Academic literature on the topic 'Dimension supranationale'
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Journal articles on the topic "Dimension supranationale"
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Reitel, B. "Les agglomérations transfrontalières : des systèmes urbains en voie d'intégration? : les espaces urbains de la "frontière" du territoire français." Geographica Helvetica 62, no. 1 (March 31, 2007): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-62-5-2007.
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Abstract. En tant que limite politique signifiante, la frontière a joué un rôle majeur dans la construction du territoire national de la France. Elle n'a cependant pas été qu'une barrière: une quinzaine d'agglomérations transfrontalières s'y sont formées. L'objectif de cet article consiste à évaluer le degré d'intégration de 15 agglomérations situées sur les frontières de France, dans une perspective de construction européenne et de dévaluation des frontières nationales. L'étude s'appuie sur deux dimensions: l'une spatiale (organisation, pratiques). l'autre territoriale (p. ex. politiques de coopération, projets). Les résultats d'une analyse multivariée montrent que l'importance de la dimension territoriale est liée aux formes de l'intégration spatiale. En s'appuyant sur les propriétés des frontières décrites par Raffestin (1986) et sur le modèle des interactions sociales dans les espaces transfrontaliers proposé par Martinez (1994), il apparaît que la construction européenne se traduit au niveau local par un passage d'une situation de coexistence (des territoires urbains juxtaposés, situés dans des cadres nationaux contigus) à une Situation d'interdépendance (des territoires urbains appartenant à une entité supranationale, entre lesquels s'effectuent des interactions croissantes). Les frontières sont devenues des objets d'articulation: les agglomérations peuvent être assimilées à des territoires de «l'entre-deux». Dans ce contexte, les grandes cités possèdent un potentiel élevé d'intégration: la concentration des ressources financières. politiques et humaines et la proximité de la frontiere leur permet de percevoir des enjeux, de penser la frontière et son dépassement et d'élaborer une stratégie de territorialisation transfrontalière.
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Laforest, Geoffrey. "L’internormativité en matière de santé animale : l’exemple de la gestion de la grippe aviaire en France." Les Cahiers de droit 59, no. 1 (February 28, 2018): 229–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1043691ar.
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La lutte contre les maladies animales est une préoccupation ancienne, en raison tant du fléau économique que du potentiel danger pour la santé humaine qu’elles représentent. Leur réglementation est une matière propice à l’étude de l’internormativité, en considération des rencontres qu’elle implique entre des acteurs et des logiques normatives différentes. Elle s’articule autour de plusieurs niveaux juridiques et comporte une dimension supranationale prééminente. Au fil du temps, la mondialisation du commerce et des menaces sanitaires qui l’accompagnent a poussé les États à réglementer non pas seulement sur le plan national, mais également sur le plan international. Ils recourent pour cela aux normes techniques élaborées par l’Office international des épizooties, organisation internationale reconnue comme une référence normative par l’Accord sur l’application des mesures sanitaires et phytosanitaires de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce. La réglementation en matière de santé animale est, en outre, fortement marquée par la logique du marché et des acteurs économiques, qui s’affrontent quant à la législation sanitaire pour faire passer dans le droit leurs normes de production. Domaine éminemment technique, elle repose enfin largement sur le travail des scientifiques qui se trouvent intégrés dans le processus de production de la norme. L’exemple de la législation relative à la grippe aviaire est particulièrement illustratif de ces propos.
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COUTTS, Stephen. "The Shifting Geometry of Union Citizenship: A Supranational Status from Transnational Rights." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 21 (December 2019): 318–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2019.19.
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AbstractThis Article analyses recent developments in Union citizenship, in particular the relationship between Articles 20 and 21 TFEU. In doing so, it divides Union citizenship into a transnational and a supranational dimension with the transnational dimension having two sub-dimensions: social integration and autonomy. It is argued that we are seeing an increased emphasis on the responsibility of the individual citizen in the context of the transnational dimension and a clear linkage between the transnational and supranational dimensions. The result of these two moves is a status which continues to emphasise the relationship between the Union citizen and the communities represented by Member States, while framing this with a more prominent supranational dimension.
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Bertrand, Gilles, and Isabelle Rigoni. "Turcs, Kurdes et Chypriotes devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme : une contestation judiciaire de questions politiques." Études internationales 31, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 413–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704182ar.
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Cet article examine la juridicisation de deux questions politiques internationales, à savoir la question des droits de l'homme en Turquie (incluant la question kurde) et la question chypriote. La Turquie, membre du Conseil de l'Europe et signataire de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme, a reconnu en 1987 le droit de recours individuel devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme et, en 1990, la juridiction obligatoire de la Cour. Depuis, nous assistons à une croissance exponentielle du nombre de requêtes individuelles introduites devant la Cour contre la Turquie émanant de citoyens turcs, d'origine kurde pour nombre d'entre eux, et de Chypriotes grecs. Elles concernent les violations massives des droits de l'homme en Turquie (particulièrement en raison de la répression du séparatisme kurde) et la politique chypriote de la Turquie qui occupe ce qu'elle reconnaît comme la « République turque de Chypre-nord » dont l'accès est interdit aux Chypriotes grecs. La Turquie se trouve ainsi confrontée à la constitution d'un « espace international des droits de l'homme » dans lequel les individus parviennent à se faire entendre et à mettre en difficulté certains États qui, à l'instar de la Turquie, avaient repoussé jusque-là toute pression extérieure comme attentatoire à leur souveraineté. Les condamnations et le paiement de dommages et intérêts à des individus ordonnés par une instance supranationale remettent en cause les politiques de la Turquie et, dans le cas Loizidou, la contraindrait, si elle acceptait de payer, ce qu'elle n'a toujours pas fait, à dénier toute souveraineté à la « RTCN » et à endosser l'entière responsabilité de la situation actuelle à Chypre. Alors que le débat fait rage sur une éventuelle adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne, les requêtes devant la CEDH donnent au problème une nouvelle dimension et montrent que les citoyens turcs et chypriotes expérimentent déjà leurs droits de citoyens européens.
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Beaud, Jean-Pierre, and Jean-Guy Prévost. "La dialectique du général et du particulier dans la statistique canadienne." Scientia Canadensis 30, no. 2 (June 30, 2009): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800547ar.
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Résumé Depuis le début du 21e siècle, la statistique canadienne a connu d’importantes transformations. En faisant appel au triptyque « structures / pratiques / normes » et en insistant sur les dimensions (locale, nationale ou supranationale) privilégiées, il est possible de distinguer quatre périodes. Jusqu’en 1840, approximativement, les colonies britanniques de l’Amérique du Nord vivent dans un régime qu’on peut qualifier de pré-statistique, sans autorité statistique définie, ni activité statistique régulière, ni, bien sûr, quelque chose qui pourrait s’apparenter à un système statistique. De 1840 à 1920, environ, on assiste à une lente et difficile structuration du « national » qui se dégage à la fois du local et du supranational. Cette structuration prend au moins trois formes : géographique, politique, et, enfin, statistique puisqu’on cherchera, à travers divers arrangements statistiques, à rationaliser à l’échelle du pays tout entier le travail de collecte et d’analyse des données chiffrées. De 1920 jusque dans les années 1980, le système statistique canadien, fortement centralisé, connaîtra une évolution vers une meilleure prise en compte du local comme du régional et du provincial. La dernière période est marquée par une influence plus nette du supranational sur le national, du fait, entre autres, des liens de plus en plus étroits du Canada avec le Mexique et les États-Unis. Elle est aussi caractérisée par le développement d’un véritable marketing statistique centré autour des thématiques du client et de la qualité des produits statistiques. Un tableau synthétique final reprend les informations les plus marquantes.
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Curtis, K. Amber, and Nicholas Clark. "Elucidating EU engagement: rethinking dimensions of supranational participation." Journal of European Integration 41, no. 1 (July 16, 2018): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2018.1487960.
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Zimmer, Christina, Gerald Schneider, and Michael Dobbins. "The Contested Council: Conflict Dimensions of an Intergovernmental EU Institution." Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 2005): 403–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00535.x.
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Recent research has tried to uncover the political space in which the Council of Ministers of the European Union decides. Rather than the left-right conflict or a cleavage between governments with national and supranational attitudes, this article shows that a redistributive dimension, decisively shapes the interactions in this most important legislative body of the European Union. In contrast to extant studies, we employ ex ante rather than ex post preference data and rely on correspondence analysis as a means to identify the underlying dimensions of contestation. The article concludes with an empirical investigation of how enlargement will affect the emerging political space within the European Union. Our quantitative analysis suggests that the gulf between net-contributors and net-receivers will further deepen.
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Özdemir, Sina, and Christian Rauh. "A Bird’s Eye View: Supranational EU Actors on Twitter." Politics and Governance 10, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i1.4686.
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Given the politicization of European integration, effective public communication by the European Union (EU) has gained importance. Especially for rather detached supranational executives, social media platforms offer unique opportunities to communicate to and engage with European citizens. Yet, do supranational actors exploit this potential? This article provides a bird’s eye view by quantitatively describing almost one million tweets from 113 supranational EU accounts in the 2009–2021 period, focusing especially on the comprehensibility and publicity of supranational messages. We benchmark these characteristics against large samples of tweets from national executives, other regional organizations, and random Twitter users. We show that the volume of supranational Twitter has been increasing, that it relies strongly on the multimedia features of the platform, and outperforms communication from and engagement with other political executives on many dimensions. However, we also find a highly technocratic language in supranational messages, skewed user engagement metrics, and high levels of variation across institutional and individual actors and their messages. We discuss these findings in light of the legitimacy and public accountability challenges that supranational EU actors face and derive recommendations for future research on supranational social media messages.
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Coolsaet, Rik. "Continuïteit en discontinuïteit in het Belgisch Europabeleid." Res Publica 40, no. 2 (June 30, 1998): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v40i2.18554.
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European states, including Belgium, have looked at the construction of Europe through an economie and a political prism. Both dimensions have evolved following parallel paths. In Belgium a large consensus has always existed concerning the economie dimension of the European construction. In this respect Belgiums post-1945 European policies area direct continuation of the interwar efforts to build a West-European economic area, based on a free trade philosophy and a rejection of economic nationalism which always handicapped small trading states such as Belgium. Even before the second world war the Belgian elite thus accepted the principles of economic multilateralism.In the political dimension however a consensus on a federal Europe only emerged at the end of the seventies. Till then, important parts of the Belgian political elite remained sceptical and even hostile to the construction of a supranational Europe, based on a traditional view on political autonomy and independence. The reasons why Belgian views on the political dimension of Europe slowly shifted to a federal objective were partly domestic and partly the result of the growing awareness that a small countries' political interests in the world can be best pursued through supranationality.
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Garzia, Diego, Alexander Trechsel, and Lorenzo De Sio. "Party placement in supranational elections." Party Politics 23, no. 4 (July 7, 2015): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815593456.
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Throughout the years, political scientists have devised a multitude of techniques to position political parties on various ideological and policy/issue dimensions. So far, however, none of these techniques was able to evolve into a “gold standard” in party positioning. Against this background, one could recently witness the appearance of a new methodology for party positioning tightly connected to the spread of Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), i.e. an iterative method that aims at improving existing techniques using a combination of party self-placement and expert judgement. Such a method, as pioneered by the Dutch Kieskompas, was first systematically employed on a large cross-national scale by the EU Profiler VAA in the context of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. This article introduces the party placement datasets generated by euandi (reads: EU and I), a transnational VAA for the 2014 EP elections. The scientific relevance of the euandi endeavour lies primarily in its choice to stick to the iterative method of party positioning employed by the EU Profiler in 2009 as well as in the choice to keep as many as 17 policy statements in the 2014 questionnaire in order to allow for cross-national, longitudinal research on party competition in Europe across a five-year period. This article provides a brief review of traditional methods of party positioning and contrasts them to the iterative method employed by the euandi team. It then introduces the specifics of the project, facts and figures of the data collection procedure, and the details of the resulting dataset encompassing 242 parties from the whole EU28.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Dimension supranationale"
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Payraudeau, Christel. "La protection du droit au respect de la vie privée par le Conseil constitutionnel à l’épreuve du numérique." Thesis, Corte, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022CORT0006.
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La constitutionnalisation du droit au respect de la vie privée a trouvé sa place progressivement, mais avec l’avènement du numérique de nouvelles problématiques se sont imposées. La société est en pleine mutation depuis quelques décennies déjà, et même si l’indéniable efficacité des technologies modernes se montre séduisante, les évolutions sont très rapides et le droit ne peut intervenir qu’à retardement. Dans ce contexte et face à l’hégémonie du numérique, nous devons nous interroger sur la réalité des libertés individuelles et des droits fondamentaux. La vie privée est bousculée par les nouvelles pratiques mises en œuvre. Ces problématiques sont incontournables, quels que soient les enjeux mondiaux, aussi bien sécuritaires, économiques que politiques. Il est nécessaire d’analyser comment le Conseil constitutionnel se positionne afin de parvenir à mieux identifier ses limites. Dans notre réalité numérique, comment l’indispensable protection du Conseil constitutionnel peut-elle paraître lacunaire en matière de droit au respect de la vie privée ? Cette thèse a pour objet de démontrer que dans un monde en constante évolution technologique, les trois thèmes de l’étude ne sauraient être dissociés : le droit au respect de la vie privée, à l’instar des libertés individuelles qui priment, le numérique qui se rend indispensable et la cour constitutionnelle pour garantir le bon fonctionnement et la gestion de ces notions qui pourraient facilement devenir antagonistes. Nous identifierons les objectifs constitutionnels opposables au droit au respect de la vie privée ainsi que les garanties qui conditionnent la conciliation de ce droit avec les objectifs législatifs. Nous allons estimer pour notre étude que la vie privée dans le monde virtuel du numérique présente deux facettes dont le Conseil constitutionnel tente de se montrer garant : d’une part celle qui préserve notre relation avec autrui et d’autre part celle qui se rapporte directement à la personne.Il est important de garder l’esprit critique sur l’utilisation qui est faite des données personnelles de chacun d’entre nous. Avec le numérique, la protection de la vie privée doit nécessairement être analysée au-delà des frontières de notre pays. Pour analyser les dangers qui menacent celle-ci, il est intéressant de se pencher sur l’étude des décisions du Conseil constitutionnel afin de pouvoir comparer la jurisprudence et la législation française à celles d’autres pays. Les outils numériques, par leur capacité à impacter de très nombreux aspects de nos vies, réduisent considérablement les limites spatio-temporelles, qui semblent de plus en plus désuètes. Le réseau numérique a la capacité de relier les personnes de manière virtuelle aux quatre coins du monde. Ainsi, la protection constitutionnelle s’inscrit aujourd’hui dans un tout autre contexte dans la mesure où l’exercice de nos libertés et de nos droits, comme la vie privée, a inévitablement une dimension supranationaleThe constitutionalisation of the right to privacy has progressively found its place, but with the advent of digital technology, new issues have emerged. Our society has undergone major changes over the last few decades, and even though modern technologies are very attractive due to their undeniable efficiency, they are evolving very fast and the law can thus only intervene too late.In this context and with regard to the supremacy of digital technology, we must question the reality of individual freedoms and fundamental rights. Privacy is shaken up by new practices. These issues are inescapable whatever the global challenges be they security, economic or political ones. It is necessary to analyse how the constitutional Council positions itself in order to better identify its limits. In our digital age, how can the much needed protection of the constitutional Council appear as inadequate as regards the right to privacy ?The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that in an ever-evolving technological world, the three themes studied here are inextricably linked: the right to privacy, as with individual freedoms which prevail, digital technology which makes itself indispensable and the constitutional court to guarantee the proper functioning and the management of these notions which could easily become antagonistic. We will identify the constitutional objectives which can be opposed to the right to privacy as well as the guarantees which determine the conciliation of this right with legislative objectives. In our study, we will consider that privacy in the digital virtual world has two sides that the constitutional Council is attempting to guarantee: on the one hand, protecting our relationship with others and on the other hand protecting the individual.It is important to remain critical of the use made of our personal data. With digital technology, the protection of privacy must unquestionably be analysed beyond our national borders. To analyse the dangers which threatens it, it is interesting to look at the study of the constitutional Council decisions in order to be able to compare case law and French legislation to those of other countries. Digital tools, due to their possible impacts on many aspects of our lives, considerably reduce spatial and temporal boundaries, which increasingly appear as obsolete. The digital network can virtually connect people all over the world. Therefore, constitutional protection is today part of a very different context insofar as exercising our freedoms and rights, such as privacy, inevitably has a supranational dimension
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Yoshizawa, Hikaru. "The International Dimension of EU Competition Policy: Does Regional Supranational Regulation Hinder Protectionism?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/228572.
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There is an increasing recognition of the international presence and regulatory influence of the EU in competition policy. Despite a scholarly focus on its international dimension, the issue of nationality-based (non-) discrimination has insufficiently been investigated in the existing literature on EU competition policy. Thus, this research aims to fill this gap in the literature by examining whether the EU internally and externally utilizes its competition rules for the objective of promoting (potential) national and European champions, while disadvantaging non-EU based companies operating inside and outside the European internal market. Empirical findings validate two hypotheses of this research: that the supranational institutional setting of the EU in competition policy constrains the ability of member states to use their competition policies for neomercantilist, and even for protectionist purposes; and that the institutional setup assures nationality-blind enforcement by EU competition regulators, even vis-à-vis non-EU based companies. The research also identifies key systemic factors which either constrain or empower the EU as a regulatory power in the competition policy domain. The empirical analysis draws on both quantitative data and in-depth studies of recent major cases. Most cases are from the period between September 1990 and August 2015, involving American and Japanese companies, which have a strong presence in European economies.EU competition policy is highly supranational and has a distinctive goal of market integration. In order to understand better how these features shape EU competition policy, this research proposes an original model of ‘stringent competition policy’, drawing on the theory of regulatory states. This model is more useful than the essentially neomercantilist model of strategic competition policy in explaining the EU’s enforcement without regard to the nationality of firms. Internally, the supranational institutional setting significantly constrains the ability of the member states to utilize their competition policies for neomercantilist and protectionist purposes. Regarding external consequences of this policy, the EU stringently enforces its competition rules regardless the nationality of firms involved in law infringements, though some cases involving non-EU firms were highly politicized and contested. To ensure that its stringent competition policy does not deteriorate the international competitiveness of European firms, the EU has been promoting competition policy externally, especially since the 1990s. However, the EU’s ability to play a leadership role in global multilateral fora is limited, despite its dedication and ambitions. This is because the EU’s regulatory power is fundamentally constrained by systemic factors such as a sharp increase in the number and heterogeneity of competition policies around the world, the deadlock of WTO negotiations on world competition law, and the emergence of transgovernmental networks such as the ICN. At the same time, these systemic factors have created the demand of younger competition authorities for reference points, if not models, and this opened up a window of opportunity for the EU to promote its competition policy rules and norms more extensively in third states. Overall, this research contributes to the EU competition policy literature by firmly placing it in a wider debate on competition and/versus competitiveness in the study of global political economy.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Books on the topic "Dimension supranationale"
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Der europäische Verfassungskonvent: Dimensionen der Konstitutionalisierung einer supranationalen Union. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2004.
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Baldini, Gianni, and Monica Soldano, eds. Nascere e morire: quando decido io? Italia ed Europa a confronto. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-232-5.
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This book continues the collaboration between the department of BioLaw of the University of Florence and the non-profit association Madre Provetta, to contribute to a project of study and research that can build towards a common European law on Bioethics. In view of the professional activity in which they are engaged, the authors are among the leading experts in their respective fields on the issues addressed. Biotechnologies have rendered both birth and death more complex, which explains why the approach must be multidisciplinary. In effect, the research ranges from the medical and scientific sphere to the fields of law, sociology and philosophy and through to the institutional dimension. The leitmotif is the responsibility and self-determination of the individual: an anthology addressing issues concerning the beginning and the end of life. Particular focus is placed on the aspect of legal update in the light of recent case law, which is increasingly called upon, on the one hand to lend support to the legislator, and on the other to adapt national legislation to the rules and principles emerging from the supranational and European institutions.
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Papadimitriou, Lydia, and Ana Grgić, eds. Contemporary Balkan Cinema. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474458436.001.0001.
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The first inclusive collection to examine post-2008 developments in Balkan cinema, this book brings together a number of international scholars working within and beyond the region to explore its industrial contexts and textual dimensions. Exploring both mainstream and arthouse cinemas, the authors identify patterns, trends and common characteristics in the subject matter and aesthetics of films produced and distributed since the global economic crisis. With a focus on transnational links, global networks and cross-cultural exchanges, the book addresses the role of national and supranational institutions as well as film festival networks in supporting film production, distribution and reception. Through critical and comprehensive profiles of the cinematic output in each Balkan country, and with an equal focus on smaller and underrepresented cinemas from Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia and Albania, the collection argues for the continuing relevance of the concept of ‘Balkan cinema’. This study conceptualizes Contemporary Balkan Cinema as a hybrid, trans-national encounter that offers multifarious responses to political and social challenges in the region: gravitation and/or disillusionment toward the European Union; migration; political and social instability; and economic recession.
Book chapters on the topic "Dimension supranationale"
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Giegerich, Thomas. "The Political Dimensions of Equality in the European Union: Equality of Union Citizens and Equality of Member States in a Supranational Representative Democracy." In European Union and its Neighbours in a Globalized World, 45–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-43764-0_4.
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Hodson, Dermot, Uwe Puetter, and Sabine Saurugger. "17. EU institutional politics:." In The Institutions of the European Union, 391–404. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198862222.003.0017.
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The establishment, consolidation, and transformation of EU institutions—in short, EU institutional politics—is the subject of this book. This chapter asks how the different institutions surveyed are situated along the five dimensions of EU institutional politics: (1) intergovernmental vs supranational; (2) international vs transnational; (3) separate vs fused; (4) followers vs leaders; and (5) legitimate vs contested. We show that while tension between supranational and intergovernmental bodies remains a key dimension of EU institutional politics, the four other institutional dimensions have become more pronounced, especially as the crises facing European integration have become more salient over the past twenty years. These crises have not had a homogenous or unidirectional effect on EU institutional politics. The chapter also looks to the future of EU institutions, including institutional tensions over EU–UK relations after Brexit and the Conference on the Future of Europe.
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"The Supranational Dimension of EU Citizenship." In Citizenship, Crime and Community in the European Union. Hart Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509915378.ch-003.
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Brodowski, Dominik. "Supranationale europäische Verwaltungssanktionen: Entwicklungslinien – Dimensionen des Strafrechts – Legitimität." In Die Verfassung moderner Strafrechtspflege, 139–80. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845276953-139.
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"Policy analysis and the work of supranational bodies." In Learning from Other Countries: The Cross-National Dimension in Urban Policy Making, 163–72. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203973769-28.
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Powers, Kathleen E. "Nationalisms in International Politics." In Nationalisms in International Politics, 1–31. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691224572.003.0001.
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This chapter highlights how nationalisms vary instead of being one-dimensional. National or supranational identities tend to affect behavior, foreign policy attitudes, and the norms they operate. The chapter clarifies how the title will simply explain which nationalisms support conflict and which supranationalisms promote cooperation. It clarifies the conceptualization that nationalism has two dimensions: the strength of nationalist identity and the norms defining a nationalist. Conceptualizing nationalism as a social identity allows the synthesis of insights from other disciplinary factors and psychological micro-foundations for studying nationalism in international politics. However, nationalisms tend to instil a sense of moral superiority when people start comparing social groups.
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"23 VALUING CAREWORK THROUGH POLICY AND CULTURE: COMMUNITIES, STATES, AND SUPRANATIONAL INSTITUTIONS." In Global Dimensions of Gender and Carework, 287–304. Stanford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503625723-025.
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Costamagna, Francesco. "The EMU and the European Social Dimension." In The EU Law of Economic and Monetary Union. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793748.003.0016.
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The Economic Monetary Union (EMU) has been famously portrayed as a ‘metaphor for the European Union’, involving high stakes for the integration process as a whole. Since its origins, the creation of the EMU was an eminently political project, with a direct bearing on the prospects of the European Union (EU) as a polity, its social model, and its constitutional identity. Yet, the main political aspects of the project were mostly discarded in the process that led to the establishment of the EMU’s institutional structure and its substantive rules. The creation of the common currency was not accompanied by the establishment of supranational institutions with a strong political mandate to accommodate conflicting interests, while the exercise of political autonomy at national level has been increasingly seen as a potential danger for the stability of the whole edifice. The crisis and the ensuing reform of the European economic governance consolidated the technocratic character of the EMU architecture and hardened its grip on national political processes.
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Fernandez-Rojo, David. "Regulation 2019/1896 on the European Border and Coast Guard (Frontex): The Supranational Administration of the External Borders?" In The External Dimension of EU Migration and Asylum Policies, 295–324. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845298375-295.
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Hodson, Dermot, Uwe Puetter, and Sabine Saurugger. "1. Why EU institutions matter:." In The Institutions of the European Union, 1–26. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198862222.003.0001.
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The European Union (EU) cannot be understood without reference to its institutions. But scholars differ on the questions of what precisely EU institutions are, what they do, and why they matter. This chapter defines EU institutions as decision-making bodies. It refers to the notion of EU institutional politics as the sphere of informal and formal rules, norms, procedures, and practices that shape such decision-making. The chapter explores how different theoretical traditions—international relations, integration theory, new institutionalism, the separation of powers, governance, public policy and administration approaches, and critical perspectives—think about EU institutions. Drawing on these traditions, this chapter encourages readers to think about EU institutions along five dimensions: intergovernmental versus supranational, international versus transnational, separated versus fused power, leaders versus followers, and contested versus legitimate. Seeing how the Union’s decision-making bodies move within and between these dimensions offers a deeper understanding of why EU institutions matter.
Conference papers on the topic "Dimension supranationale"
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Noneva-Zlatkova, Yordanka. "PROTECTION OF CREDITORS’ RIGHTS IN THE CONTEXT OF AN EVOLVING INVESTMENT ENVIRONMENT UNDER EU LAW." In 4th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2020 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2020.179.
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In the post-global economic and financial crisis, Europe is suffering from significantly low levels of investment. This applies both to national level in the individual Member States and to those with a supranational scope. For this reason, the EC tried to stimulate the development of any investment initiative through the Juncker Plan, which is based on three pillars: the European Fund for Strategic Investments, the European Investment Advisory Center and the European Investment Projects Portal, and third, improving the business environment by removing regulatory barriers to investment at national and European level. Policies in this direction will continue and build on over the period 2021-2027 through the InvestEU program, which aims to continue to support increased investment, innovation and job creation in Europe. The process of implementation of each such initiative directly affects the individual legal and natural persons as investors who enter different bond relations, which have both national and international dimension. The development of new investment products and instruments would be unthinkable without the Bank’s involvement as a major creditor in the implementation of investment projects. This fact shows that it is necessary to examine the legal guarantees for the protection of creditors in these relationships in case of possible threat the debtor to damage the creditor in case of unfavourable development of the respective investment initiative. This paper will justify the significance and the peculiarities of Paul’s claim as a means of protecting creditors in the context of a developing EU investment environment and its legal framework. This method of preventing the decline of the asset and / or the increase of the liability of the debtor’s property is characterized by extreme persistence over time as a legal institution that originated in the Roman era and has survived to the present without losing its significance.
Reports on the topic "Dimension supranationale"
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Colomb, Claire, and Tatiana Moreira de Souza. Regulating Short-Term Rentals: Platform-based property rentals in European cities: the policy debates. Property Research Trust, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52915/kkkd3578.
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Short-term rentals mediated by digital platforms have positive and negative impacts that are unevenly distributed among socio-economic groups and places. Detrimental impacts on the housing market and quality of life of long-term residents have been particular contentious in some cities. • In the 12 cities studied in the report (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Lisbon, London, Madrid, Milan, Paris, Prague, Rome and Vienna), city governments have responded differently to the growth of short-term rentals. • The emerging local regulations of short-term rentals take multiple forms and exhibit various degrees of stringency, ranging from rare cases of laissez-faire to a few cases of partial prohibition or strict quantitative control. Most city governments have sought to find a middle-ground approach that differentiates between the professional rental of whole units and the occasional rental of one’s home/ primary residence. • The regulation of short-term rentals is contentious and highly politicised. Six broad categories of interest groups and non-state actors actively participate in the debates with contrasting positions: advocates of the ‘sharing’ or ‘collaborative’ economy; corporate platforms; professional organisatons of short-term rental operators; new associations of hosts or ‘home-sharers’; the hotel and hospitality industry; and residents’ associations/citizens’ movements. • All city governments face difficulties in implementing and enforcing the regulations, due to a lack of sufficient resources and to the absence of accurate and comprehensive data on individual hosts. That data is held by corporate platforms, which have generally not accepted to release it (with a few exceptions) nor to monitor the content of their listings against local rules. • The relationships between platforms and city governments have oscillated between collaboration and conflict. Effective implementation is impossible without the cooperation of platforms. • In the context of the European Union, the debate has taken a supranational dimension, as two pieces of EU law frame the possibility — and acceptable forms — of regulation of online platforms and of short-term rentals in EU member states: the 2000 E-Commerce Directive and the 2006 Services Directive. • For regulation to be effective, the EU legal framework should be revised to ensure platform account- ability and data disclosure. This would allow city (and other ti ers of) governments to effectively enforce the regulations that they deem appropriate. • Besides, national and regional governments, who often control the legislative framework that defines particular types of short-term rentals, need to give local governments the necessary tools to be able to exercise their ‘right to regulate’ in the name of public interest objectives.