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1
Reitel, B. "Les agglomérations transfrontalières : des systèmes urbains en voie d'intégration? : les espaces urbains de la "frontière" du territoire français." Geographica Helvetica 62, no. 1 (March 31, 2007): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-62-5-2007.
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Abstract. En tant que limite politique signifiante, la frontière a joué un rôle majeur dans la construction du territoire national de la France. Elle n'a cependant pas été qu'une barrière: une quinzaine d'agglomérations transfrontalières s'y sont formées. L'objectif de cet article consiste à évaluer le degré d'intégration de 15 agglomérations situées sur les frontières de France, dans une perspective de construction européenne et de dévaluation des frontières nationales. L'étude s'appuie sur deux dimensions: l'une spatiale (organisation, pratiques). l'autre territoriale (p. ex. politiques de coopération, projets). Les résultats d'une analyse multivariée montrent que l'importance de la dimension territoriale est liée aux formes de l'intégration spatiale. En s'appuyant sur les propriétés des frontières décrites par Raffestin (1986) et sur le modèle des interactions sociales dans les espaces transfrontaliers proposé par Martinez (1994), il apparaît que la construction européenne se traduit au niveau local par un passage d'une situation de coexistence (des territoires urbains juxtaposés, situés dans des cadres nationaux contigus) à une Situation d'interdépendance (des territoires urbains appartenant à une entité supranationale, entre lesquels s'effectuent des interactions croissantes). Les frontières sont devenues des objets d'articulation: les agglomérations peuvent être assimilées à des territoires de «l'entre-deux». Dans ce contexte, les grandes cités possèdent un potentiel élevé d'intégration: la concentration des ressources financières. politiques et humaines et la proximité de la frontiere leur permet de percevoir des enjeux, de penser la frontière et son dépassement et d'élaborer une stratégie de territorialisation transfrontalière.
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Laforest, Geoffrey. "L’internormativité en matière de santé animale : l’exemple de la gestion de la grippe aviaire en France." Les Cahiers de droit 59, no. 1 (February 28, 2018): 229–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1043691ar.
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La lutte contre les maladies animales est une préoccupation ancienne, en raison tant du fléau économique que du potentiel danger pour la santé humaine qu’elles représentent. Leur réglementation est une matière propice à l’étude de l’internormativité, en considération des rencontres qu’elle implique entre des acteurs et des logiques normatives différentes. Elle s’articule autour de plusieurs niveaux juridiques et comporte une dimension supranationale prééminente. Au fil du temps, la mondialisation du commerce et des menaces sanitaires qui l’accompagnent a poussé les États à réglementer non pas seulement sur le plan national, mais également sur le plan international. Ils recourent pour cela aux normes techniques élaborées par l’Office international des épizooties, organisation internationale reconnue comme une référence normative par l’Accord sur l’application des mesures sanitaires et phytosanitaires de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce. La réglementation en matière de santé animale est, en outre, fortement marquée par la logique du marché et des acteurs économiques, qui s’affrontent quant à la législation sanitaire pour faire passer dans le droit leurs normes de production. Domaine éminemment technique, elle repose enfin largement sur le travail des scientifiques qui se trouvent intégrés dans le processus de production de la norme. L’exemple de la législation relative à la grippe aviaire est particulièrement illustratif de ces propos.
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COUTTS, Stephen. "The Shifting Geometry of Union Citizenship: A Supranational Status from Transnational Rights." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 21 (December 2019): 318–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2019.19.
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AbstractThis Article analyses recent developments in Union citizenship, in particular the relationship between Articles 20 and 21 TFEU. In doing so, it divides Union citizenship into a transnational and a supranational dimension with the transnational dimension having two sub-dimensions: social integration and autonomy. It is argued that we are seeing an increased emphasis on the responsibility of the individual citizen in the context of the transnational dimension and a clear linkage between the transnational and supranational dimensions. The result of these two moves is a status which continues to emphasise the relationship between the Union citizen and the communities represented by Member States, while framing this with a more prominent supranational dimension.
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Bertrand, Gilles, and Isabelle Rigoni. "Turcs, Kurdes et Chypriotes devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme : une contestation judiciaire de questions politiques." Études internationales 31, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 413–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704182ar.
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Cet article examine la juridicisation de deux questions politiques internationales, à savoir la question des droits de l'homme en Turquie (incluant la question kurde) et la question chypriote. La Turquie, membre du Conseil de l'Europe et signataire de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme, a reconnu en 1987 le droit de recours individuel devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme et, en 1990, la juridiction obligatoire de la Cour. Depuis, nous assistons à une croissance exponentielle du nombre de requêtes individuelles introduites devant la Cour contre la Turquie émanant de citoyens turcs, d'origine kurde pour nombre d'entre eux, et de Chypriotes grecs. Elles concernent les violations massives des droits de l'homme en Turquie (particulièrement en raison de la répression du séparatisme kurde) et la politique chypriote de la Turquie qui occupe ce qu'elle reconnaît comme la « République turque de Chypre-nord » dont l'accès est interdit aux Chypriotes grecs. La Turquie se trouve ainsi confrontée à la constitution d'un « espace international des droits de l'homme » dans lequel les individus parviennent à se faire entendre et à mettre en difficulté certains États qui, à l'instar de la Turquie, avaient repoussé jusque-là toute pression extérieure comme attentatoire à leur souveraineté. Les condamnations et le paiement de dommages et intérêts à des individus ordonnés par une instance supranationale remettent en cause les politiques de la Turquie et, dans le cas Loizidou, la contraindrait, si elle acceptait de payer, ce qu'elle n'a toujours pas fait, à dénier toute souveraineté à la « RTCN » et à endosser l'entière responsabilité de la situation actuelle à Chypre. Alors que le débat fait rage sur une éventuelle adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne, les requêtes devant la CEDH donnent au problème une nouvelle dimension et montrent que les citoyens turcs et chypriotes expérimentent déjà leurs droits de citoyens européens.
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Beaud, Jean-Pierre, and Jean-Guy Prévost. "La dialectique du général et du particulier dans la statistique canadienne." Scientia Canadensis 30, no. 2 (June 30, 2009): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800547ar.
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Résumé Depuis le début du 21e siècle, la statistique canadienne a connu d’importantes transformations. En faisant appel au triptyque « structures / pratiques / normes » et en insistant sur les dimensions (locale, nationale ou supranationale) privilégiées, il est possible de distinguer quatre périodes. Jusqu’en 1840, approximativement, les colonies britanniques de l’Amérique du Nord vivent dans un régime qu’on peut qualifier de pré-statistique, sans autorité statistique définie, ni activité statistique régulière, ni, bien sûr, quelque chose qui pourrait s’apparenter à un système statistique. De 1840 à 1920, environ, on assiste à une lente et difficile structuration du « national » qui se dégage à la fois du local et du supranational. Cette structuration prend au moins trois formes : géographique, politique, et, enfin, statistique puisqu’on cherchera, à travers divers arrangements statistiques, à rationaliser à l’échelle du pays tout entier le travail de collecte et d’analyse des données chiffrées. De 1920 jusque dans les années 1980, le système statistique canadien, fortement centralisé, connaîtra une évolution vers une meilleure prise en compte du local comme du régional et du provincial. La dernière période est marquée par une influence plus nette du supranational sur le national, du fait, entre autres, des liens de plus en plus étroits du Canada avec le Mexique et les États-Unis. Elle est aussi caractérisée par le développement d’un véritable marketing statistique centré autour des thématiques du client et de la qualité des produits statistiques. Un tableau synthétique final reprend les informations les plus marquantes.
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Curtis, K. Amber, and Nicholas Clark. "Elucidating EU engagement: rethinking dimensions of supranational participation." Journal of European Integration 41, no. 1 (July 16, 2018): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2018.1487960.
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Zimmer, Christina, Gerald Schneider, and Michael Dobbins. "The Contested Council: Conflict Dimensions of an Intergovernmental EU Institution." Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 2005): 403–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00535.x.
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Recent research has tried to uncover the political space in which the Council of Ministers of the European Union decides. Rather than the left-right conflict or a cleavage between governments with national and supranational attitudes, this article shows that a redistributive dimension, decisively shapes the interactions in this most important legislative body of the European Union. In contrast to extant studies, we employ ex ante rather than ex post preference data and rely on correspondence analysis as a means to identify the underlying dimensions of contestation. The article concludes with an empirical investigation of how enlargement will affect the emerging political space within the European Union. Our quantitative analysis suggests that the gulf between net-contributors and net-receivers will further deepen.
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Özdemir, Sina, and Christian Rauh. "A Bird’s Eye View: Supranational EU Actors on Twitter." Politics and Governance 10, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i1.4686.
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Given the politicization of European integration, effective public communication by the European Union (EU) has gained importance. Especially for rather detached supranational executives, social media platforms offer unique opportunities to communicate to and engage with European citizens. Yet, do supranational actors exploit this potential? This article provides a bird’s eye view by quantitatively describing almost one million tweets from 113 supranational EU accounts in the 2009–2021 period, focusing especially on the comprehensibility and publicity of supranational messages. We benchmark these characteristics against large samples of tweets from national executives, other regional organizations, and random Twitter users. We show that the volume of supranational Twitter has been increasing, that it relies strongly on the multimedia features of the platform, and outperforms communication from and engagement with other political executives on many dimensions. However, we also find a highly technocratic language in supranational messages, skewed user engagement metrics, and high levels of variation across institutional and individual actors and their messages. We discuss these findings in light of the legitimacy and public accountability challenges that supranational EU actors face and derive recommendations for future research on supranational social media messages.
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Coolsaet, Rik. "Continuïteit en discontinuïteit in het Belgisch Europabeleid." Res Publica 40, no. 2 (June 30, 1998): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v40i2.18554.
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European states, including Belgium, have looked at the construction of Europe through an economie and a political prism. Both dimensions have evolved following parallel paths. In Belgium a large consensus has always existed concerning the economie dimension of the European construction. In this respect Belgiums post-1945 European policies area direct continuation of the interwar efforts to build a West-European economic area, based on a free trade philosophy and a rejection of economic nationalism which always handicapped small trading states such as Belgium. Even before the second world war the Belgian elite thus accepted the principles of economic multilateralism.In the political dimension however a consensus on a federal Europe only emerged at the end of the seventies. Till then, important parts of the Belgian political elite remained sceptical and even hostile to the construction of a supranational Europe, based on a traditional view on political autonomy and independence. The reasons why Belgian views on the political dimension of Europe slowly shifted to a federal objective were partly domestic and partly the result of the growing awareness that a small countries' political interests in the world can be best pursued through supranationality.
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Garzia, Diego, Alexander Trechsel, and Lorenzo De Sio. "Party placement in supranational elections." Party Politics 23, no. 4 (July 7, 2015): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815593456.
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Throughout the years, political scientists have devised a multitude of techniques to position political parties on various ideological and policy/issue dimensions. So far, however, none of these techniques was able to evolve into a “gold standard” in party positioning. Against this background, one could recently witness the appearance of a new methodology for party positioning tightly connected to the spread of Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), i.e. an iterative method that aims at improving existing techniques using a combination of party self-placement and expert judgement. Such a method, as pioneered by the Dutch Kieskompas, was first systematically employed on a large cross-national scale by the EU Profiler VAA in the context of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. This article introduces the party placement datasets generated by euandi (reads: EU and I), a transnational VAA for the 2014 EP elections. The scientific relevance of the euandi endeavour lies primarily in its choice to stick to the iterative method of party positioning employed by the EU Profiler in 2009 as well as in the choice to keep as many as 17 policy statements in the 2014 questionnaire in order to allow for cross-national, longitudinal research on party competition in Europe across a five-year period. This article provides a brief review of traditional methods of party positioning and contrasts them to the iterative method employed by the euandi team. It then introduces the specifics of the project, facts and figures of the data collection procedure, and the details of the resulting dataset encompassing 242 parties from the whole EU28.
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Чэньси, Ван. "COMPETENCY REQUIREMENTS FOR SUPRANATIONAL ORGANIZATION EMPLOYEES: THE ICEBERG MODEL IMPLEMENTATION." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 4, no. 4 (December 2021): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2021-1-4-253-259.
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This article adopts a comparative text analysis method, uses the iceberg model to analyse, encode and compare the differences in competency requirements of different levels in the United Nations. This articles selects two levels (entry-level and senior-level) of United Nations professional employees as the research objects to explore the competency requirements of major positions in supranational organizations. This article finds that the lower the level of positions, the higher the requirements for competency in the above-water dimensions of knowledge, skills, and motivation; meanwhile, the higher the level of positions, the higher the requirements for competency in the three underwater dimensions of social role, selfconcept, and personality traits. Moreover, the characteristics of competency requirements iceberg model corresponds to the 3 core values and 8 Core competencies and 6 management competencies as proposed in the Future Competence by the United Nations, and the iceberg model of supranational organization competency requirements proposed in this article can be used as a supplement to the Future Competence.
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Чэньси, Ван. "COMPETENCY REQUIREMENTS FOR SUPRANATIONAL ORGANIZATION EMPLOYEES: THE ICEBERG MODEL IMPLEMENTATION." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 4, no. 4 (December 2021): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2021-1-4-253-259.
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This article adopts a comparative text analysis method, uses the iceberg model to analyse, encode and compare the differences in competency requirements of different levels in the United Nations. This articles selects two levels (entry-level and senior-level) of United Nations professional employees as the research objects to explore the competency requirements of major positions in supranational organizations. This article finds that the lower the level of positions, the higher the requirements for competency in the above-water dimensions of knowledge, skills, and motivation; meanwhile, the higher the level of positions, the higher the requirements for competency in the three underwater dimensions of social role, selfconcept, and personality traits. Moreover, the characteristics of competency requirements iceberg model corresponds to the 3 core values and 8 Core competencies and 6 management competencies as proposed in the Future Competence by the United Nations, and the iceberg model of supranational organization competency requirements proposed in this article can be used as a supplement to the Future Competence.
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Lupo, Nicola, and Giovanni Piccirilli. "The Relocation of the Legality Principle by the European Courts’ Case Law." European Constitutional Law Review 11, no. 01 (May 2015): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s157401961500005x.
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Rule of law and the legality principle – Legality principle in the Italian legal system – ‘Prescribed by law’ – Legality in supranational dimension – ‘Democratic disconnect’ – Margin of appreciation – Concepts of ‘law’ and ‘legislation’ – Democracy-based legislation – Quality of legislation – ‘Political constitutionalism’ versus ‘legal constitutionalism’
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Perju, Vlad. "Against Bidimensional Supremacy in EU Constitutionalism." German Law Journal 21, no. 5 (July 2020): 1006–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.59.
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AbstractScholarly consensus sees EU supremacy as “necessarily bidimensional”: the supranational dimension necessarily stands alongside the national dimension, which rejects the absolute and unconditional supremacy of EU law. I argue that this view of bidimensional supremacy is conceptually flawed and descriptively inaccurate. On the conceptual side, I identify the fallacy of symmetry (the idea that national and supranational perspectives on supremacy are similar in nature and equally reductionist), the fallacy of selection (the view that bidimensionalism alone can overcome what it perceives as an inevitable subjective bias in the choice between national and supranational supremacy claims), and the fallacy of construction (an originally shared popular sovereignty theory, which turns out to be riddled with biases that disrupt the equilibrium within the internally divided sovereign). On the interpretative side, I suggest that the empirical evidence in support of bidimensional supremacy is weaker than it is generally assumed. I then offer an interpretation of the PSPP judgment of the German Federal Constitutional Court, which holds a judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union to be ultra vires, unlawful and thus non-binding. PSPP presents a problem of German origins and cast, rather than one stemming from the inner structure of EU constitutionalism. At most, PSPP represents a contingent, rather than necessary, and thus unexceptional instance of bidimensional supremacy.
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Lanko, D. A. "The Northern Dimension as a Promising Model of Interaction between the European Union and Great Powers in Times of Aggravation of Disintegration Processes in the European Space." Administrative Consulting, no. 7 (September 9, 2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2021-7-17-28.
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The article discusses the Northern Dimension — the four-lateral policy of the Russian Federation, the European Union, Norway and Iceland — in two instances. On one hand, the Northern Dimension has established itself as an effective instrument of meeting specifc challenges of the northern part of the European continent. On other hand, the article discusses the Northern Dimension as a model of relationship between the EU and its potent neighbours, comparable with Russia in terms of their military power, size of the economy and the scale of political ambitions. The United Kingdom, which is fnishing its exit from the European Union, and which is starting building a new system of relationship with it, has recently emerged as such potent neighbour of the European Union. The article presents the results of analysis based on a dialogue between major theories of European integration: namely neo-functionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. Combining the two theories allows analysing the roles of individual EU member states — the article focuses on Finland in that context — and of European supranational institutions in the formation of the Norther Dimension; among supranational institutions, the article focuses on the European Commission. The article concludes that Ireland can play a crucial role in the building of future relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom. The Irish role is comparable with the role that Finland has played in the building of the relationship between the EU and Russia and in developing of the Northern Dimension into an effective and promising model of relationship between the integration union and its great power neighbours.
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Fiorino, Nadia, Nicola Pontarollo, and Roberto Ricciuti. "Supranational, National and Local Dimensions of Voter Turnout in European Parliament Elections." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 57, no. 4 (February 27, 2019): 877–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12851.
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Thym, Daniel, and Evangelia (Lilian) Tsourdi. "Searching for solidarity in the EU asylum and border policies." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 24, no. 5 (October 2017): 605–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x17741273.
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Solidarity was once at the core of the European integration process. While originally intended to facilitate further integration, solidarity, in recent years, has often been associated with the intention of safeguarding existing policies. This article attempts to untangle this polysemous concept. It discusses the constitutional significance of solidarity, ultimately distinguishing four discernible dimensions in the EU context: transnational solidarity, inter-state solidarity, solidarity between a particular group of individuals and, finally, the institutional dimension. It unpacks the interaction between solidarity, loyalty and mutual trust, ascertaining them as interlocking principles. We focus on solidarity in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, revealing it to have legal effects which require compensatory action to support the application of supranational rules. Nonetheless, the principle can be realized in different ways, and it is far from certain whether the EU institutions are able to muster the political clout and the political legitimacy necessary to overcome divergences of opinion and perception. Against this backdrop, we sketch what EU institutions have undertaken to operationalize the principle in the ambit of EU asylum and border control policies to respond to the refugee policy crisis. The contributions to this special issue delve more deeply into the different aspects of this central theme.
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Jayapalan, Athithan. "Politics of Primordial Loyalties and Its Transnational Dimensions: Tamilness as Pan-ethnic and Supranational." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 17, no. 2 (October 2017): 245–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12238.
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Coutts, Stephen. "Supranational public wrongs: The limitations and possibilities of European criminal law and a European community." Common Market Law Review 54, Issue 3 (May 1, 2017): 771–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2017060.
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Criminal law has an inherent expressive and communitarian dimension, expressing the common values and norms of the political community. Drawing on the theory of Antony Duff, this article explores the extent to which the EU’s actions in the area of substantive criminal law can be said to express common European values by identifying actions deemed wrongful vis-à-vis the Union as a whole. The Union is limited in its capacity to express conceptions of wrong-doing through its substantive criminal law by the limited nature of its competences, its functional character and its multilevel structure. However, it does enjoy an expressive quality in two broad areas; first, the identification of European public goods, harm to which constitutes a wrong to the Union and second, common European public values. Also, substantive EU criminal law can support transnational criminal law processes, interacting with national criminal law and giving rise to the identification of certain shared wrongs amongst Member States. Thus, while certainly limited, EU criminal law does fulfil a role in the identification of wrongful behaviour and the expression of common values.
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Durst, Susanne, and Wolfgang Gerstlberger. "Financing Responsible Small- and Medium-Sized Enterprises: An International Overview of Policies and Support Programmes." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 1 (December 27, 2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14010010.
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In the last few years, the financing of responsibly operating small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) has become the focus of attention of several national and international bodies. Consequently, a number of policies and support programmes have been established aimed at supporting SMEs that take a responsible approach concerning the company and its operations. Against this background, this article presents a comprehensive international overview of support programmes for financing responsible SMEs. Based on systematic desk research, documents of national governments as well as supranational and international organisations have been investigated. The findings reveal that there are strong regional differences in terms of support policy approaches, intensity, and criteria. The largest part of the identified programmes has been launched by the European Union and/or its member states. Additionally, the findings clarify that the primary focus of extant programmes is on the environmental dimension of sustainability, mainly energy-related questions. The social dimension has been neglected so far in the programmes.
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Erhiun, Melissa. "The ratio of national and supranational levels of foreign policy formation of the European Union." Grani 23, no. 10 (October 30, 2020): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172093.
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The relevance of the topic has been summed up by the migratory crisis, the emergence of recent conflicts and the occasional instability near the cordons of the EU, as a result, he is forced to strengthen supranational governance in various fields. One of such areas is foreign policy, which in the context of changing the nature of security interactions plays an important role in the process of European integration. The object of the study is the EU as an international actor in the process of its formation and development. The subject is the foreign policy dimension of the EU's functioning, its conceptual, institutional and instrumental aspects.The aim of the article was to consider a number of approaches with different emphases in the interpretation of the European Union's foreign policy, definitions of "sovereignty" and "supranationality", the difference between normative and implementing supranationalism, the historical attitude of member states to the full preservation or delegation of sovereignty. in the formation of EU policy, the creation of new authorities and positions in the process of EU formation in the context and the factors influencing member states on the formation of common EU policy and determine the attitude of member states to the supranational level of governance, advantages and disadvantages for them.Conclusions. Member states are ambivalent about deeper integration in foreign policy. On the one hand, foreign policy cooperation can serve as a tool that allows Member States to pursue their national interests more effectively. However, in the absence of leadership in the EU, the supranational level can become an instrument of regulatory justification for projecting the priorities of individual member states on other members of the union. At the same time, the possibilities of its use remain limited due to serious differences in the strategic culture of the EU member states.
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Csernatoni, Raluca. "The Evolving Role of the European External Action Service in Security and Defence." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 1 (February 1, 2021): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021008.
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While significant scholarly work has been dedicated to the institutionalization of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and its role in shaping the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy goals, less attention has been given to the Service’s wider competencies and agenda-setting power in the case of the Common Security and Defence Policy. This article aims to assess the growing role of the EEAS in defence and in spearheading new ways of bridging foreign policy and security in a comprehensive manner. In doing so, the research explores how the security and defence dimensions were incorporated into the EEAS, by examining the processes of institutionalization in the EEAS crisis management structures in the post-Lisbon context, and by zooming in on the intergovernmental and supranational dynamics in the European security and defence architecture. The article finds that continued organizational innovation and the reinforcement of supranational mechanisms in the EEAS and the European Commission have had a positive impact on the EU’s security and defence, representing a step further in bridging the foreign policy, security and defence divides at the EU level. European Union, European External Action Service, European Security and Defence, High Representative
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Cordini, Marta, Tatjana Boczy, and Ruggero Cefalo. "Place-Sensitive Social Investment and Territorial Cohesion: Implications for Sustainability." Sustainability 13, no. 13 (June 24, 2021): 7085. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13137085.
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This theoretical paper presents a review of existing literature on the Social Investment (SI) approach to social policy and its underlying and under-explored territorial dimension. The SI approach has been debated and promoted mainly at national and supranational level, while the territorial dimension has been relatively underestimated in the policy as well as in the academic debate. A place-sensitive approach should be included within the analytical framework when addressing the territorial articulation of SI, as territorial-related variables may foster or hinder SI policies. Therefore, we provide a theoretical frame to articulate the territorial dimension of SI, and we discuss relevant points of contact between Social Investment and Territorial Cohesion. First, we provide a critical discussion about Social Investment approach, with the simultaneous aim of highlighting the gaps and the flaws, among which we focus on the territorial dimension of these policies. Second, we argue that this territorial dimension is related to the interaction between four main factors: (1) The reliance on the provision of capacitating services; (2) the process of institutional rescaling; (3) the persistence of spatial inequalities at subnational levels; and (4) the characteristics of the knowledge and learning economy. Third, we explore the relationship between place-sensitive Social Investment and Territorial Cohesion, discussing potential implications for sustainable development. The work is a theoretical reflection based on the HORIZON2020 project COHSMO “Inequality, Urbanization and Territorial Cohesion: developing the European social model of economic growth and democratic capacity”.
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Orechova, Monika. "Internationalisation of Higher Education in Central and Eastern Europe: Conceptualisation of the Definition Inside the Region." Acta Paedagogica Vilnensia 46 (September 8, 2021): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/actpaed.46.2021.8.
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The article sets out to analyse previous research on the internationalisation in higher education in Central and Eastern Europe with a particular focus on the conceptualisation of ‘internationalisation’. While there is quite a lot of research regarding both theory and implementation of internationalisation, the majority of it is conducted in the West and the most commonly accepted definition hails from the research traditions of the Anglophone world. This literature review shows that when researchers in Central and Eastern European countries use the term ‘internationalisation’, they either refer to a policy change encouraged (or necessitated) by a supranational institution or global education discourse, or an education process through which an international or intercultural dimension is integrated into higher education.
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Aleskerov, Fuad, Gamze Avcı, and Z. Umut Türem. "European Union Enlargement and Power Distribution in the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament: The Case of the Turkish Application." New Perspectives on Turkey 21 (1999): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006403.
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Critics of European Union (EU) enlargement claim that new members could pose a serious challenge to the existing institutional balances within the EU and endanger future institutional deepening. Together with various enlargements since its inception in 1958, the EU has gone through numerous institutional changes that increasingly reflect its supranational character, although the European Community still contains intergovernmental elements. The most important dimension, which has evolved in this evolutionary process of the EU institutions, is the fine balance between small and large member states in terms of representation and power distribution. This is reflected, for example, in the European Commission, where the ten (relatively) small states are apportioned one commissioner and the remaining five large states two commissioners each.
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Bakhlova, Olga V., and Igor V. Bakhlov. "Identity Politics in the Context of Nation Building and Integration-Oriented Interaction: The Case of the Union State of Belarus and Russia." Engineering Technologies and Systems 28, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 723–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2413-1407.113.028.202004.723-753.
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Introduction. In the processes of nation building and integration, it is particularly important to increase the consolidation potential of emerging communities through identity politics. The totality of challenges, threats and risks determines the need for a balanced combination of its dimensions, taking into account national and common interests of countries. In the post-Soviet space, the Union State of Belarus and Russia acts as a platform for dialogue. The aim of the study is to outline the contours of the construct of supranational identity within the framework of the Union State and to define the degree of its conjugation with the category of “national identityˮ in the discursive practices of the political leadership of Russia and Belarus. Materials and Methods. The study is based on official documents representing the specifics of interpretation of identity politics by the presidents of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus, as well as on materials associated with the functioning of the Union State. Content analysis, the comparative method, and scenario analysis were employed when examining the documents. Results. The research and expert assessments of the internal and external dimensions of the identity politics of the member states, as well as the basic and derived categories of the official discourse have been analyzed; the constants and dominants, similarities and differences in the stands of Russia and Belarus have been revealed. It has also been demonstrated that there has been no fundamental contradiction in their understanding of the priorities of nation and Union building. At the same time, disagreements on a number of topical issues have been identified. The leitmotif of the official discourse is giving absolute priority to sovereignty, which has an ambiguous effect on the course of the integration of Russia and Belarus. Discussion and Conclusion. The conducted study has confirmed the hypothesis that identity politics is multilevel for the states involved in integration-oriented interaction; at the current stage, it remains complex and incomplete. The states demonstrate prevalence of the internal dimension of identity politics and “restrictiveˮ perception of its external dimension, which affects the prospects for promoting the construct of “dualˮ identity. At the same time, the Union State remains an essential integration format for Russia from the geopolitical and civilizational perspective. The approach proposed by the authors and the results obtained, which articulate the correlation of tasks in terms of nation building and integration policy, may help to improve the efficiency of political governance.
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Hunt, Jo. "Ploughing Their Own Furrow: Subnational Regions and the Regulation of GM Crop Cultivation." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 13 (2011): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712801753013.
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AbstractThis chapter provides a case study in regulatory multi-level governance within the European Union, with a substantive focus on the regime in place for the authorisation of cultivation of genetically modified crops. Whilst presenting a detailed account of the supranational level regime, it seeks explicitly to write in the subnational, regional dimension to our accounts of policy evolution in this highly controversial area. The chapter considers regions’ ‘upstream’ engagement in the policy processes at EU level, through judicial challenge to EU measures as well as attempts to influence supranational level legislative reform, which is currently ongoing. In this regard, it looks both at the role of regions within this process, and within the terms of the resultant legislation. In addition, the chapter considers regions’ ‘downstream’ engagement, in their implementation and application of the existing rules. As a number of regions have sought to declare themselves GM-free zones, this chapter explores the legality of such local and regional GM crop cultivation bans, as a matter of EU law. In short, the chapter contributes further to our understandings of the place held by regions within the EU system of governance demonstrating how regions may themselves be both legal and political actors of significance within the EU order, whose interests are not always congruent with that of their Member State.
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Winkler, Matteo M. "Same-Sex Marriage and Italian Exceptionalism." ICL Journal 12, no. 4 (March 26, 2019): 431–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2018-0037.
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Abstract This article unveils Italy’s exceptionalism in recognising and protecting same-sex couples by adopting a three-dimension analysis: constitutional, comparative and supranational. It maintains that, compared to other countries whose courts were sympathetic with the legal claims raised by lesbian and gay people, Italy’s Constitutional Court adopted a totally different approach, reinforcing the heteronormativity of marriage in a way that delayed all efforts to pass a law on same-sex registered partnerships. The Constitutional Court, in particular, interpreted the Constitution, the experience of other nations and supranational law according to heteronormativity, an example that is unique in the comparative context. As an illustration, this article addresses the case Bernaroli vs Ministry of the Interior. In Bernaroli, a male-to-female transgender person wanted to remain married to her wife notwithstanding the transition. The case ignited a heated debate among scholars and questioned the courts’ opinions as to the human rights dynamics surrounding same-sex marriage and, more importantly, about the current role of heteronormativity in marriage law. This article concludes that the legal existence of Bernaroli’s marriage represents a constant challenge to the status quo and highlights the permanent crisis of heteronormativity. After the Austrian Constitutional Court’s recent ruling that declared the law on same-sex domestic partnership to be discriminatory, heteronormativity’s defence became even more untenable, making Italy’s a true exception in the continent’s legal landscape.
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Hunt, Jo. "Ploughing Their Own Furrow: Subnational Regions and the Regulation of GM Crop Cultivation." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 13 (2011): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000002007.
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Abstract This chapter provides a case study in regulatory multi-level governance within the European Union, with a substantive focus on the regime in place for the authorisation of cultivation of genetically modified crops. Whilst presenting a detailed account of the supranational level regime, it seeks explicitly to write in the subnational, regional dimension to our accounts of policy evolution in this highly controversial area. The chapter considers regions’ ‘upstream’ engagement in the policy processes at EU level, through judicial challenge to EU measures as well as attempts to influence supranational level legislative reform, which is currently ongoing. In this regard, it looks both at the role of regions within this process, and within the terms of the resultant legislation. In addition, the chapter considers regions’ ‘downstream’ engagement, in their implementation and application of the existing rules. As a number of regions have sought to declare themselves GM-free zones, this chapter explores the legality of such local and regional GM crop cultivation bans, as a matter of EU law. In short, the chapter contributes further to our understandings of the place held by regions within the EU system of governance demonstrating how regions may themselves be both legal and political actors of significance within the EU order, whose interests are not always congruent with that of their Member State.
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Kozdra, Michał. "The Boundaries of Russian Identity Analysis of the Concept of Russkiy Mir in Contemporary Russian Online Media." Lingua Cultura 12, no. 1 (February 28, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/lc.v12i1.2004.
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This article set out to present selected outcomes of my research on the concept of “russkiy mir” in contemporary ethnocentric online Russian media. Perspectives for further analysis were also presented. The analytical methodology involved a semantic and cultural analysis of a dataset from a cognitive and anthropological viewpoint including elements of critical discourseanalysis. The concept of “russkiy mir” in the ethnocentric discourse investigated in this article was based on an idea of forming a supranational Russian civilization. This community would unite all Russians, the Russian diaspora and all those learning Russia, and declaring the attachment to Russian culture. Proponents of this discourse assume that “russkiy mir” will have a geopolitical dimension, imperial pretenses and will transgress state borders, and claiming for itself a transcontinental realm. A nationality dimension is also supposed to be an important aspect according to the discourse participants. The main ethnos is to be that of the Russian nation, around which other ethnoses will congregate. The Orthodox religion is supposed to be an important co-constituent of “russkiy mir”.
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Kuljic, Todor. "Grave and power: A thanato-sociological analysis of the funerals of Tito, F. Tudjman and S. Milosevic." Sociologija 54, no. 4 (2012): 595–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1204595k.
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The paper offers a thanato-sociological analysis of the funerals of Tito, F. Tudjman and S. Milosevic, documenting various ideological contents and various political roles of the funerals of heads of state. Tito?s charisma was class-based, supranational and Yugoslav, while the other two were national authorities. Tito?s funeral was a symbol of peace, Tudjman?s of national liberation, and Milosevic?s a symbol resistance to imperialism. In the paper group symbols at the funerals are analyzed, along with the content of laudatio funebris, dimensions of authority of the deceased, key rhetorical figures, the structure of the funeral accompaniment and the appearance of the grave.
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Gruszczak, Artur. "Inkorporacja acquis Schengen do prawa Unii Europejskiej i prawa krajowego państw członkowskich." Przegląd europejski 3 (May 12, 2019): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.1921.
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This article takes up in the form of an interdisciplinary legal and political analysis the issue of the incorporation of the Schengen acquis into European Union law and the national legal systems of the EU member states in the light of the concept of a hybrid system of territorial governance. Accordingly, the Schengen acquis stimulated the process of intersecting the interests of internal security and the protection of Member States’ borders with the supranational ideological imperative with regard to the principle of free movement of persons. The argument developed in this article is that the incorporation of the Schengen acquis into EU law consolidated hybridity of the legal and institutional construction of the EU after the Amsterdam Treaty as a result of the contradiction between the logic of political bargain at the intergovernmental level and the vertical spillover generated at the supranational level in the institutional and decision-making dimensions. The conclusions point to the emergence, as a result of “schengenisation”, of the area of freedom, security and justice in the EU, in which the principle of free movement of people brought about diversification of the states’ adaptation mechanisms in relation to the ideologically determined project of transformation of the system of management of the territory and borders within the European Union.
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apaydin, fulya. "the supranational dimension of voting in national elections across six european democracies: rethinking albert hirschman’s exit, voice and loyalty." European Political Science 15, no. 1 (July 24, 2015): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2015.37.
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Martufi, Adriano. "The paths of offender rehabilitation and the European dimension of punishment: New challenges for an old ideal?" Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 25, no. 6 (December 2018): 672–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x18820678.
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In recent years, the aim of offender rehabilitation has grown to become one of the most prominent features of European penal policy. European legal texts, however, lack a clear definition of this concept, thus leaving to supranational Courts the responsibility of clarifying its meaning. This article analyses the case law of European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union as regards rehabilitation. It argues that the Europeanization of criminal justice is generally contributing to a re-conceptualization of this aim of punishment with relevant implications for the national criminal justice system and its actors. Finally, the article underscores the differences in the approach to rehabilitation between the two Courts, trying to assess their potential impact on national law and their significance in the broader context of European penal policy.
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Barszczewski, Jakub. "Światowe Forum Społeczne jako podmiot polityki kosmopolitycznej." Świat Idei i Polityki 17, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201812.
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The World Social Forum emerged at the beginning of the 21st century as the leading subject of the alterglobalist movement. It brings together movements that oppose neo-liberal globalization and fight against the ever-weaker control of citizens over the actions of powerful national and supranational entities. As an institution uniting diverse groups excluded from all over the world, it aims to create a platform of global resistance. The innovative dimension of the Forum is to challenge the narrow understanding of alternatives to the current economic and political order and to create conditions for a cosmopolitan policy aimed at grassroots, decentralized and democratic global governance. The aim of the article is to present the characteristics of the World Social Forum as a subject of cosmopolitan politics, to show the challenges ahead and to reveal its political potential.
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HOOGHE, LIESBET. "Images of Europe: Orientations to European Integration among Senior Officials of the Commission." British Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (April 1999): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123499000150.
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The European Union is a polity in the making, where political actors contend about basic questions of governance. While students have begun to map contention between public parties and private interests, little attention has been paid to how office-holders in the Commission conceive of European integration. Using interview data collected from 140 senior officials of the Commission, I identify contention along four dimensions: whether the EU should have supranational or intergovernmental institutions; whether it should use democratic or technocratic decision making; whether it should promote regulated capitalism or market liberalism; and whether the elite should defend the European public good or be responsive to various interests. My findings challenge EU theories that conceive of the Commission as a unitary actor with a pro-integration agenda.
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Tkachenko, Oleksandr, and Anastasiia Saparova. "COMPARATIVISTIC DISCOURSE OF THE UNIVERSALITY OF LAW." Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 4, 2022): 150–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2021-2-19.
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The most influential and representative dimension of comparative legal studies is the attempt to substantiate the universal nature of law. The basis of self-identification of comparative law as an independent legal science is the provision of legal knowledge of generally accepted scientific content, formed by natural science Modern time. Universal and invariant content of law should be equivalent to laws of nature. Supranational and non-national universality is established within the two main paradigms of universality of law. The first is the paradigm of causal universality, which explains the identity of the content of law by influencing the law of the same non-legal factors. The second is the paradigm of teleological universality, which considers the universal content of law as one formed by jurisprudence itself. The dialectic of the paradigm is the content of the comparative discourse on the nature of legal universals.
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Varlamova, Natalia V. "Constitutionalism: national and supranational dimensions. All-Russian Scientific Conference with international participation devoted to the 95th anniversary of V.A. Tumanov." Gosudarstvo i pravo, no. 12 (2021): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520017767-4.
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All-Russian Scientific Conference with international participation “Constitutionalism: national and supranational dimensions” devoted to the 95th anniversary of V.A. Tumanov was held on the 20 of October 2021 in the Institute of State and Law of the RAS. It was attended by 52 doctors and 32 candidates of science who represented four foreign countries, 14 constituent entities of the Russian Federation, 31 research institutes and universities. During the memorial part of the conference his friends and colleagues, who worked with him in different years, shared their memories about V.A. Tumanov. The participants of the conference also discussed a wide range of problems, to this or that degree connected with the scientific interests of V.A. Tumanov: teleological aspects of constitutionalism, universalization of constitutional principles and preservation of the national constitutional identity, evolution of the federalism and local self-government, development of the constitutional review and ensuring of human rights and freedoms
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Blokker, Paul. "Constitutions and Democracy in Post-National Times: A Political-Sociological Approach." Irish Journal of Sociology 20, no. 2 (November 2012): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.20.2.5.
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The modern idea of the constitution is closely tied up with the political form of the nation-state, but the post-national age assists various challenges to this idea, not least due to the emergence of constitutional or quasi-constitutional regimes both beyond and below the nation-state. While a good, and steadily growing, amount of research probes the constitutional dimensions on the international and supranational levels, the domestic dimensions and related transformations, and in particular the implications of constitutional pluralism for meaningful democratic practice, seem, however, less prominent in current debate. Domestic constitutional dynamics and conflict, not least regarding democratic participation, can be fruitfully analysed through the lens of a political-sociological approach to constitutions and constitutionalism. In order to outline such an approach in one specific way, firstly, the recent (re-) emergence of constitutional sociology is discussed. Secondly, constitutional sociology is situated within a wider debate on constitutionalism and democracy. Thirdly, a sociological, ‘historical-functionalist’ approach to the analysis of constitutions is proposed, which is then related to a comparative and interpretative political sociology of constitutional discourses and political, legal, and social critique.
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Kvashnin, Yuri. "EUROPEAN CITIES AS MIGRATION POLICY ACTORS." Contemporary Europe, no. 100 (December 31, 2020): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72020105116.
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The article examines the urban dimension of cross-border migration to the EU countries and the role of cities in the political, economic and socio-cultural integration of labor migrants and refugees. Faced with a sharp increase in migration flows, municipal administrations are forced to develop their own ways of responding to the migration challenge, which in some cases contradict the policies implemented at the national level. The main typological models of migration governance are considered. The key factors affecting urban approaches are identified, such as the nature and dynamics of migration flows, the distribution of competences between the central and local administrations, the balance of various actors in urban politics – municipal authorities, opposition parties and movements, civil society organizations. Particular attention is paid to the development of intercity cooperation in the field of migration, aimed at sharing experiences and best practices, providing mutual assistance in the resettlement of refugees, as well as joint lobbying of urban interests at the supranational level.
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Kvashnin, Yuri. "European Cities as Migration Policy Actors." Contemporary Europe 100, no. 7 (December 31, 2020): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72020101112.
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The article examines the urban dimension of cross-border migration to the EU countries and the role of cities in the political, economic and socio-cultural integration of labor migrants and refugees. Facing a sharp increase in migration flows, municipal administrations are forced to develop their own tools to tackle the migration challenges, which in some cases contradict the policies implemented at the national level. The main typological models of migration governance are considered. The key factors affecting urban approaches are identified, such as the nature and dynamics of migration flows, the distribution of competences between the central and local administrations, the balance of various actors in urban politics – municipal authorities, opposition parties and movements, civil society organizations. Particular attention is paid to the development of intercity cooperation in the field of migration, aimed at sharing experiences and best practices, providing mutual assistance in the resettlement of refugees, as well as joint lobbying of urban interests at the supranational level.
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Gasbarri, Lorenzo. "(Meta) Grotian Moment: International Organizations and the Rapid Formation of Customary International Law." Grotiana 43, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-43010006.
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Abstract In this paper, I first discuss the concept of ‘Grotian Moment’ in the context of the capacity of international organizations to contribute to the formation and identification of customary international law. Afterward, I apply three levels to discuss the time element of the formation of custom. At the micro-level of the institutional practice, the time required to form a customary norm may depend on whether each form of practice is directed to the institutional or to the international dimension. At the level of the organ, I reflect on the difference played by the presence or absence of member States in the institutional organ that adopts the practice relevant for custom formation. At the macro-level of the characteristics of the organization, I distinguish between so-called supranational and functional organizations. In general, I exclude the relevance of speaking in terms of a ‘Moment’ that produces a paradigm shift, and I stress the continuous change to which international law is subject.
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Schrøder, Kim Christian, Mark Blach-Ørsten, and Mads Kæmsgaard Eberholst. "Is There a Nordic News Media System?" Nordic Journal of Media Studies 2, no. 1 (June 7, 2020): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njms-2020-0003.
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AbstractIn media systems theory, the Nordic countries are often held to constitute a specific media system (Brüggemann et al., 2014). In this article, we put this claim to the test in the area of news consumption. Based on findings about the four Nordic countries Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland in the annual Reuters Institute Digital News Report (Newman et al., 2019), and inspired by previous studies of the audience dimension of media systems (Hölig et al., 2016; Peruško et al., 2015; Van Damme et al., 2017), we undertake a descriptive empirical analysis of the 2019 data of this 38-country study. Our study compares news audience practices in the Nordic countries with those of countries belonging to other supranational media systems. We find that while there are some internal differences within the Nordic media system, there are salient news consumption commonalities that are specific to the Nordic countries, such as preferred sources of news, pathways to news, paying for online news, and trust in the news.
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Kebranian, Nanor. "Genocide, History, and the Law: Legal Performativity and Recognition of the Armenian Genocide in France and Germany." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 2 (2020): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa027.
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Abstract Laws regulating historical discourse, or “memory laws,” recognize past injustices, and, as in the case of legislation regarding the Holocaust, may punish denial. They also reflect the geopolitical interests of states or supranational institutions, especially in contested histories, such as the Ottoman Empire’s persecution of Armenian subjects during the First World War. Scholarship on such legislation examines its ethical legitimacy and political impact, debating its effect on free speech and democratic governance. This discourse considers whether memory laws should ever be adopted, whether they actually achieve their goals, and the extent to which they reinforce realpolitik in governing institutions. This article reveals a hitherto little-discussed dimension of laws regulating historical discourse: performativity. Laws have performative effects in the form of meanings, intentions, and interpretations that go beyond the letter of the law. By focusing on Armenian Genocide recognition in France and Germany, this article elucidates the performative aspects of memory laws, revealing thereby underlying ideological biases and political agendas.
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Teney, Céline, Onawa Promise Lacewell, and Pieter De Wilde. "Winners and losers of globalization in Europe: attitudes and ideologies." European Political Science Review 6, no. 4 (November 26, 2013): 575–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773913000246.
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Globalization pressures result in a new ideological conflict among Europeans. We use detailed items from the Eurobarometer survey on issues of immigration and European integration that measure the ideological perspective underpinning positions toward the EU. This provides a fine-grained analysis of the ideologies underlying the poles of the new globalization-centered conflict line, which we define as cosmopolitan and communitarian. Our results show that, next to socio-demographic characteristics, subjective measurements have a considerable additional power in explaining the divide among Europeans along the communitarian–cosmopolitan dimension. Subjective deprivation, evaluation of globalization as a threat, and (sub)national and supranational identities play an important role in dividing Europeans into groups of winners and losers of globalization in both Western and Central and Eastern European countries. At the country level, the national degree of globalization is associated positively with the communitarian pole and negatively with the cosmopolitan pole in all EU countries.
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Nascimento Neiva, Kalil, Ana Carolina Nogueira Gonçalves, Bruno Gouvêa Bastos, Alexandre De Meira Vasconcelos, and José Carlos De Jesus Lopes. "Bioeconomy: A Theoretical Essay on the dimensions of stakeholder's conceptual approaches." Ciência e Natura 44 (July 19, 2022): e16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/2179460x67555.
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The emerging scientific proposition of bioeconomy has been shown to be a development strategy available to countries, producing regions and agents linked to production chains. The principle of bioeconomy is to seek to reduce the negative socio-environmental impacts that the development model, based on fossil fuels, has been causing on the planet. The United Nations works for a new global governance aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals, paying special attention to global and territorial demands related to climate change mitigation, the promotion of sustainable agriculture, and the production of cleaner renewable energy. However, promoting a sustainable bioeconomy is not a neutral notion. Each of the stakeholders, researchers, governmental or supranational organizations tend to favor conceptual approaches, which aim to favor local opportunities. Thus, this theoretical essay aims to reflect on the conceptual approaches of the terms bioeconomy and sustainable bioeconomy. Specifically, it seeks to know how conceptual approaches apply to the material realities of the stakeholders who undertake them. Due to the methodological procedures adopted, it was possible to verify that the absence of a consensus regarding the term bioeconomy has to do with the vision focused on the interests of each stakeholder, which seeks to provide opportunities for the achievement of its objectives.
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GROSS, STEPHEN G. "Introduction: European Integration across the Twentieth Century." Contemporary European History 26, no. 2 (May 2017): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731700011x.
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This forum explores continuities and transformations in the way Europeans thought about integrating their continent politically, economically and ideologically across the twentieth century. It questions the idea of aStunde Null, which sees European integration primarily as a response to the destruction of the Second World War. Instead, the forum shows how mentalities, ideologies, challenges and constraints that arose before 1945 shaped the way European elites conceptualised and pursued unification in the post-war decades. The European leaders who orchestrated integration after 1945 were looking both backward and forward, trying to revive older visions for a unified continent and overcome long-standing problems while simultaneously aspiring to a new, supranational regional order that would preserve Europe's position as a global power. In exploring such continuities, this forum adds a regionalist dimension to the burgeoning literature – by Patricia Clavin, Daniel Gorman, Mark Mazower and others – on the connections between interwar internationalism and the post-1945 global order, and on the continuity of intellectuals, experts and politicians through the middle half of the twentieth century.
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PETRUSHYNA, TETIANA, and ANATOLII ARSEIENKO. "Sociological dimension of economic globalization: world trends and Ukrainian realities." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, stmm 2019 (3) (October 7, 2020): 51–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.03.051.
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Globalization remains the most common and quite controversial concept in modern social discourse. Within the theoretical and conceptual sociological dimension, the authors analyzed the essence of economic globalization (EG) as its defining type. They studied globalization as an objective process (first of all, the international division of labour) and the subjective process of forming a global capitalist economy under the auspices of leading Western countries, supranational financial and economic institutions (primarily the World Bank and the IMF), TNCs. As the main drivers of globalization, they determine its forms and directions in the interests of the "core" of global capitalism. Within the empirical sociological dimension of EG (which involves measuring the various manifestations of the EG process itself as well as its social consequences), the authors paid particular attention to the analysis of social changes in Ukrainian society. The capitalization of the Ukrainian economy, which took place in parallel with Ukraine’s entry into the global economic space, led to degradation of the national economy, significant deterioration of living standards of most citizens, creation of anti-social state with the systemic crisis as its main attribute. To prove these conclusions, the authors analyzed the dynamics of the principal macroeconomic and sociological indicators of Ukrainian society’s life for almost 30 years of drift to the roadside of the global capitalist world, based on the study of numerous domestic and foreign sources. The authors focused on the research of eight critical areas of social changes: deindustrialization of the economy, global competitiveness and innovation, GDP dynamics, employment, income and welfare of the population, socioeconomic inequality, debt dependence and degradation of Ukrainian science. The analysis shows the need to abandon the neoliberal paradigm of development and search for the alternative, more fair models of EG.
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Heldeweg, Michiel A., and Ramses A. Wessel. "The Appropriate Level of Enforcement in Multilevel Regulation Mapping Issues in Avoidance of Regulatory Overstretch." International Law Research 5, no. 1 (February 23, 2016): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ilr.v5n1p16.
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In modern day ‘multilevel’ regulation, legal enforcement of transnational standards usually takes place at another level than where the norm was created in the first place. The quest for smart regulation begs the question which level is most appropriate to proper legal enactment and enforcement. Not only as a matter of location (e.g. inter- or supranational, or domestic), but also concerning the level of strength (i.e. intensity of prescription and/or coercion). How can ‘regulatory overstretch’ be avoided – given smart regulatory principles of subsidiarity and responsiveness? A general description is provided of regulatory enforcement, from a regulatory and an enforcement perspective, followed by a discussion of appropriateness of enforcement from the dimensions of location-level and of strength-level. Finally, a simple model is presented for a ‘remediableness analysis’ of appropriate matching of strength and location level scenarios of enforcement – as guidance for enactment and enforcement of transnational standards without regulatory overstretch.
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Romanova, Tatyana. "The EU’s Discourse on Sovereignty: Content and Consequences." Contemporary Europe 105, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520213244.
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Emmanuel Macron‟s 2017 speeches gave start to the discourse on the European Union‟s (EU‟s) sovereignty. This discourse has been advanced by the national and supranational elite of the EU as well as by its expert community. The article identifies key characteristics of this discourse and its potential consequences for the EU and its relations with Russia. The four ways (attributes) in which sovereignty has been used as identified by Stephen Krasner are used as the theoretical basis of the analysis. With the help of discourse analysis, the author identifies three dimensions in the EU‟s discourse on sovereignty: these are Westphalian, interdependence and domestic sovereignties. The first and the second manifest themselves in the economic field (in particular, in the regulation of the digital sphere), the third one is linked to the discussion on cooperation in the field of security and defence. The discussion on strengthening of the supranational level in the field of security and defence substitutes the absence of the discussion on citizens as holders of domestic sovereignty; it limits the potential of the EU‟s sovereignty. De facto, the discourse on the EU‟s sovereignty is a response to global processes, where the EU finds challenges and threats for itself. References to values and to the EU as its agent form an important component of the discourse on the EU‟s sovereignty. Externally the EU as a result demonstrates both its wish for more independence from external players and its determination to maintain its participation in the globalization processes. The rhetoric of sovereignty also conceptually means the EU‟s refusal of ambitions to be a normative power. Sovereignty has also been an integral part of EU-Russian discussions. Yet the EU‟s discourse on sovereignty does not create any prospects for improving this relationship.