependerão, basicamente, das doutrinas de emprego operacional que as orientam – e visam, entre outros interesses, neutralizar uma grande lista de ameaças, que vai desde movimentos insurgentes domésticos, como no fim da União Soviética, até grupos terroristas transnacionais, como visto desde a criação do Estado de Israel em 1948. Com características táticas, estratégicas, humanas e materiais distintas das operações militares convencionais, as operações especiais conduzidas pelas Forças Armadas passam a figurar entre um dos problemas mais sensíveis das relações internacionais contemporâneas. Compreender implicações políticas e espaciais desse tema cresce em importância haja vista ser factível verificar outras manifestações geopolíticas, como a fragmentação do princípio clássico de soberania; e sua ligação com outro fenômeno político, a guerra.
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DeSilva, Jennifer Mara. "Articulating Work and Family: Lay Papal Relatives in the Papal States, 1420–1549." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2016): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/686325.

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AbstractIn the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries popes increasingly depended on clerical and lay kin to supervise the implementation of papal policy. This article argues that the charge of papal nepotism is a result of the continuing idealization of the pope as separate from the issues of work and family. By acknowledging that the preoccupations of the early modern pope extended beyond pastoral activities into a world of administration, legislation, militarism, and diplomacy, historians can better understand the pope’s use of and observers’ criticism of nepotism.
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De Jong, Ingrid. "Prácticas de la Diplomacia Fronteriza en las Pampas, Siglo XIX." Habitus 14, no. 2 (February 7, 2017): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/hab.v14.2.2016.175-197.

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Resumo: até finais da década de 1870, as elites políticas governantes da Argentina iniciavam a ocupação militar do Pampa e da Patagônia, concretizando assim o projeto de incorporar os territórios indígenas à produção agropecuária extensiva. Com isso se poderia por fim à diplomacia fronteiriça - um espaço de relações entre indígenas e crioulos que havia se desenvolvido junto às relações militares e comerciais por mais de um século. Neste trabalho nos interessa reconstruir as instituições diplomáticas na Fronteira Sul durante as décadas centrais do século XIX, a partir de uma abordagem que busca contextualizar estas práticas de longa duração das fronteiras coloniais e, em seguida, republicanas. Isso não somente nos permite reconstruir uma dimensão pouco conhecida das políticas estatais, sem perguntarmos pelo agenciamento indígena, suas estratégias e expectativas em relação ao Estado durante a última etapa de existência da fronteira. Palavras-chave: Fronteiras. Diplomacia. Pampas. Indígenas. Estado Nação.
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Rodríguez Díaz, Rosario, and Olimpia Reyes Pineda. "Relaciones triangulares Estados Unidos, México y Honduras en 1909." Cuadernos Inter.c.a.mbio sobre Centroamérica y el Caribe 17, no. 2 (May 18, 2020): e41874. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/c.a..v17i2.41874.

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El presente artículo tiene como objetivo estudiar los intentos de mediación de Estados Unidos y México ante el conflicto existente en Honduras en 1909. En esta coyuntura bélica, los representantes mexicanos ejercieron una diplomacia cautelosa y dilatoria ante la propuesta de Washington de enviar efectivos militares para que junto con los marines estadounidenses se apoderaran de las aduanas hondureñas. El texto se basa en fuentes primarias, particularmente en la correspondencia diplomática, y devela cómo el gobierno de Tegucigalpa buscó aliados entre sus vecinos del continente para enfrentar la política intervencionista de Estados Unidos.
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38

Vizentini, Paulo Fagundes, and Analúcia Danilevicz Pereira. "A discreta transição da Coreia do Norte: diplomacia de risco e modernização sem reforma." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 57, no. 2 (December 2014): 176–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400310.

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A Coreia do Norte acaba de passar por nova sucessão, com um líder jovem, o que para analistas representa ausência de mudanças e esgotamento do regime. Enquanto as disputas de poder interno e as crises militares externas parecem sinalizar continuidade, e que foram iniciadas algumas transformações importantes. O regime impulsiona a modernização da defesa, enquanto recoloca o Partido como ator relevante, definindo o desenvolvimento econômico como vetor. Mas a modernização em curso prossegue com a tradicional diplomacia de risco que parece descartar a ideia de reforma, conservando a essência do regime.
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Szélinger, Balázs. "Hungary and the Italo–Ethiopian Conflict (1935–1936)." Aethiopica 11 (April 26, 2012): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.11.1.150.

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Between the two World Wars the main policy of Hungarian diplomacy was the possible revision of the Trianon Peace Treaty. Until 1935 they believed in a peaceful way under the aegis of the League of Nations with the help of Italy. The Italo-Ethiopian conflict, however, totally disrupted these plans. Although the Hungarian political elite tried to stand by Mussolini, their abstention from the sanctions indicated a changed direction toward Germany and militarism. This study, using unpublished Hungarian archival sources, reveals the inner struggles of the desperate Hungarian government.
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40

Lemay, Kate C. "‘No Vain Glory:’ Militarism, Diplomacy and Art in the American War Cemeteries in France." Journal of War & Culture Studies 8, no. 2 (April 29, 2015): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1752627215z.00000000070.

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41

Eagan, Sheena M. "Global health diplomacy and humanitarian assistance: understanding the intentional divide between military and non-military actors." Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps 165, no. 4 (October 12, 2018): 244–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jramc-2018-001030.

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Often known as ‘globalhealth diplomacy’, the provision of medical care to accomplish strategic objectives, advance public diplomacy goals and enhance soft power is increasingly emphasised in international affairs and military policies. Despite this emergent trend, there has been little critical analysis and examination of the ethics of military actors engaging in this type of work. This type of mission represents the most common form of military medical deployment within the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan and is now explicitly emphasised in many militaries’ defence doctrine. The growth of these programmes has occurred with little analysis, examination or critique. This paper examines the history of global health diplomacy as directly related to humanitarian assistance, focusing on the difference in intention to highlight ethical dilemmas related to military involvement in the humanitarian sphere. The relationship between non-military humanitarian actors and military actors will be a focal point of discussion, as this relationship has been historically complicated and continues to shift. Relevant differences between these two groups of actors, their motivations and work will be highlighted. In order to examine the morally important differences between these groups, analysis will draw on relevant international doctrine and codes that attempt to provide ethical guidance within the humanitarian sphere.
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Golovlev, Alexander. "Dancing the Nation? French Dance Diplomacy in Allied-Occupied Austria, 1945–55." Austrian History Yearbook 50 (April 2019): 166–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237818000607.

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These excerpts from critical reviewscovering French dance tours in Vienna, Salzburg, and Innsbruck reflect the scale and variety of French cultural engagement and its growing public visibility in Austria. Out of the four Allied powers, it was France, and not the Soviet Union with its “ballet capital,” that made most use of dance and ballet fornation-brandingpurposes, both in sabots and on pointe. France's dance diplomacy exported all genres of dance to Austria in order to portray the politically and militarily weakened nation as arayonnantcultural leader of Europe, whose diversity, supremacy, and grandeur were not undone by 1871 and 1940.
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Castro Hernández, Pablo. "GUERRA Y DIPLOMACIA ROMANA CON LOS PUEBLOS VENCIDOS DE GRECIA Y ORIENTE: NOTAS SOBRE LA DEDITIO Y LA OPPUGNATIO EN LAS GUERRAS CIVILES DE APIANO." Revista de humanidades (Santiago. En línea), no. 45 (January 25, 2022): 155167–197. http://dx.doi.org/10.53382/issn.2452-445x.70.

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En este texto analizamos las prácticas bélicas y los derechos de guerra de la República Romana con los pueblos vencidos de Grecia y Oriente a partir de la obra Guerras civiles de Apiano (siglo II d. C.). Primero, revisamos las nociones de la guerra y la diplomacia romana, considerando enfoques historiográficos y culturales. Posteriormente, estudiamos los conceptos de deditio y oppugnatio, como recursos de guerra que consolidan la imagen de poder de Roma, a partir de los cuales Roma obtiene suministros económicos y militares, que favorecen el control de sus dominios y la conquista de nuevos territorios.
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44

Herwig, Holger H., and Christon I. Archer. "Global Gambit: A German General Staff Assessment of Mexican Affairs, November 1913." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 1, no. 2 (1985): 303–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052040.

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El descubrimiento de un documento desconocido sobre el estado de México en 1913 por un oficial alemán, Coronel Eugen Zoellner, echa luz sobre la situación militar y política en la primera etapa de la Revolución Mexicana. Aunque los alemanes aceptaron varios perjuicios comunes entre observadores extranjeros de México, hay muchas áreas de interés en el estudio de asuntos estratégicos y militares, en el papel del General Victoriano Huerta, y en las relaciones entre México y los Estados Unidos del Presidente Woodrow Wilson. Zoellner ofrece una vista que puede asistir en la explicación de la diplomacia mexicana-alemana del período.
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45

Salgado Tamayo, Dr Manuel. "La base de Manta, el Plan Colombia y los militares ecuatorianos." Universitas 1, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17163/uni.n3.2003.04.

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En el ya largo debate sobre las implicaciones del Plan Colombia y los acuerdos sobre la Base de Manta, que se inició a fines del año de 1999, se ha podido advertir que, los militares ecuatorianos, de las diversas ramas y jerarquías de las Fuerzas Armadas, tanto en servicio activo como pasivo, no tienen una posición única sobre este delicado asunto de la vida política nacional e internacional. Al parecer, las desventuras se iniciaron con el hermetismo con el que el gobierno de Jamil Mahuad Witt buscó tratar el asunto, en una reedición de las viejas prácticas de la diplomacia internacional secreta. Voceros de ese gobierno, en 1999, trataron de negar la existencia de un acuerdo con los Estados Unidos sobre la Base de Manta. Las protestas y presiones desarrolladas por varios sectores sociales obligaron al Presidente del Congreso Nacional, Juan José Pons, a solicitar, con fecha 6 de mayo de 1999, un informe al Ejecutivo:<br />Respecto a las razones por las cuales se suscribió un Acuerdo con el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos de América para el empleo de la infraestructura de la Base de la Fuerza Aérea Ecuatoriana en Manta en la lucha contra el narcotráfico. <br /><br />
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46

Sribnyak, Ihor. "З історії діяльності української військової дипломатії в Польщі у 1920 році (за документами Центрального військового архіву Польщі)." Archivi Ukraїni 2020, no. 2 (August 18, 2020): 86–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.47315/archives2020.323.086.

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47

Aguiar, João Catraio. "RELAÇÕES SUTIS:." Revista da Escola Superior de Guerra 28, no. 57 (August 25, 2017): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47240/revistadaesg.v28i57.205.

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O presente artigo visa analisar as relações entre o pensamento político brasileiro, a Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG) e a Política Externa Brasileira em dois momentos cujo enfoque principal era a “autonomia”: “Política Externa Independente” e “Pragmatismo Responsável e Ecumênico”. A criação da ESG será vista em retrospectiva histórica, associada com a investigação sobre a formação específica de militares e diplomatas, e de “esguianos” (os que cursaram os cursos da ESG) em geral. As políticas públicas serão entendidas como se relacionando com o pensamento político e ações dos “homens de estado”, formuladores das políticas públicas, entre elas a política externa. Ao fim deste estudo, conclui-se que há uma importância da ESG no fomento à coesão entre atores; além de conectar o passado das práticas e pensamentos do/sobre Brasil com o que se quer para o país no futuro.
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Vail, Kenneth E., and Matt Motyl. "Support for diplomacy: Peacemaking and militarism as a unidimensional correlate of social, environmental, and political attitudes." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 16, no. 1 (2010): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10781910903486813.

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49

Whitworth, Sandra. "Gender, international relations and the case of the ILO." Review of International Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1994): 389–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118182.

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Much of the work that has been done by feminist International Relations (IR) theorists thus far has been to critique the existing discipline for its obvious inattention to questions of women and gender. It is time now to turn to more substantive work and explore not only the ways in which gender is absent from the study of international relations, but to document also the ways in which gender informs the various institutions and practices of international relations. To this end, feminist analyses of political economy, militarism, state-building, diplomacy and so on have begun to emerge. The present study is part of this project and seeks to develop an account of gender and international organizations and then apply it to an illustrative study of the International Labour Organization (ILO).
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Saaler, Sven. "THE KOKURYŪKAI (BLACK DRAGON SOCIETY) AND THE RISE OF NATIONALISM, PAN-ASIANISM, AND MILITARISM IN JAPAN, 1901–1925." International Journal of Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (July 2014): 125–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147959141400014x.

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In the conduct of prewar Japanese foreign relations, political associations (seiji kessha) – we might also call them pressure groups – exerted considerable political influence, particularly on Japan's relations with China and other Asian nations. One of the best known of these political associations is the Kokuryūkai (the “Amur Society,” also known as the “Black Dragon Society”), which was founded in 1901 and, in 1946, was banned as an ultranationalist association by the American occupation authorities. The Kokuryūkai was also identified as the center of an expansionist conspiracy to steer Japan towards war with the Western powers.In the absence of detailed studies of the Kokuryūkai, this article aims to clarify the organization's political views and activities and to demonstrate its influence on Japanese foreign relations and involvement in East Asia in the early twentieth century. Drawing on primary sources such as the association's publications and its leaders' memoranda and letters, I show that the Kokuryūkai engaged in intensive networking activities and the accumulation of social capital involving not only Japanese but also Chinese and Korean politicians and diplomats. Nevertheless, I conclude that the association's influence on the origins of the Asia-Pacific War should not be overstated, since its activities reached a climax in the late 1910s and effectively ended with the death of founder Uchida Ryōhei in 1937.
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