Relevant bibliographies by topics / Diplomata militaria

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
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Academic literature on the topic 'Diplomata militaria'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 9 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Diplomata militaria"

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Peralta Labrador, Eduardo. "Las cohortes cántabras del ejército romano: Cohors I Cantabrorum." Hispania Antiqua, no. XLI (December 11, 2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ha.xli.2017.131-172.

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Peralta Labrador, Eduardo. "Las cohortes cántabras del ejército romano: Cohors II Cantabrorum." Hispania Antiqua, no. XLI (December 12, 2017): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ha.xli.2017.173-209.

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Eck, Werner, and Andreas Pangerl. "Fragmentarische Militärdiplome aus der Zeit von Domitian bis Commodus." Acta Musei Napocensis 56 (December 12, 2019): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.56.04.

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A total of thirteen fragments of diplomata militaria are published. They date from the period between Domitian and Commodus: one each from the reign of Domitian, Nerva, Trajan and Commodus, and two each from the reign of Pius, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. But five alone date back to Hadrian, including the first he issued for the army of Egypt. There are two each for the troops of Moesia inferior and Pannonia superior, one each for Dacia inferior, Aegyptus and either for an Italian fleet or the Praetorians. Six more are for auxiliary troops, but remain unknown for which province.
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Świętoń, Adam, and Konrad Tadajczyk. "‘EDICTUM DOMITIANI DE PRIVILEGIIS VETERANORUM’. EDYKT CESARZA DOMICJANA O PRZYWILEJACH WETERANÓW." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 4 (December 5, 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.4.01.

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‘Edictum Domitiani de Privilegiis Veteranorum’: The Emperor Domitian’s Edict on Veterans’ PrivilegesSummaryThis article contains the text and translation of the Edictum Domitiani on veterans’ privileges with a commentary. This edict is an interesting illustration of imperial military and social policy on the privileges of veterans and their families. Its text survives thanks to a private copy made by Marcus Valerius Quadratus, a discharged soldier of the legio X Fretensis. The privileges granted by the Emperor Domitian guaranteed benefits also found in other veterans’ concessions (as the diplomata militaria shows) – citizenship, tax exemption, conubium with a peregrine woman. But the personal scope of Domitian’s privileges is unusual – its beneficiaries were not only veterans and their children, but also their wives and parents (if they lived with the soldier after his discharge). The full range of privileges is unknown; unfortunately Valerius’ copy is partly damaged. The authors also discuss some of the doubts concerning the edict’s addressees and types of privileges granted under this edict.
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Huang, Reyko. "Rebel Diplomacy in Civil War." International Security 40, no. 4 (April 2016): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00237.

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In the midst of civil war, rebel groups often expend significant resources opening offices in foreign capitals, meeting with heads of state, expanding their overseas networks, appealing to international organizations, and contacting foreign media. Existing scholarship has generally neglected international diplomacy as an aspect of violent rebellion, focusing instead on rebel efforts at domestic organization. A systematic documentation of rebel diplomacy in post–1950 civil wars using new quantitative and qualitative data shows that rebel diplomacy is commonplace and that many groups demonstrate as much concern for overseas political campaigns as they do for domestic and local mobilization. Diplomacy, furthermore, is not a weapon of the militarily weak, but a tactical choice for rebel groups seeking political capital within an international system that places formidable barriers to entry on nonstate entities. An original analysis of the diplomacy of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in the Angolan civil war using archival sources further demonstrates why rebels may become active diplomats in one phase of a conflict but eschew diplomacy in another. More broadly, the international relations of rebel groups promise to be an important new research agenda in understanding violent politics.
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Vaïsse, Maurice. "Diplomatie et outil militaire." Revue Défense Nationale N° 777, no. 2 (February 2, 2015): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdna.777.0005.

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Munhoz, Sidnei J. "George Frost Kennan e a arquitetura da política externa dos EUA na gênese da Guerra Fria." Diálogos 22, no. 1 (July 7, 2018): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v22i1.43621.

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Este artigo analisa a importância do papel desempenhado pelo diplomata George Frost Kennan na elaboração da política externa dos Estados Unidos durante a Guerra Fria. Ao final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, no contexto marcado pelas apreensões relativas às rivalidades globais entre os EUA e a URSS, Kennan recomendou uma estratégia com a intenção de conter as potenciais tendências expansionistas da União Soviética. Em sua consideração, a principal ameaça posta pela União Soviética não era militar, mas sua capacidade de influência ideológica, veiculada pelos partidos comunistas e seus seguidores no interior das sociedades democráticas ocidentais. Desta hipótese precedente, Kennan arquitetou a Doutrina de Contenção, uma estratégia crucial da política externa dos Estados Unidos durante a Guerra Fria. Como um diplomata de carreira e grande autoridade nos estudos relacionados à sociedade Soviética, Kennan escreveu durante a sua vida uma extraordinária obra relacionada à diplomacia dos EUA e aos seus desafios colossais no ambiente do conflito global. No entanto, desde o início da segunda Administração Truman, Kennan observou que a estratégia estadunidense em relação à Guerra Fria havia se tornado mais militarista e intensificado a corrida armamentista. Ao assumir uma posição crítica em relação a essas diretrizes, que, de acordo com a sua perspectiva, levava à distorção da sua concepção original da teoria da Contenção, Kennan foi marginalizado pelo novo Secretário de Estado, Dean Acheson e deslocado do núcleo de elaboração política do governo. Posteriormente, ele questionou a adopção da Doutrina Truman, a criação da OTAN e o envolvimento dos Estados Unidos nas guerras da Coréia e do Vietnam. Abstract George Frost Kennan and the architecture of U.S. Foreign Policy in the genesis of the Cold War This article analyzes the major role performed by diplomat George Frost Kennan in the United States Foreign Policy during the Cold War. By the end of World War II, amidst apprehensions concerning the U.S. and the USSR global rivalries, Kennan recommended a strategy intending to contain the potential expansionist tendencies of the Soviet Union. In his consideration, the core threat upraised by Soviet Union was not military, but its ideological influence conveyed by Communist parties and fellow travelers inside the western democratic societies. From this preceding hypothesis, Kennan designed the doctrine of containment, a crucial strategy of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War. As a career diplomat and major authority on Soviet society, Kennan wrote during his lifetime an remarkable work related to U.S. diplomacy and its colossal challenges in the environment of that global conflict. Nonetheless, since the inauguration of the second Truman administration, Kennan observed that U.S. Cold War strategy had become more militaristic and that it had strengthened the arms race. For assuming a critical position towards this path, which, according to his perspective, was a distortion of his original containment theory, Kennan was marginalized by the new Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, and displaced from core government power. Subsequently, he stood up against the adoption of the Truman Doctrine, the creation of NATO and the commitment of the United States in the Korean and Vietnam wars. Resumen George Frost Kennan y la arquitectura de la política externa de los EUA en el origen de la Guerra Fría Este artículo analiza la importancia del papel desempeñado por el diplomático George Frost Kennan en la elaboración de la política externa de los Estados Unidos durante la Guerra Fría. Al finalizar la Segunda Guerra Mundial, en el contexto marcado por las aprehensiones vinculadas a las rivalidades globales entre los EUA y la URSS, Kennan recomendó una estrategia con la intención de contener las potenciales tendencias expansionistas de la Unión Soviética. En su entendimiento, la principal amenaza de la Unión Soviética no era militar, y sí su capacidad de influencia ideológica, vehiculada por los partidos comunistas y sus seguidores en el interior de las sociedades democráticas occidentales. Partiendo de esta hipótesis, Kennan ideó la Doctrina de Contención, una estrategia crucial de la política externa de los EEUU durante la Guerra Fría. Como diplomático de carrera y una autoridad en estudios relacionados a la Unión Soviética, Kennan escribió durante su vida una extraordinaria obra relacionada a la diplomacia estadounidense y sus desafíos colosales en el ambiente del conflicto global. Sin embargo, desde el inicio de la segunda administración Truman, Kennan observó que la estrategia de los EUA en relación a la Guerra Fría se había tornado más militarista, intensificándose la carrera armamentista. Al asumir una posición crítica en relación a estas directrices que, de acuerdo a su perspectiva, conducía a la distorsión de su original teoría de la Contención, Kennan fue marginado por el nuevo Secretario de Estado, Dean Acheson, y desplazado del núcleo de elaboración política del gobierno. Posteriormente, él cuestionó la adopción de la Doctrina Truman, la creación de la OTAN y la participación de Estados Unidos en las guerras de Corea y de Vietnam
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Jiménez de Furundarena, Agustín. "Cohors IV Callaecorum Lucensium equitata." Hispania Antiqua, no. XLI (December 11, 2017): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ha.xli.2017.107-130.

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Se analiza la historia y evolución de una unidad auxiliar del ejército romano de origen hispano, la Cohors IV Callaecorum Lucensium equitata, que conocemos casi exclusivamente a través de Diplomata militaris. Fue creada tras el grave revés romano de Rhandeia (62 d. C) y perduró hasta la expeditio Parthica de Lucio Vero.
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Gomart, Thomas. "La diplomatie vue par un militaire." Études Octobr, no. 10 (2020): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.4275.0029.

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d'Abzac, Claude, Jean Doise, and Maurice Vaisse. "Diplomatie et outil militaire, 1871-1969." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 19 (July 1988): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769804.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Diplomata militaria"

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CASTAGNINO, FRANCESCO. "I MILITES E I VETERANI: CONDIZIONE GIURIDICA E PRIVILEGI NELL'ETA' DEL PRINCIPATO." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/621248.

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Questa tesi si propone di affrontare alcune specifiche questioni riguardanti il ius militare, ovvero quello specifico ius singulare, che, a partire da Augusto, disciplinò le esistenze dei soldati e dei veterani dell’esercito romano. Nello specifico, l’indagine si concentra unicamente sulle norme regolanti la condizione di milites e veterani nell’età del Principato. La ricerca si divide in quattro parti. Nella prima si propone una breve descrizione della storia istituzionale dell’esercito, a partire dalla riforma di Caio Mario fino agli interventi di Augusto in ambito militare. Con riguardo alla riforma militare augustea ci si è soffermati, innanzitutto, sull’istituzione del servizio militare professionale e, in secondo luogo, sull’istituzione dei premi di congedo (i cosiddetti praemia militiae) e dell’aerarium militare (ovvero della cassa specificamente preposta al pagamento dei praemia). Nella seconda parte si prendono in esame le norme che disciplinavano il procedimento di reclutamento e le condizioni di accesso ai differenti corpi dell’esercito, vale a dire le legioni, le truppe ausiliarie, le coorti pretorie e urbane, le coorti dei vigiles, gli equites singulares Augusti e le flotte pretorie e provinciali. Oltre ai requisiti fisici e a quelli giuridici, previsti per accedere a tali corpi, si è approfondito lo studio dello status civitatis attribuito ai milites di alcuni reparti (segnatamente i classiarii delle flotte pretorie e gli equites singulares Augusti), al momento della loro iscrizione nei ranghi dell’unità. La terza parte approfondisce un tema molto controverso, quello del divieto di matrimonio dei militari. Dopo un’analisi approfondita delle differenti opinioni formulate su questo problema, la mia tesi si rivolge ad alcuni nodi mai sciolti dagli studiosi, chiarendo che esso, certamente introdotto prima di Claudio, fu revocato soltanto da Settimio Severo nel 197. L’indagine ha poi affrontato due questioni tra loro connesse: da un canto la natura giuridica delle unioni che i soldati intrattenevano con le donne conosciute durante la ferma, dall’altro la condizione dei figli concepiti in tali relazioni. Quanto a quest’ultimo aspetto mi sono soffermato in particolar modo sui contenuti della nota epistula di Adriano a Ramnius Martialis, la quale concesse ai figli dei soldati di alcuni reparti (in particolare a quelli dei legionari) la bonorum possessio unde cognati. Nella quarta e ultima parte si affronta il tema dei privilegi concessi con il congedo ai veterani e alle loro famiglie. L’indagine si incentra sull’esame dei formulari dei diplomata militaria, ovvero di quei documenti consegnati, al momento dell’honesta missio (congedo onorevole), agli auxiliares, ai classiarii delle flotte pretorie e provinciali, ai pretoriani, agli urbaniciani e agli equites singulares Augusti. L’esame del loro formulario ha permesso di definire la specifica condizione giuridica dei veterani di questi differenti reparti dell’esercito. Lo studio dei diplomata propone, inoltre, altre spinose questioni: occorre comprendere, in primo luogo, perché essi, salvo alcuni casi eccezionali, non furono mai consegnati ai veterani delle iustae legiones. La tesi si chiude con un’indagine sulla natura giuridica delle cosiddette leges veteranorum, vale a dire quelle constitutiones poste a fondamento del rilascio dei singoli diplomi. A tal riguardo l’indagine tenta di individuare le ragioni per le quali le leges veteranorum concernenti gli ausiliari, i classiarii e gli equites singulares Augusti, si differenziavano, anche sul piano diplomatico, da quelle dei pretoriani e degli urbaniciani.
This dissertation aims to deal with some particular questions about ius militare, namely the specific ius singulare, which regulated the condition of Roman soldiers and veterans from the age of Augustus. In particular, the study focuses solely on the rules regulating the condition of milites and veterans in the period of the Roman Principate. The research is divided into four parts. In the first part there is a short description of the institutional history of the Roman army, from the reform of Caius Marius up to the interventions of Augustus in military affairs. With regard to the Augustan military reform, I have concentrated first on the creation of the professional military service and, secondly, on the foundation of the awards of discharge (the so-called praemia militiae) and of the aerarium militare (namely the treasury that would specifically finance the praemia). In the second part, I examine the rules pertaining to the procedure of recruitment and the conditions of access to the different units of the Roman army, namely the legions, the auxiliary units, the Praetorian Guard, the urban cohorts, the vigiles, the equites singulares Augusti, and the praetorian and provincial classes. In addition to the physical and legal requirements, necessary for access to these units, I examine in depth the status civitatis that was conferred to the milites of some units (in particular the classiarii of praetorian classes and the equites singulares Augusti), at the moment of their enrolment in the military. The third part examines a very controversial issue, namely the marriage ban for the soldiers. Following a detailed examination of the different opinions on this question, my dissertation investigates some complex issues which are still to be resolved, clarifying that the ban, certainly introduced befor Claudius, was withdrawn only by Septimius Severus in 197 AD. Furthermore, the research deals with two other related matters: namely, the legal status of the relationships maintained by the soldiers with the women that they met during the service, and, the condition of the children conceived in these relationships. As far as the latter is concerned, I particularly concentrate on the content of the well-known epistula of Hadrian to Ramnius Martialis, which conferred to the children of some milites (in particular those of the legionaries) the bonorum possessio unde cognati. In the fourth and last part, I examine the issue of the privileges conferred to the veterans and their families upon discharge. The research focuses on the analysis of the formularies of diplomata militaria, namely the documents delivered upon the honesta missio (the honorable discharge) to the auxiliares, to the classiarii of the praetorian and provincial fleet, to the praetorians, to the urbaniciani and to the equites singulares Augusti. The examination of their formularies has allowed us to clarify the specific legal condition of the veterans from these different military units. Furthermore, the study on diplomata proposes other thorny questions: firstly it must be understood why they, apart from some exceptional cases, were never delivered to the veterans of iustae legiones. The dissertation ends with a research on the legal nature of the so-called leges veteranorum, namely the constitutiones on the basis of the delivery of each diploma. In this regard, the study attempts to identify the reason why the leges veteranorum concerning the auxiliaries, the classiarii, and the equites singulares Augusti, are different from those of the praetorians and of the urbaniciani, also as regards their diplomatic structure.
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Fernandes, Thomas Dreux Miranda. "Diplomacia militar - Antônio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira: autonomia e interferências, o Itamaraty e o regime militar 1974-1979." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8161/tde-10032017-142914/.

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O tema proposto para estudo é investigar, delimitar e compreender os graus de autonomia e interferência existentes dentro do Itamaraty durante o regime militar brasileiro. O objeto central da análise é, para tanto, a vida, carreira e atuação do ex-membro do corpo diplomático brasileiro, Antônio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira, Ministro das Relações Exteriores durante o governo de Ernesto Geisel, entre 1974-1979. As fontes utilizadas são basicamente o arquivo pessoal do diplomata disponibilizado e digitalizado pelo CPDOC/FGV além de documentação oficial da Comissão Nacional da Verdade disponível online, também são consultados periódicos. A base teórica parte de David do Nascimento Batista que aponta como Habitus Diplomático sendo capaz de indicar a reformulação de práticas pela qual o Itamaraty passou durante o regime militar, entretanto, sem encerrar a discussão sobre autonomia e identidade nacional dentro do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, a pesquisa procura ajudar a preencher uma lacuna na historiografia brasileira no que diz respeito a atuação diplomática brasileira durante o regime militar.
The subject proposed for study in this research is to investigate, delimitate and understand the different levels of autonomy and interference that existed inside the Itamaraty during the brazilian dictatorship. The main object of analysis is the life, career and performance of an ex-member of the brazilian diplomacy, Antônio Azeredo da Silveira, Foreign Relations Minister during the administration of Ernesto Geisel, in the years of 1974-1979. The sources used in this investigation are basically the Personal Archive of the diplomat, avaiable and digitalized at CPDOC/FGV. Besides that, are also used offical documents of the Comissão Nacional da Verdade avaiable online, were consulted as well some periodics and secundary sources. The theorical basis have as fundamental mark what David do Nascimento Batista points out as Habitus Diplomático being capable of indicate an reformulation of practices wich Itamaraty had been through during the dictatorship, nevertheless, do not put an end in the discussion about autonomy and national identity. This research intends to help to fullfill an important blank in the brazilian historiography about the performance of the brazilian diplomacy during the dictatorship.
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Tomás, José Baptista Franque. "Cooperação político-militar angolano-cubana." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12714.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
A presente investigação tem por objectivo conhecer a história militar angolana no período da descolonização e posterior guerra civil angolana, tendo em conta a importância da cooperação e assistência militar de Cuba a Angola (ao MPLA) nestes dois períodos da Guerra Fria. Desta forma procuramos analisar a missão internacionalista de Cuba em Angola, a maior missão militar e civil cubana da sua história, no contexto das rivalidades Leste-Oeste no continente africano e o modo como estas se repercutiu nos equilíbrios regionais em África e contribuiu para o fim do regime do apartheid na África do Sul. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a missão internacionalista em Angola foi uma decisão cubana (e não da URSS) no quadro da afirmação dos laços de solidariedade Sul-Sul no contexto do movimento dos países Não Alinhados do Terceiro Mundo.
This dissertation places Cuban internationalism, specifically its military and civil mission in Angola, as an entry point to explore the Angolan military history in the period of decolonization and later Angolan civil war, taking into account the importance of Cuba’s cooperation and military assistance to Angola (MPLA) in these two periods of the Cold War. Taking in account the internationalist mission of Cuba in Angola, the largest Cuban military and civilian mission in its history in the context of East-West rivalry in Africa, this study examines the mission´s regional consequences in Africa such as the end of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The research results show that the internationalist mission in Angola was a Cuban decision (not the USSR) under the idea of enhancing South-South solidarity between the states of the Third War not aligned with either bloc, the so-called Non-Aligned Movement.
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Warman, Steven A. "Transforming the American soldier educating the warrior-diplomat." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2133.

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In this thesis, we examine the current levels of cultural understanding and irregular warfare being taught in U.S. Army conventional military schools. Given engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is our view that the military needs a deeper understanding of the indigenous people due to the extremely close and on-going interaction between American Soldiers and the local populations. Current analysis of the difficulties being reported suggests U.S. Army Soldiers are having trouble combating irregular warfare due to cultural misunderstandings and a lack of counterinsurgency training, thereby reflecting a likely educational gap in the U.S. Army's formal military educational training system. This thesis analyzes the current problems and difficulties Soldiers are reported to be having while attempting to combat irregular forces in non-western environments. We analyze the amount of training U.S. Army Soldiers receive in cultural understanding and irregular warfare in the military schools pipeline and conclude that there is a connection between problems Soldiers currently face and a lack of training for the conduct of operations in foreign countries. We propose a number of solutions to overcome these suspected gaps in education and suggested changes to the Army's professional education curriculum.
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Hudson, Jeff D. Warman Steven A. "Transforming the American soldier : educating the warrior-diplomat /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FHudson.pdf.

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Nabuco, de Araujo Rodrigo. "Conquête des esprits et commerce des armes : la diplomatie militaire française au Brésil (1945-1974)." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00690336.

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Les relations internationales du Brésil sont marquées par l'omniprésence états-unienne. Nous proposons ici de déconstruire en partie cette perspective, à l'appui d'archives inédites issues des ministères français des Affaires étrangères et de la Défense. Durant les années 50, 60 et 70, la France a envoyé ses plus grands spécialistes du renseignement au Brésil. Issus d'horizons politiques très différents, ces hommes ont assuré le transfert des doctrines coloniales de l'armée française vers l'armée brésilienne mais ils ont aussi créé des débouchés pour les industries françaises reconstituées dans l'après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En moins de vingt ans, l'armée française a entièrement remodelé la perception que les militaires brésiliens avaient de leur rôle. La technologie exportée n'était pas uniquement matérielle ; politique, elle a permis la construction d'un nouvel édifice militaire, fondé sur le principe de la guerre anti-subversive, sur l'action des services de renseignement et sur l'hégémonie des groupes industriels liés à l'armement. En ce sens, la France a largement contribué à ce que l'armée brésilienne atteigne son autonomie stratégique. Pourtant, sa technologie n'a pas apporté que des résultats positifs. Bien au contraire, à l'instar des guerres menées par l'armée française dans les colonies, la guerre anti-subversive au Brésil a refondu la société brésilienne.
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Leins, Steffen. "Reichsgraf Peter Melander von Holzappel (1589-1648) : Aufstieg eines Bauernsohns als Kriegsunternehmer, Diplomat und Herrschaftsorganisator." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/4995/.

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Palayret, Jean-Marie Poidevin Raymond. "L'alliance impossible : diplomatie et outil militaire dans les relations franco-italiennes /." [Vincennes] : Service historique de la marine, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39213462j.

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Palayret, Jean Marie. "L'alliance impossible diplomatie et outil militaire dans les relations franco-italiennes /." [Vincennes] : Service historique de la marine, 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/58467873.html.

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Smith, Michael Shane. "Windows of opportunity and military escalation: Bringing diplomatic factors back-in." Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3284460.

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Books on the topic "Diplomata militaria"

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Castagnino, Francesco. I diplomata militaria: Una ricognizione giuridica. Milano: Giuffrè Francis Lefebvre, 2022.

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Diplomaty v pogonakh. Moskva: Kuchkovo pole, 2011.

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Poh, Angela. Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722353.

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The view that China has become increasingly assertive under President Xi Jinping is now a common trope in academic and media discourse. However, until the end of Xi Jinping’s first term in March 2018, China had been relatively restrained in its use of coercive economic measures. This is puzzling given the conventional belief among scholars and practitioners that sanctions are a middle ground between diplomatic and military/paramilitary action. Using a wide range of methods and data — including in-depth interviews with 76 current and former politicians, policy-makers, diplomats, and commercial actors across 12 countries and 16 cities — Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics: Rhetoric and Restraint in China’s Diplomacy examines the ways in which China had employed economic sanctions to further its political objectives, and the factors explaining China’s behaviour. This book provides a systematic investigation into the ways in which Chinese decisionmakers approached sanctions both at the United Nations Security Council and unilaterally, and shows how China’s longstanding sanctions rhetoric has had a constraining effect on its behaviour, resulting in its inability to employ sanctions in complete alignment with its immediate interests.
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O militar e o diplomata. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca do Exército Editora, 1997.

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Great Britain. Ministry of Defence. Defence diplomacy. London: MOD, 2001.

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Great Britain. Ministry of Defence. Defence diplomacy. [London]: Ministry of Defence, 1999.

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Latfalla, Giovanni. Relações militares, Brasil-EUA 1939/1943. Rio de Janeiro (RJ): Gramma, 2019.

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Agureev, Stanislav, Andrey Boltaevskiy, and Igor' Pryadko. Russia and the world in the First World War: diplomacy, war on the Western front, culture and modernization of military equipment. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1194151.

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In the monograph, the authors answer a number of questions related to the history of the First World War: from its diplomatic preparation to the planning and implementation of major military operations and foreign policy outcomes. Various aspects of world diplomacy on the eve of the war, public opinion of the belligerent countries, aspects of conducting and planning military operations, as well as the reflection of this war in the works of domestic and foreign historians are subjected to a detailed rethinking. It is intended for professional historians and for a wider readership, teachers and students.
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Isabel de Palencia: Diplomacia, periodismo y militancia al servicio de la República. Málaga: Universidad de Málaga, 2014.

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Traumann, Andrew. Os militares e os aiatolás: Relações Brasil-Irã (1979-1985). Jundiaí, SP: Paco Editorial, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "Diplomata militaria"

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Fierke, K. M. "Military Interventions." In Diplomatic Interventions, 79–100. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509917_5.

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Schweitzer, Glenn E. "Changing Concepts of Military Power and National Security." In Techno-Diplomacy, 23–59. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-6046-7_2.

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Havrylyshyn, Oleh, and Nora Srzentić. "Maximal Diplomacy with Minimal Military." In Institutions Always “Mattered”, 169–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137339782_13.

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Holmes, Alison. "Cross Section 6.1: China: Zhou Dynasty—Culture and Confucius Meet Military Might." In Global Diplomacy, 191–95. Boulder, Colorado : Westview Press, 2016.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429493799-13.

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Holmes, Alison. "Cross Section 7.1: India: Chandragupta and Chanakya, Military Strategy and Political Power." In Global Diplomacy, 216–23. Boulder, Colorado : Westview Press, 2016.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429493799-15.

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Zhixiong, Shen. "On China’s Military Diplomacy in Africa." In China and Africa, 101–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52893-9_6.

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Williams, Abiodun. "The U.S. Military and Public Diplomacy." In Toward a New Public Diplomacy, 217–37. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230100855_11.

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Martín, Félix E. "Democracy, Trade, Diplomacy, and Peace: Empirical Findings." In Militarist Peace in South America, 117–48. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403983589_7.

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Doboš, Bohumil. "Outer Space as a Military-Diplomatic Field." In Geopolitics of the Outer Space, 33–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96857-5_3.

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Sims, Jennifer E. "Intelligence Support to Diplomacy." In Decision Advantage, 251—C9.P36. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197508046.003.0009.

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Abstract To prepare for the coming chapters on diplomatic intelligence, this chapter discusses the similarities and differences between military and diplomatic decision-making. “Diplomacy” is discussed in its broadest sense as the development, clarification, and representation of foreign policies to and from foreign governments, including intelligence gathering and negotiation. “Diplomatic operations” are the logistics of diplomacy. Although the requirements for intelligence support to diplomacy and diplomatic operations overlap with support to the military, there are differences: (1) Diplomats bargain, logroll, and trade with adversaries, sometimes to gain win-win outcomes. (2) Chiefs of mission tend to be more wary than their military counterparts are of incompatible, clandestine intelligence operations because such activities put diplomatic decision advantage at risk for the seemingly lesser goal of intelligence advantage. (3) Diplomacy involves the management of global politics, making the terrain of uncertainty and the geographic reach of collection potentially larger than that of the military in peacetime. (4) Unlike military intelligence, diplomacy has traditionally (and wrongly) prioritized policy requirements (negotiations, reporting, and policymaking) over logistics (embassy construction, operations, communications, and logistics) when seeking intelligence support. (5) Unlike in the military, foreign policymaking and diplomacy have informal and sometimes seemingly arbitrary chains of command; decision-makers may change often, requiring a redirection of intelligence flows. Diplomacy involves influencing multiple foreign governments so selective secrecy (agility in the classification and declassification of intelligence) is often more important than it is to military operations, except perhaps when the latter involves conducting joint operations with allies.
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Conference papers on the topic "Diplomata militaria"

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Wedgwood, Janet, Zacharias Horiatis, and Thaddeus Konicki. "Employing Automation for Effect Prediction and Exploration in Complex Simulations (EAEPECS)." In ASME 2008 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2008-50101.

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Support of military campaigns requires new approaches for effective generation of desired effects, and continuous adjustment of the actions, for the entire life of the campaign. Military planners are moving to Effects-Based Operations (EBO) [1] to achieve these desired effects for a combination of Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic (DIME) actions. As military planners move from pure military operations to Effects-Based Operations (EBO) [1], they will need tools to enhance their understanding how the desired Political, Military, Economic, Social, Infrastructure, Information (PMESII) effects can be achieved through a combination of Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic (DIME) actions. Engineers at Lockheed Martin Advanced Technology Laboratories are developing the Employing Automation for Effect Prediction and Exploration in Complex Simulations processes as part of their research into the use of Modeling and Simulation to develop and analyze campaign-level effects-based operations. It uses innovative multi-paradigm simulations of DIME actions on models to determine the probable desired effects, as well as the undesirable effects, while developing a better understanding of second and third order effects. In order for this technology to be useful to military analysts and planners, it must be made accessible to non computer scientists. Our goal is to help analysts and planners easily exploit the power of Modeling and Simulation for exploring Effects-Based Operations through automation of scenario development, model instantiation, integration and initialization and Course of Action (COA) development, simulation and analysis.
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Bhandari, Pitambar. "Making the Soft Power Hard: Nepal’s Internal Ability in Safeguarding National Interest." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.008.

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Abstract Soft power is an important instrument of foreign policy and a tool in safeguarding national interests. Under various regimes after the advent of democracy in 1950, Nepal has experienced a turbulent effect of international influence on technology, governance capability, policy transfer, labor migration and climatic affairs. In these contexts, traditional diplomatic effort based on persuasive bargaining requires an interest based practice which is complicated for the countries like Nepal where military power and economy are considered to be public goods rather than strategic base for the expansion of domestic policy making the other countries follow. Nepal creates an exemplary image in coping with the internal and external threats even during the major political transitions in 1950, 1990 and 2006. In all these power sharing mechanisms, the immunity that galvanized internal forces with minimum experience of indirect influence from the neighbouring countries shows that soft power values in Nepal became the major component for managing internal tensions and mitigating external interests. At one hand, the sources of soft power rests on ancient value system and on the other, Nepal celebrates new political system confronting the values earlier regime survived on. Political crisis before 2015 and the natural disaster after it plunged Nepal into a serious threat. During the time of crisis it is need and the value that functions compared to the interest. This paper posits a central question that how soft power became a variant during the war to peace transition from 2006 to the period of implementation of constitution stipulated in 2015 with the result of a stable government. The first part of the paper explores the dimensions of soft power in Nepal- both perceived and practiced- after Jana Aandolan II. The effectiveness of soft power in maintaining the geostrategic importance through a constant coupling of soft power diplomacy adopted and endorsed in Nepal by the external powers and Nepal’s own soft power standpoint will be analyzed in the second part of the paper. The last section of the paper analyzes the challenges for effective implementation of soft power diplomacy in meeting the national interest. Key words: Soft power, geo-strategic importance, national interest
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Howard, Newton. "Diplomatic, Information, Military and Economic power (DIME): An effects modeling system." In 2012 National Conference on Computing and Communication Systems (NCCCS). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ncccs.2012.6413032.

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Oancea, Vlad. "Establishing Effective Cyber Diplomacy and Deterrence Capabilities between International Partners." In International Conference on Cybersecurity and Cybercrime. Romanian Association for Information Security Assurance, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19107/cybercon.2022.15.

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Changes has been always a constant in a modern and dynamic world, but the rapidity of change in the global security landscape accelerated after 9/11 and global war against terrorism. There is a new approach regarding political, ideological, economic and military race due to globalization which improved the landscape with good practices and developmental growth, but is still a major driver of instability. While threat of conventional decrease, accordingly the spread of conflict, it complexity, accuracy, changeable and reach into many areas have emerged. Many new types of warfare have also emerging like cyber, network, digital, information, economic, media pursued cross domains both in peace or war. Especially nowadays but also during challenging times, deterrence has been an important part of foreign affairs of a nation, to conserve internal and external stability and preserve it’s integrity.
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Uğur, Ömer. "The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01652.

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The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game. In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat. As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.
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Shakarishvili, Dato. "Business Intelligence Management and its Impact on Economic Security." In Challenges in Economics and Business in the Post-COVID Times. University of Maribor Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/um.epf.5.2022.40.

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This paper describes the influence of business intelligence management and economic security at all levels of the business sector. The paper reflects the analysis of various data, literature reviews and organisational statistics. Based on the data comparison, the paper provides formulas, indicators and recommendations to bring managerial levels closer to business intelligence management. In the modern era, states’ top priorities are areas of political power and balance, diplomatic influence and mediation, guarantees of economic growth, military and defence policies. The main principle is not to stagnate in the optimal phase of state but rather to keep up continous improvement.
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Norovsambuu, Khishigt, Leonid Kuras, and Bazar Tsybenov. "From Intelligence to the Beginning of Revolutionary Cooperation: the Evolution of Russian Policy in Respect of Mongolia (1905–1918)." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2021. Baikal State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3040-3.43.

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The article is devoted to the evolution of the policy of the Russian Empire and Soviet Russia on the issue of Mongolia. The period under study begins with the Russo-Japanese War at the beginning of the 20th century and ends with the attempts of Soviet Russia to establish relations with Mongolia in 1917–1918. The authors analyzed in detail the military-intelligence, diplomatic and revolutionary aspects of Russian politics in Mongolia. The article also examines the question of the probable meeting in 1917 of Mongolian representatives with the revolutionaries of the Central Executive Committee of Soviet power in Siberia and the Siberian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
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Rehrl, Jochen, and Arnold Kammel. "THE SECURITY POLICY DIMENSION OF TRAINING AND ELEARNING." In eLSE 2017. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-17-001.

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The European Security and Defence College is a 'network college' which is comprised of 120 national entities including diplomatic academies, national defence universities, police colleges and NGOs. The article below is based on that specific training environment, in which the training audience is mainly recruited from the EU institutions and the country's administration, i.e. from various ministries and agencies. The training environment is international and includes both military and civilian participants, with a focus on ensuring gender and regional balance among trainees. In general, the ESDC provides training and education for the Union's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in the wider context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) at European.level.
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Istrate, Cristiana, George Suciu, Sebastian Ene, and Ijaz Hussain. "AN INTRODUCTION TO UBIQUITOUS COMPUTING IN THE MILITARY NETWORK." In eLSE 2020. University Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-20-026.

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Ubiquitous computing analysis represents an emerging area that implements communication technologies in day-to-day life actions. Ubiquitous computing changes the methods in which people use computers, considering these are involved in everyday aspects. In ubiquitous computing, several types of processes operate automatically in the background and communicate on the user's account. The ubiquitous computing theory is to provide any information for everyone at anytime and anywhere instantly. Mobile ad-hoc Networks are currently a growing technology for the next generation of wireless communication networks. A mobile ad-hoc network can portray as a military or rescue operation network in which a set of mobile nodes are used to send out a mission operation in diplomatic terms. This paper presents common architecture principles of universal systems and analyses significant features in context-aware ubiquitous systems. The main purpose of this work is to define a principle for researchers who are new to ubiquitous computing and want to gain depth on analysis and implementation of a novel method for the ubiquitous computing system in military sectors, in order to contribute towards further research regulations expected into the quality-of-service pledge of ubiquitous computing. The ubiquitous computing is the future of technology related to the internet or smart devices. Moreover, the applicability of technologies found in smartphones, smart TVs and sensors can guide to an increase in strategic capabilities, like sensing and detecting, exchanging and sharing unique real-time data in the military field. This study aims to sketch particular methods by which the learning and teaching methods can be improved. The intelligence of technology advanced in the military sectors along with ubiquitous computing providing a rise in optimization, security, and defence.
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Zodian, Mihai. "GAMING IN VIRTUAL REALITY AND WAR: THE ROYAL WAY TO TEACHING?" In eLSE 2018. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-18-283.

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What if one could teach XVIth Century politics by taking the students right in the middle of events? This sounds like Star Trek, but is part of the promises brought about by a new wave of Virtual Reality (VR) tools. This paper will approach the issue of military history in gaming, with an accent upon the changes brought by this technological change. While teaching history with video games is a frequently discussed idea in social studies, both regarding the phenomenon of war and other, more general, issues, such as economics, social structures, diplomacy, religion, cultures or gender, Virtual Reality applications are still in flux and its perspectives aren`t very clear. Most of them are software demos or modest programs in comparison with established platforms like PCs, smartphones or consoles, and not only regarding video games. Its supporters argue that the new VR wave of products will change everything about the ways we interact in the electronic world, from using the Internet to publicity or elections, while its opponents consider that is a high-tech luxury for rich people, a mere fad. The paper will present VR`s main features: its technical details, the issue of costs, its most significant applications and some of its potential. The main conclusion is that, while there is a great potential for both playing and teaching military history in Virtual Reality, its prospects depends, the same as in other types of video entertainment, upon a combination of market successes and convincing gameplay (I. Cartarescu-Petrica, 2015; M. Sicart, 2009). For now, it is still too soon to decide if the early hopes weren`t too optimistic.
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Reports on the topic "Diplomata militaria"

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Cooper, Michael G. Military Diplomacy in the New World Order. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada264862.

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Popovski, Zdravko. Military Diplomatic Challenges: The Birthing of New Democracies. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada377410.

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El-Shiwy, Ahmed K. The U.S. Egyptian Military/Diplomatic Cooperation in the Middle East. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada265077.

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Sigler, Paul A. Defense Attaches and Theater Security Cooperation: Bringing Military Diplomacy into the 21st Century. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada475512.

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Cucolo, Anthony A., and III. Grunt Diplomacy: The Role of the Military as a Third Party Actor in Peacebuilding. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada344868.

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Baker, David D. The War of Ideas Aspects of the National Public Diplomacy Effort and Possibilities for Military Support. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432488.

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Campbell, Robin A., Annette N. Foster, and Steven J. Smith. Harnessing the Military's Voice: An Argument for a Greater Role in Public Diplomacy by the U.S. Military. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada462815.

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Barfoed, Jacob. Center of Gravity Analysis and Operational Design: Ensuring a Logical Linkage among National Strategic Objectives; Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic Instruments of Power; and the Military Campaign. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada602557.

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Hallenbeck, R. A., J. M. Gill, and B. L. Murray. Military and diplomatic roles and options for managing and responding to the proliferation of ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction. Final report: Program on Stability and the Offense/Defense Relationship. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), May 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/10185064.

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Lewis, Dustin. Three Pathways to Secure Greater Respect for International Law concerning War Algorithms. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/wwxn5790.

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Existing and emerging applications of artificial intelligence in armed conflicts and other systems reliant upon war algorithms and data span diverse areas. Natural persons may increasingly depend upon these technologies in decisions and activities related to killing combatants, destroying enemy installations, detaining adversaries, protecting civilians, undertaking missions at sea, conferring legal advice, and configuring logistics. In intergovernmental debates on autonomous weapons, a normative impasse appears to have emerged. Some countries assert that existing law suffices, while several others call for new rules. Meanwhile, the vast majority of efforts by States to address relevant systems focus by and large on weapons, means, and methods of warfare. Partly as a result, the broad spectrum of other far-reaching applications is rarely brought into view. One normatively grounded way to help identify and address relevant issues is to elaborate pathways that States, international organizations, non-state parties to armed conflict, and others may pursue to help secure greater respect for international law. In this commentary, I elaborate on three such pathways: forming and publicly expressing positions on key legal issues, taking measures relative to their own conduct, and taking steps relative to the behavior of others. None of these pathways is sufficient in itself, and there are no doubt many others that ought to be pursued. But each of the identified tracks is arguably necessary to ensure that international law is — or becomes — fit for purpose. By forming and publicly expressing positions on relevant legal issues, international actors may help clarify existing legal parameters, pinpoint salient enduring and emerging issues, and detect areas of convergence and divergence. Elaborating legal views may also help foster greater trust among current and potential adversaries. To be sure, in recent years, States have already fashioned hundreds of statements on autonomous weapons. Yet positions on other application areas are much more difficult to find. Further, forming and publicly expressing views on legal issues that span thematic and functional areas arguably may help States and others overcome the current normative stalemate on autonomous weapons. Doing so may also help identify — and allocate due attention and resources to — additional salient thematic and functional areas. Therefore, I raise a handful of cross-domain issues for consideration. These issues touch on things like exercising human agency, reposing legally mandated evaluative decisions in natural persons, and committing to engage only in scrutable conduct. International actors may also take measures relative to their own conduct. To help illustrate this pathway, I outline several such existing measures. In doing so, I invite readers to inventory and peruse these types of steps in order to assess whether the nature or character of increasingly complex socio-technical systems reliant upon war algorithms and data may warrant revitalized commitments or adjustments to existing measures — or, perhaps, development of new ones. I outline things like enacting legislation necessary to prosecute alleged perpetrators of grave breaches, making legal advisers available to the armed forces, and taking steps to prevent abuses of the emblem. Finally, international actors may take measures relative to the conduct of others. To help illustrate this pathway, I outline some of the existing steps that other States, international organizations, and non-state parties may take to help secure respect for the law by those undertaking the conduct. These measures may include things like addressing matters of legal compliance by exerting diplomatic pressure, resorting to penal sanctions to repress violations, conditioning or refusing arms transfers, and monitoring the fate of transferred detainees. Concerning military partnerships in particular, I highlight steps such as conditioning joint operations on a partner’s compliance with the law, planning operations jointly in order to prevent violations, and opting out of specific operations if there is an expectation that the operations would violate applicable law. Some themes and commitments cut across these three pathways. Arguably, respect for the law turns in no small part on whether natural persons can and will foresee, understand, administer, and trace the components, behaviors, and effects of relevant systems. It may be advisable, moreover, to institute ongoing cross-disciplinary education and training as well as the provision of sufficient technical facilities for all relevant actors, from commanders to legal advisers to prosecutors to judges. Further, it may be prudent to establish ongoing monitoring of others’ technical capabilities. Finally, it may be warranted for relevant international actors to pledge to engage, and to call upon others to engage, only in armed-conflict-related conduct that is sufficiently attributable, discernable, and scrutable.
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