Journal articles on the topic 'Digital media – Political aspects – Canada'
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1
Pope, Stephen Travis. "Web.La.Radia: Social, Economic, and Political Aspects of Music and Digital Media." Computer Music Journal 23, no. 1 (March 1999): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/014892699559643.
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Sullivan, Katherine V. R. "The gendered digital turn: Canadian mayors on social media." Information Polity 26, no. 2 (June 3, 2021): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-200301.
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Women continue to occupy lesser positions of power at all political levels in Canada, although scholars still argue on the accessibility of municipal politics to women. However, no previous study has systematically examined the gender ratio of mayors across Canada, as well as their (active) use of social media platforms in a professional capacity. Using novel data, this study examines the variation in social media adoption and active use by gender outside of an electoral campaign. Results show that there is a higher proportion of women mayors who have a Facebook page, as well as Twitter and Instagram accounts and who actively use them outside of electoral campaigns, when compared with men mayors’ social media practices.
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Ginsburg, Faye. "INDIGENOUS MEDIA FROM U-MATIC TO YOUTUBE: MEDIA SOVEREIGNTY IN THE DIGITAL AGE." Sociologia & Antropologia 6, no. 3 (December 2016): 581–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752016v632.
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Abstract This article covers a wide range of projects from the earliest epistemological challenges posed by video experiments in remote Central Australia in the 1980s to the emergence of indigenous filmmaking as an intervention into both the Australian national imaginary and the idea of world cinema. It also addresses the political activism that led to the creation of four national indigenous television stations in the early 21st century: Aboriginal People's Television Network in Canada; National Indigenous Television in Australia; Maori TV in New Zealand; and Taiwan Indigenous Television in Taiwan); and considers what the digital age might mean for indigenous people worldwide employing great technological as well as political creativity.
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Lim, Heung Sun. "Political Countermeasures in the Future of Digital Media Platform." Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 18, no. 6 (June 30, 2022): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/crisisonomy.2022.18.6.151.
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The purpose of this paper is to suggest structural changes in a rapidly changing media market, digital media policy evaluation, political countermeasures. Based on an extensive literature review and cases, this submission outlines digital media ecosystem, platform, policy, and changes in the world’s media market. A study has found that media policies focus a discussion on two ways, a promotion and regulation. The effectiveness of deregulating domestic platforms and policies supporting ecosystem is being questioned due to the increase in the global platform dependency ratio. But the regulation policies can also lead to controversial aspects and problems. According to this, we need to look to ways of making a point and improving our plans on the digital media ecosystem. In brief, we need to establish a standard in digital media policies including the regulation of platform operators, and consider method of coexistence and co-operation.
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Raboy, Marc. "Media, Nationalism and Identity in Canada and Quebec." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18596.
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The relationship between media, nationalism and identity is increasingly problematic, even in the most politically stable countries. In Canada, media policy has been an integral part of political strategies for preserving the coherence of the Canadian state, with respect to external pressures towards North American continental integration, and internal pressures towards fragmentation and, most recently, disintegration. The alternative project of political indepéndence for Quebec, which nearly achieved a majority in a referendum held in October 1995, represents a threat to the Canadian state that media policy has sought to contain. But media practices reflect the real tensions in Canadian society and can not be held to account for the more or less failed agendas of politicians. The article explores some aspects of the relationship between media and the complexities of national identity in the framework of a political culture where different visions of nationhood must inevitably coexist.
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Hacker, Kenneth L., and Eric L. Morgan. "Empowering and Disempowering Aspects of New Media Networking and Digital Democracy." International Journal of Technology Diffusion 4, no. 3 (July 2013): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijtd.2013070104.
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The relationship between new media networking (NMN) and political participation continues to develop in complex ways. In light of evidence pointing to increased political participation through NMN, the structures of the networks people engage continue to exhibit both empowering and disempowering aspects. While some gaps associated with the Digital Divide are closing, others are opening. This essay utilizes network theory and power law distribution to further understand new media networks. The article concludes that there are inherent inequalities in new media networks, the inequalities can be addressed through public policy, and that they are made relevant through narratives of optimistic but realistic, progress.
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Handoyo, Eko. "Democratic Challenge in Digital Era." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (April 16, 2020): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.23435.
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This article is based on the growing development of social media in the digital era which provides new public spaces for citizens to express themselves and their interactions with fellow citizens in various aspects of life. This article used library research method to answer the changes from procedural democracy to substantial democracy and the way of democratic citizenship through social media. This article revealed that the use of social media is no longer limited to daily needs, however, social media has a significant role in building political culture as well as citizenship issues in society.
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McKelvey, Fenwick, and Jill Piebiak. "Porting the political campaign: The NationBuilder platform and the global flows of political technology." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675439.
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Political parties rely on digital technologies to manage volunteering, fundraising, fieldwork, and data collection. They also need tools to manage web, email, and social media outreach. Increasingly, new political engagement platforms integrate these tasks into one unified system. These platforms pose important questions about the flows of political practices from campaigns to platforms and vice versa as well as across campaigns globally. NationBuilder is a critical case in their study. It is a leading non-partisan platform used in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The case of NationBuilder in Canada analyzes how political engagement platforms coordinate the global flows of politics. Through interviews, we find reciprocal influence among developers, party activists, consultants, and the NationBuilder platform. We call this process porting. It results in NationBuilder becoming a more portable global platform in tandem with becoming an imported, hybridized part of a campaign’s digital infrastructure.
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Trottier, Daniel. "Scandal mining: political nobodies and remediated visibility." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 6 (October 25, 2017): 893–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717734408.
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This article considers the 2015 federal election in Canada as the emergence of seemingly citizen-led practices whereby candidates’ past missteps are unearthed and distributed through social and news media channels. On first pass, these resemble citizen-led engagements through digital media for potentially unmappable political goals, given the dispersed and either non-partisan or multi-partisan nature of these engagements. By bringing together journalistic accounts and social media coverage alongside current scholarship on citizenship and visibility, this case study traces the possibility of political accountability and the political weaponisation of mediated visibility through the targeted extraction of candidate details from dispersed profiles, communities and databases.
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Stratan Ilbasmis, Violeta. "New media and propaganda." Akademos, no. 3(62) (January 2022): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52673/18570461.21.3-62.15.
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In this article is analyzed the phenomenon of propaganda in digital space in the context of political communication. Digital media or new media are much more accessible to the general public, providing access to various sources of information and entertainment. Due to these characteristics, the propaganda messages are launched from a new field, and for these reasons the propaganda strategies had been adjusted to the new technological-informational tendencies. The main similarities and differences between digital propaganda is evaluated through comparison with traditional media propaganda. Also, theoretical and conceptual aspects of the information society and the role of social networks in the dissemination of propaganda in the on-line environment are outlined.
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Wellman, Barry, Anabel Quan-Haase, and Molly-Gloria Harper. "The networked question in the digital era: How do networked, bounded, and limited individuals connect at different stages in the life course?" Network Science 8, no. 3 (November 4, 2019): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nws.2019.28.
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AbstractWe used in-depth interviews with 101 participants in the East York section of Toronto, Canada to understand how digital media affects social connectivity in general—and networked individualism in particular—for people at different stages of the life course. Although people of all ages intertwined their use of digital media with their face-to-face interactions, younger adults used more types of digital media and have more diversified personal networks. People in different age-groups conserved media, tending to stick with the digital media they learned to use in earlier life stages. Approximately one-third of the participants were Networked Individuals: In each age-group, they were the most actively using digital media to maintain ties and to develop new ones. Another one-third were Socially Bounded, who often actively used digital media but kept their connectivity within a smaller set of social groups. The remaining one-third, who were Socially Limited, were the least likely to use digital media. Younger adults were the most likely to be Networked Individuals, leading us to wonder if the percentage of the population who are Bounded or Limited will decline over time.
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Marland, Alex. "Political Photography, Journalism, and Framing in the Digital Age." International Journal of Press/Politics 17, no. 2 (February 2, 2012): 214–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161211433838.
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In the digital age, journalists are becoming more susceptible to the packaged visuals of politicians that image handlers are pushing electronically in an attempt to circumvent and influence the mainstream media. These managed photos and videos communicate officialdom, voyeurism, and pseudo-events, ranging from routine government business to a personal side of political leaders. They are designed to frame the subject in a positive light and to promote a strategic image. This article submits that demand for digital handouts of visuals, or “image bytes,” is stimulated by economics and institutional accommodation, including the constant need for Web content and journalists’ eroding access to government officials. A profile of the image management of Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper illustrates the jockeying between politicians, PR staff, and journalists over news selection, pseudo-events, framing and gatekeeping. Insights from 32 interviews with Canadian journalists and Conservative party insiders suggests that a two-tier media system is emerging between the small news operations that welcome digital handouts and the mainstream journalists who are opposed. Theoretical themes for international research include examining the implications of political image bytes such as the possible priming effect on journalists who are exposed to constant visual e-communication pushed by political offices.
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Pötzsch, Holger. "Media Matter." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 1 (February 27, 2017): 148–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i1.819.
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The present contribution maps materialist advances in media studies. Based on the assumption that matter and materiality constitute significant aspects of communication processes and practices, I introduce four fields of inquiry - technology, political economy, ecology, and the body - and argue that these perspectives enable a more comprehensive understanding of the implications of contemporary technologically afforded forms of interaction. The article shows how each perspective can balance apologetic and apocalyptic approaches to the impact of in particular digital technologies, before it demonstrates the applicability of an integrated framework with reference to the techno-politics of NSA surveillance and the counter-practices of WikiLeaks.
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Bohatyrets, Valentyna. "Insights Into Canada’s Digital Media, Branding and Political Image Management." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.158-166.
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wing to the different architectures of social media platforms as well as information revolution and globalization, digital media, branding and political image management prove to have become of significant value in changing the landscape and essence of traditional political campaigning into one of the most proficient and sophisticated marketing tactics. The study delves into the academic underpinnings of digital (virtual) or e-diplomacy that significantly contributes to the embracing of a nation branding and its manifold implications for any statehood. In the 21st Century, a new institution is emerging with some characteristics similar to the Fourth Estate, but with sufficiently distinctive and important features to warrant its recognition as a new Fifth Estate. Such ‘networks of networks’ enable the networked individuals to move across, undermine and go beyond the boundaries of existing institutions, thereby opening new ways of increasing the accountability of politicians, press, experts and other loci of power and influence. When theorizing on the topics of digital media, branding and political image management, the conclusive arguments indicate that social media indeed pose campaign environments distinct from mass communication arenas. Demonstrating beneficial personality traits and improving name recognition is a campaign to internalize a whole set of platform-specific affordances on social media in order to demonstrate that it represents the ‘state of the art’. This is a valuable insight and it is an important step forward in our understanding of a political image. A concluding remark is a political leader’s or a country’s image making is a very multidimensional process, which involves different political, economic, social, cultural and communication aspects of a country’s development.
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Faustino, Paulo. "Business models and sustainability in the newspaper industry: Perspectives from European and North American executives." Journal of Digital Media & Policy 00, no. 00 (April 1, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp_00097_1.
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The digital age has posed considerable challenges to media business model sustainability while diversifying opportunities for editorial organizations and journalists. The chaotic management of media companies is threatening the very fabric of various media industries. This article aims at understanding the sustainability of the media business models, and how media managers tailor their practices to cope with digital transformation in a competitive market. Media executives from three US newspaper companies (from the United States of America and Canada) and three European newspaper companies (from Ireland, England and France) were interviewed for this article. The results of the interviews with executives from the six newspaper companies interviewed suggest that there is a better adaptation to the digital transformation on the part of North American companies compared to European companies. All interviewed newspaper companies continue to face significant challenges in the search for ways to enable the sustainability of their business models to motivate their partners, shareholders and employees and contribute to greater diversity in the information market. The six media companies agreed that sustaining a media business and financing model is not equivalent to achieving the long-term sustainability of a media business model and financing.
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Hudoshnyk, Oksana, and Liliia Temchenko. "Discussion aspects of interdisciplinary interaction of journalism and oral history." Synopsis: Text Context Media 28, no. 2 (2022): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-259x.2022.2.7.
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The article presents the context of modern scientific debates on the boundaries of interdisciplinarity. The subject of the study is the common procedure of the use of oral history practices in the mass media space. The oral history itself is changing rapidly under the pressure of digital platforms such as StoryCorps (USA), Listening Project (UK), The Story Project (Australia), and The Tale of a Town (Canada). Another key thing is the fact that the changes affected not only the technological process of archiving and dissemination of information but also the basic foundations of oral history, which is its methodology. The in-depth interview is replaced by the “rapid response collecting” method and historical storytelling. The purpose of the article is to outline the discussion field of the modern scientific discourse of the problem, to present the most significant interdisciplinary interaction using the example of world and Ukrainian media, namely: coverage of contradictory and ambiguous interpretations of historical facts; narrative; prolonged communication; multimedia and multiplatform. The research methods are traditional empirical methods of observation and description, as well as paradigmatic analysis of the functional features of oral history practices in journalism. Results of the research. Basic characterological directions proposed in the study allowed us to present the main points of discussion in various aspects: the use of oral historical materials, especially “hidden history” through the eyes of eyewitnesses, become an additional source of journalistic clarifications, investigations and expansion of the information agenda; addressing marginal themes of history, giving a voice to terrorist groups and participants in genocides poses extremely complex and ethically controversial questions to the audience; multimedia and multiplatform give new life to oral history information, while performance, theatre and participation are added to the usual practices of new media. The most expressive manifestation of changes in this interdisciplinary discourse is the practice of digital storytelling; its media use is illustrated by the BBC’s Capture Wales digital storytelling project. As part of the scientific discussion that has continued for the last few years, the issues of democratization of history, mass inclusion in digital archives, the creation of powerful social projects, and attempts to distance oral history as a separate discipline have been actualized. Moreover, it is recognized that, like any creative practice, interdisciplinarity remains a wide field for experimentation and creativity.
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Hasfi, Nurul. "KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DI ERA DIGITAL." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 10, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.10.1.2019.93-111.
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In the last two decades Internet has influenced aspects of human life including democracy. In Indonesian context, since the arrival of Internet in the last 1990s, it was creating new phenomenon known as online political communication. It dramatically have been changing the practice of traditional political communication mediated by convensional media. This article try to provide discussion theoretically and practically relating to the issue. Theoreticaly it explores of how internet has modified classical political communication theory; how new character of Internet has potential effect for producing better quality and quantity of political communication as well as how it has arised problematic issues on the process. Furthermore, this discussion briefly conclude that political communication in the future might never separate from this new medium. It may become most intriguing 'live laboratory' for researcher of the potential roles of the Internet in the political communication process.
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Hidayati, Festy Rahma. "Komunikasi Politik dan Branding Pemimpin Politik Melalui Media Sosial: A Conceptual Paper." JURNAL LENSA MUTIARA KOMUNIKASI 5, no. 2 (December 28, 2021): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51544/jlmk.v5i2.2385.
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The presence of digital media, such as social media allows us to connect without any limitations of space and time. Consumption of social media brings changes in various aspects of life, including the habits of communicating and interacting in today's network society. In the political field, social media creates opportunities for political leaders to carry out political communication. As a strategic political communication channel, social media plays a role in receiving and responding to public aspirations. In fact, the use of social media for campaigns by political leaders shows a trend of increasing popularity and electability due to the influence of branding on social media. The use of social media by political leaders in building specific branding is at the core of this article. Political leaders optimize their personal social media accounts for political communication. The positive perception of the public allows for an increase in popularity and electability which brings to the national political stage. This article is a conceptual paper that analyzes the concept of branding in politics in the era of digital political communication by utilizing social media. The author uses relevant literature reviews from previous studies. This article reveals that several political leaders that have been studied have optimized social media to carry out political communication to their citizens. They display digital content to gain public support and trust, and display branding as a populist, professional, humanist, and responsible political leader.
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McKelvey, Fenwick, Scott DeJong, Saskia Kowalchuck, and Elsa Donovan. "Is the Alt-Right Popular in Canada? Image Sharing, Popular Culture, and Social Media." Canadian Journal of Communication 47, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 702–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjc.2022-0021.
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Background: In popular coverage and social media analysis, the alt-right has been described as a popular phenomenon. Following Stuart Hall’s understanding of popular culture, we question the status of the alt-right in Canada as both a political and methodological problem that requires critical attention to social media metrics and critical experimentation in developing new digital methods. Analysis: Our study developed a novel method to analyse image circulation across major social media platforms. We find that image sharing is marginal, yet the spread of images distinguishes political communities between Twitter hashtags, subreddits, and Facebook pages. We found a distinct alt-right community in our sample, active but isolated from other popular sites. Conclusion and Implications: While the findings suggest the limited significance of image sharing to conceptualize popularity in cross-platform analysis, our novel method offers a compelling alternative to corporate social media analytics and raises new questions about how popular politics, especially the popularity of the alt-right, may be studied in the future.
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Small, Tamara A., and Kate Puddister. "Play-by-Play Justice: Tweeting Criminal Trials in the Digital Age." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 35, no. 1 (April 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2019.21.
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AbstractJournalists routinely live-tweet high-profile criminal trials, a practice that raises questions about access to justice and the principle of open court. Does social media open up the justice system? There is a normative debate in the literature about the use of Twitter and social media in the courtroom. This paper takes on this debate by exploring the relationship between digital technologies and criminal justice. Through a systematic examination of journalists’ tweets during two key trials (Ghomeshi and Saretzky), we ask to what extent can the live-tweeting of court proceedings achieve greater access to justice in Canada? We argue that while the live-tweeting does provide more access to court, potentially furthering the principle of open court, the nature of this access provides little in the way of increased engagement with the public and its understanding of the legal system. This paper makes contributions to both the legal studies and digital politics literatures.
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Cwynar, Christopher. "On thin ice: Hockey Night in Canada and the future of national public service media." International Communication Gazette 79, no. 2 (March 2017): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516689194.
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This article considers the implications of rising sports rights fees and emerging digital media technologies for legacy public service broadcasters. I argue that, while the Hockey Night in Canada sublicensing agreement with Rogers prompted a significant amount of criticism of the CBC at the time, it is consistent with the broader history of the program. Furthermore, the situation is most significant in that it exposes the tensions between the CBC and the marketplace as manifested in CBC-TV. I suggest that this deal illustrates that the CBC should exit the commercial television marketplace. I conclude by suggesting that the CBC should shift its focus toward a renewed emphasis on noncommercial programming in areas often neglected by the commercial media. This approach could potentially provide a model for how legacy public service media institutions might reassert their civic and cultural value in an increasingly convergent and commercialized mediascape.
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Richez, Emmanuelle, Vincent Raynauld, Abunya Agi, and Arief B. Kartolo. "Unpacking the Political Effects of Social Movements With a Strong Digital Component: The Case of #IdleNoMore in Canada." Social Media + Society 6, no. 2 (April 2020): 205630512091558. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120915588.
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While many scholars have studied collective action with a strong social media component led by marginalized groups, few have unpacked how this form of political engagement captures the attention of established political elites and, in some cases, influences the mainstream political narrative and policy outcomes. Fewer have focused on the political impact of social media-intensive Indigenous protest movements. This article addresses these gaps in the academic literature. It does so by examining the online and offline impact of the Indigenous-led Idle No More movement at the federal level in Canada. To evaluate the movement’s effects on the public political narrative on Indigenous-related issues, this article reviews the content of the House of Commons Question Period before and after the emergence of the movement in December 2012. To measure Idle No More’s impact on policy outcomes, this article compares federal budgets and the volume of policy proposals pertaining to Indigenous Affairs introduced in the years preceding the beginning of the movement to those that came in the years following it. Semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders are also conducted to better comprehend the political impact of the movement. The study posits that protests coincided with momentary changes to the salience of Indigenous policy issues, but not with significant policy outcomes in that area.
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Fuchs, Christian. "Dallas Smythe Today - The Audience Commodity, the Digital Labour Debate, Marxist Political Economy and Critical Theory." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (September 19, 2012): 692–740. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.443.
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Due to the global capitalist crisis, neoliberalism and the logic of commodification of everything have suffered cracks, fissures and holes. There is a return of the interest in Marx, which requires us to think about the role of Marxism in Media and Communication Studies. This paper contributes to this task by discussing some foundations of contemporary Marxist media and communication studies, including a focus on the renewed interest in Dallas Smythe’s audience commodity category as part of the digital labour debate. Dallas Smythe reminds us of the importance of engagement with Marx’s works for studying the media in capitalism critically. Both Critical Theory and Critical Political Economy of the Media and Communication have been criticized for being one-sided. Such interpretations are mainly based on selective readings. They ignore that in both approaches there has been with different weightings a focus on aspects of media commodification, audiences, ideology and alternatives. Critical Theory and Critical Political Economy are complementary and should be combined in Critical Media and Communication Studies today. Dallas Smythe’s notion of the audience commodity has gained new relevance in the debate about corporate Internet services’ exploitation of digital labour. The exploitation of digital labour involves processes of coercion, alienation and appropriation.
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Yates, Simeon, and Eleanor Lockley. "Social Media and Social Class." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 9 (May 4, 2018): 1291–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773821.
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Background:This article explores the relationship between social class and social media use and draws on the work of Pierre Bourdieu in examining class in terms of social, economic, and cultural capital. The article starts from a prior finding that those who predominantly only use social media formed a higher proportion of Internet users from lower socioeconomic groups. Data: The article draws on data from two nationally representative U.K. surveys, the OfCom (Office of Communications) Media Literacy Survey ( n ≈ 1,800 per annum) and the Department of Digital, Culture, Media and Sport’s Taking Part Survey ( n ≈ 10,000 per annum). Methods: Following Yates, Kirby, and Lockley, five types of Internet behavior and eight types of Internet user are identified utilizing principal components analysis and k-means clustering. These Internet user types are then examined against measures of social, economic, and cultural capital. Data on forms of cultural consumption and digital media use are examined using multiple correspondence analysis. Findings: The article concludes that forms of digital media use are in correspondence with other social, cultural, and economic aspects of social class status and contemporary social systems of distinction.
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Fahmi, Muhammad. "REPRESENTATION OF ISLAM IN THE 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION DISCOURSE ON SOCIAL MEDIA." Indonesian Journal of Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies 3, no. 2 (March 25, 2020): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/ijiis.vol3.iss2.art4.
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This study aims to see how religious discourse in the presidential election is represented in social media. The study concludes as follows: First: Presidential Election 2109 represents three discourses namely: Discourse on Religion and Candidacy of Candidates, Discourse on Politics and Badar War and Discourse on Ulama and Power. Second: Factors that influence representation are: political factors, religious interpretations and digital culture. On political factors, it appears that religion is politicized in the 2019 Presidential Election because religion alone provides political benefits. So for political purposes the power of religious politicization in the 2019 Presidential Election becomes a necessity. Meanwhile, on the factor of religious interpretation, it was concluded that religious interpretation influenced the representation of the 2019 Presidential Election discourse. Religious interpretation was used as a legitimate tool to support or reject certain candidates. Likewise with the digital world, the representation of religious discourse can be so massive, precisely because it is influenced by digital culture that has touched all aspects of human life, including religion. Through the digital world of marketing and the 2019 Presidential Election campaign can be faster, cheaper and more effective even though it has raised concerns over the future and integration of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia. The open nature of the digital world makes open conflict so that it has the potential to trigger national divisions.
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De Percy, Michael Alexander, Leith Campbell, and Nitya Reddy. "Towards an Australian Digital Communications Strategy." Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 10, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v10n4.650.
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In the early 21st century, governments developed national broadband plans to supply high-speed broadband networks for the emerging digital economy and to enable digital services delivery. Most national broadband plans are now focused on moving to ever faster networks, but there is a growing need to develop national digital communications strategies to focus on the demand-side of the broadband “eco-system”. In this paper, we outline the approaches adopted by the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Singapore, and Korea to assist in the development (or renewal) of Australia’s national broadband strategy, or, as we prefer, national digital communications strategy. The paper draws on the lessons learned from the case-study countries and the recent pandemic and considers some theoretical aspects of the broadband ecosystem. We conclude by suggesting a process to re-evaluate Australia’s national digital communications strategy as it rolls forward, and to incorporate recent international trends to develop demand-side policies to enable greater adoption and use of existing broadband infrastructure and digital services.
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Anderson, C. W. "Practice, Interpretation, and Meaning in Today’s Digital Media Ecosystem." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 97, no. 2 (June 2020): 342–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699020916807.
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Historically, scholars of journalism have concerned themselves with meaning. It is ironic, then, that much of the most influential scholarship on digital media over the past two decades has concerned itself primarily with media practices. This line of thought was inaugurated by Couldry’s call to “decenter media research from the study of media texts or production structures and to redirect it onto the study of the open-ended range of practices.” This article uses research on journalism and digital political communication as a case study through which to assess the balance of gains and losses stemming from the practice turn and propose some paths forward for future scholarship. Across this article, I argue that alternate perspectives on practice (as found, for instance, in the work of the late James W. Carey) can recenter the very valuable research on media practice through a focus on the ritualized aspects of media practice, a concern with very real media texts, and by remembering that texts are not free-floating pieces of culture but are rather embedded in historically specific mediums which are only partially reducible to practice.
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Zinovieva, E. S., and V. I. Bulva. "Digital Diplomacy in Russian-European Relations: Cross-Cultural Aspects." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2021): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-4-20-30-40.
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The development of information and communication technologies and formation of the global information society actualizes the study of new directions in the evolution of diplomatic practice in the digital environment, including in the context of intercultural communication. The modern information revolution is characterized by the widespread and ever-growing use of social networks, blogs, wiki resources and other media platforms (labelled under the common term of Web 2.0 technologies). At the same time, the widespread use of Web 2.0 technologies and the increasing amount of time people all over the world spend there has a wide and profound impact on political and intercultural communication and diplomatic practice. A new phenomenon of digital diplomacy is gaining prominence among foreign policy tools of states and international organizations. Digital diplomacy can be defined as the use of social networks and Web 2.0 technologies in public diplomacy and international interaction by states and international organizations to achieve foreign policy goals and reach foreign audiences. According to the traditional view of digital diplomacy, which has developed in the academic literature, and is reflected in the works of authors such as M. Castells and J. Nye, it helps to strengthen network ties at the level of civil societies in different countries and thus reduces international conflicts. However, cultural differences and digital polarization can impede the potential of digital diplomacy. Today, almost all states and international organizations in the global arena are involved in the practice of digital diplomacy, and Russia is no exception. Russia actively participates in the digital diplomacy practice, by using social media and Web 2.0 tools as soft power instruments to introduce and explain foreign policy initiatives and reach foreign and domestic audiences, as stated in the Doctrine of the Information Security of Russian Federation of 2016. For Russia's foreign policy, relations with the EU countries and EU institutions are of particular importance, including in the digital sphere. However, even though both Russia and the EU countries make extensive use of digital diplomacy tools, the practice of horizontal network interaction mediated by digital technologies does not contribute to strengthening trust between countries and reducing conflicts. The authors consider incidents and allegations in the sphere of digital interaction and, based on the theory of digital polarization, conclude that the use of digital tools in horizontal interactions within digital diplomacy exacerbates intercultural differences between countries and increases conflict instead of improving mutual understanding.
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Vaccari, Cristian. "The features, impact and legacy of Berlusconi's campaigning techniques, language and style." Modern Italy 20, no. 1 (February 2015): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.985583.
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This essay empirically evaluates three aspects of Berlusconi's legacy for Italian political communication: his pioneering of political marketing and modern electioneering; his ability to appropriate and popularise his particular rhetorical formulae; and his approach to increasingly relevant digital media. Berlusconi skilfully imported professional televised-centric campaigning in Italy, opening a wide competitive gap that his centre-left opponents took two decades to close. He also managed deeply to influence political discourse by spreading his signature catchphrases among most journalists and politicians, including his opponents. He was, however, less innovative, and generally outperformed by his main competitors, in the use of digital media to inform and engage voters. These findings suggest that Berlusconi's impact on Italian political communication has been massive, but his legacy may be less lasting to the extent that media and electioneering are evolving towards models that differ from those dominated by Berlusconi.
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Skripka, Ivan. "Electronic Media and Social Networks in Politics: European Experience." Contemporary Europe 104, no. 4 (August 1, 2021): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope42021184193.
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The article outlines the relationship between the political process and the development of "new" mass media which mainly means social networks. Electronic media, including social networks, pose a challenge to the current state of international relations. In this regard, a number of states (Belorussia, Russia, Great Britain) and supranational structures (European Commission, UN) are developing a digital legislation envisaging control over the online space. In addition to the negative aspects, the development of "new" media helps political forces in their activities. Many European politicians and political parties actively use Internet resources and micro-targeting to attract voters. The challenge for governments and researchers in this field is to understand the pros and cons of the new digital era and to develop a plan for integrating new technologies into the familiar political process. It is concluded that the European Union and other states are at the stage of development and entry into force of uniform rules regulating the Internet. The trend towards the formation of a single legal field is combined with legislative regulation at the national level, since this area affects issues of security and sovereignty.
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Lalancette, Mireille, and Vincent Raynauld. "The Power of Political Image: Justin Trudeau, Instagram, and Celebrity Politics." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (November 30, 2017): 888–924. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217744838.
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This article explores dynamics of online image management and its impact on leadership in a context of digital permanent campaigning and celebrity politics in Canada. Recent studies have shown that images can play a critical role when members of the public are evaluating politicians. Specifically, voters are looking for specific qualities in political leaders, including honesty, intelligence, friendliness, sincerity, and trustworthiness, when making electoral decisions. Image management techniques can help create the impression that politicians possess these qualities. Heads of governments using social media to capture attention through impactful images or videos on an almost daily basis seems like a new norm. Specifically, this article takes interest in Justin Trudeau’s use of Instagram during the first year immediately following his election on October 19, 2015. Through a hybrid quantitative and qualitative approach, we examine how Trudeau and his party convey a specific image to voters in a context of permanent and increasingly personalized campaigning. We do so through an analysis of his Instagram feed focusing on different elements, including how he frames his governing style visually, how his personal life is used on his Instagram to support the Liberal Party of Canada’s values and ideas, and how celebrity culture codes are mobilized to discuss policy issues such as environment, youth, and technology. This analysis sheds light on the effects and implications of image management in Canada. More generally, it offers a much-needed look at image-based e-politicking and contributes to the academic literature on social media, permanent campaigning, as well as celebrity and politics in Canada.
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Richardson, Ingrid, and Larissa Hjorth. "Mobile media, domestic play and haptic ethnography." New Media & Society 19, no. 10 (July 7, 2017): 1653–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817717516.
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In this article, we explore the material, sensory and corporeal aspects of digital ethnography, primarily in the context of mobile media use in the domestic environment. We align our methodological approach to the ‘sensory turn’ in theory, situated loosely under the rubric of new materialism, and outline the insights that a post-phenomenological method can offer. Drawing from our current research into everyday media use conducted within Australian households, which involved a range of data collection methods aimed at capturing the embodiment of mobile media, we explore the significance of play in and around haptic interfaces. Mobile games are evidently integral to our embodied ways of knowing, and there are a number of challenges faced by the mobile media researcher who seeks to document, understand and interpret this contemporary cultural and everyday practice.
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Ahmad, Nida, and Holly Thorpe. "Muslim Sportswomen as Digital Space Invaders: Hashtag Politics and Everyday Visibilities." Communication & Sport 8, no. 4-5 (January 8, 2020): 668–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479519898447.
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This article examines the ways Muslim sportswomen are using social media to challenge stereotypical representations and to build community. Drawing from an 8-month digital ethnography of 50 different social media profiles across four different platforms (Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, and Twitter) and interviews with 20 Muslim sportswomen, we reveal some of the various ways they are using social media to challenge dominant portrayals of Muslim women as in need of “saving”. We draw upon and elaborate Nirmal Puwar’s concept of “space invaders” to explain how Muslim sportswomen are using social media to challenge dominant discourses, build connections, and represent aspects of their sporting lives in culturally specific ways. The article focuses on two key strategies of the sportswomen, firstly their political use of hashtags and secondly the diverse politics of everyday visibilities. Ultimately, this article creates space for Muslim sportswomen’s voices to reveal the various culturally specific forms of agency and politics being employed in the digital realm.
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Hess, Kristy, and Lisa Waller. "Charting the media innovations landscape for regional and rural newspapers." Australian Journalism Review 42, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajr_00019_1.
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This article charts a scholarly framework for understanding media innovation in Australia’s non-metropolitan news environments. We adopt a geo-social methodology to explore strategies for the betterment of small country newspapers and the societies they serve in the digital era. In doing so, we do not discount the importance of digitization, but contend that a narrow ‘digital first’ focus is eclipsing other important aspects of local news and generating blind spots around existing and evolving power relationships that might impede or foster innovation. We advocate for a six-dimensional approach to shaping innovation for rural news organizations ‐ one that is relational because it foregrounds the connections between digital, social, cultural, political, economic and environmental concerns. Here, the central question is not how country newsrooms can innovate in the interests of their own viability but rather how they can build resilience and relevance in the interests of the populations and environments that sustain them.
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Toor, Shazia Ismail. "Social Media as a Mediator in Political Communication: A Literature Review to Explore its Effects on Users." Global Political Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-ii).07.
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The modes of communication have been evolving, and in the 21st century, we live in a digital world. The world is connected via the internet, and social media has become an integral part of individual life. This paper explores the effects of social media mediation on its users in the context of political communication. The effects range from an individual's political participation to initiating a political movement. The effects are studied in the light of existing literature. Social media has transformed political discussion and debate. It has brought the elite public sphere to the screens of an average citizen. The voicing of dissident opinions is possible under the freedom of expression provided by social media. Individual and collective political views are influenced by social media. It is an exploratory study that aims to unveil various aspects of social media mediation so that they can be further researched upon.
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Rogan, Frances, and Shelley Budgeon. "The Personal is Political: Assessing Feminist Fundamentals in the Digital Age." Social Sciences 7, no. 8 (August 9, 2018): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7080132.
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The ‘personal is political’ has long been recognised as the definitive slogan of second-wave feminism but can it still inform our understanding of the contemporary practice of feminism? Questioning the importance of this claim now invites us to critically reflect upon the trajectory Western feminism has followed in light of the efforts made by the Women’s Liberation movement to politicise formerly unquestioned aspects of social relations. In this paper, the significance of this feminist slogan will be assessed by locating it within two broadly defined historical periods. Firstly we identify the critical work performed by the ideas expressed in the slogan in the early years of the 1970s and then assess their continued relevance within the context of the early 21st century. Drawing upon the empirical analysis of young women’s experience of and relationship to feminism via their engagement with social media in Britain, this research critically assesses digital spaces as places where young women explore their personal experiences. We aim to understand how this may constitute a contemporary form of feminist practice consistent with the claim that ‘the personal is political’.
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Parchao, Danny Bryan. "The role of social media in politics: on the public argumentation around the debate on guns in the United States." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 59 (June 1, 2019): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2019.53.
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The debate on gun control in the United States has been heated recently. In the public space, this debate has an important place in getting everyone involved. The development of social media and other technologies helped the construction of specific argumentative strategies related to what we call “digital communication”. The debate around gun control can be divided into two different aspects which also are the two research questions of this article: a) Which argumentative strategies are used and why they specifically fit in this new communicational environment that is the web? b) How do these strategies compare with the more “classic” aspect of the legislative debate around gun control (the interpretation of the second amendment). The quick analysis of “communicational elements” such as banners and pictures used in social media shows that strategies of digital communication are often weaker and more “populist” than in the place of a classic political debate centered around legislative aspects. The relative instability of social media partly explains this.
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Humphreys, Lee. "Birthdays, anniversaries, and temporalities: Or how the past is represented as relevant through on-this-date media." New Media & Society 22, no. 9 (September 2020): 1663–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444820914874.
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This article explores the mediatization of birthdays and anniversaries through the concept of “on-this-date” media as a way to understand the representation and circulation of media content that occurred in previous years, on that exact date. Drawing on journalism studies and mediated memory work, I argue that past events are made relevant and then irrelevant through a frame of on-this-date media. By juxtaposing Facebook Birthdays and Memories with the Associated Press’s “Today In History” feed, I analyze the multiple temporalities at work across analog and digital media platforms. Drawing on Keightley’s zones of intermediacy, I examine how time is mediated through the textual, technological, and social aspects of media, in sometimes conflicting ways. Thus, this article seeks to contribute to our understanding of mediatization by examining how media institutions structure, organize, and represent mediated temporalities.
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Hanusch, Folker. "Political journalists’ corporate and personal identities on Twitter profile pages: A comparative analysis in four Westminster democracies." New Media & Society 20, no. 4 (March 22, 2017): 1488–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817698479.
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The practice for journalists to present an identity and brand the self on social media has become common across many newsrooms, yet its practice is still poorly understood. Focusing on journalists’ self-representations on the social network site Twitter, this study aims to address the lack of empirical understanding through an analysis of the identities which political journalists present on their Twitter profile pages. A total of 679 accounts of parliamentary press gallery journalists in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom were analyzed, with a focus on various textual and visual pieces of professional and personal information. The article develops scales of corporate and personal identity, finding that UK and Canadian journalists most strongly differentiate between personal and corporate identities. Differences across countries are linked to political and economic aspects of the respective media systems.
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Sharma, Sonali. "#delhimetro on Instagram: Digital Media and Mobility Practices before and during the COVID-19 Pandemic." Asiascape: Digital Asia 9, no. 1-2 (July 7, 2022): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-bja10032.
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Abstract India has the highest number of Instagram users in the world. This article examines Instagram, the mobility, and the digital media practices of Delhi Metro commuters before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, it looks at their photography of everyday lived experiences, their mediated interactions with one another, and the visible-invisible infrastructure in the city. It draws attention to the complexity of digital production, personal archiving, and circulation networks at play. Foregrounding the changing ‘geographies of social media’, a qualitative, digital ethnographic approach analyses these images’ visual, social, and contextual aspects. Also, a range of convergent practices related to individuals, places, and socio-cultural-political-economic-technological realities influence the images. Eventually, a narrative emerges on how these metro travellers inhabit offline and online public spaces, exchange cultural capital, and perform the affective, mediated negotiation of the city.
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Shelepov, Andrei. "The Influence of the G20’s Digitalization Leadership on Development Conditions and Governance of the Digital Economy." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-01-04.
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Given the increasing importance of the digital economy, competition for digital technologies and solutions, as well as the contest to influence norms, standards, and regulatory mechanisms, is escalating. This influence is distributed unevenly—digitalization leaders, primarily the key Group of 20 (G20) members, gain significant advantages, increasing their potential for shaping digital regulation through the consistent inclusion of domestic standards and norms in the documents of multilateral institutions, including the G20, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the United Nations (UN) At the same time, Russia’s impact on the most important aspects of digital economy regulation at the global and regional level is currently limited. The article presents an assessment of the influence wielded by the leading G20 members (the U.S., Canada, the UK, the European Union (EU), Japan, Korea, China and India) on the digital economy’s development and regulation. This assessment serves as the basis for recommendations on Russia’s approaches to the specific aspects of regulation (digital infrastructure development, cybersecurity, regulating digital platforms, regulating global stablecoins and central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), data governance, and artificial intelligence (AI) policies) at the national level, as well as its engagement in the G20 and other multilateral institutions. The analysis indicates that the leading countries affect the digital economy mainly by determining conditions for activities in their domestic digital markets and participating in shaping new global standards and rules. In the areas of digital infrastructure development, cybersecurity, and data governance, there are growing contradictions between the approaches of the U.S., the UK, Japan and partly the EU and Korea on the one hand, and Russia, China and India on the other. Recommendations in these areas are related to strengthening coordination within the BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa to develop common positions and collectively promote them in the G20 and other multilateral institutions. The main recommendations on other regulatory aspects include using the experience of digitalization leaders to minimize the risks posed by competitors and to strengthen Russian positions in the global digital economy.
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Shelepov, Andrei. "The Influence of the G20’s Digitalization Leadership on Development Conditions and Governance of the Digital Economy." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-01-04.
Full textAbstract:
Given the increasing importance of the digital economy, competition for digital technologies and solutions, as well as the contest to influence norms, standards, and regulatory mechanisms, is escalating. This influence is distributed unevenly—digitalization leaders, primarily the key Group of 20 (G20) members, gain significant advantages, increasing their potential for shaping digital regulation through the consistent inclusion of domestic standards and norms in the documents of multilateral institutions, including the G20, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the United Nations (UN) At the same time, Russia’s impact on the most important aspects of digital economy regulation at the global and regional level is currently limited. The article presents an assessment of the influence wielded by the leading G20 members (the U.S., Canada, the UK, the European Union (EU), Japan, Korea, China and India) on the digital economy’s development and regulation. This assessment serves as the basis for recommendations on Russia’s approaches to the specific aspects of regulation (digital infrastructure development, cybersecurity, regulating digital platforms, regulating global stablecoins and central bank digital currencies (CBDCs), data governance, and artificial intelligence (AI) policies) at the national level, as well as its engagement in the G20 and other multilateral institutions. The analysis indicates that the leading countries affect the digital economy mainly by determining conditions for activities in their domestic digital markets and participating in shaping new global standards and rules. In the areas of digital infrastructure development, cybersecurity, and data governance, there are growing contradictions between the approaches of the U.S., the UK, Japan and partly the EU and Korea on the one hand, and Russia, China and India on the other. Recommendations in these areas are related to strengthening coordination within the BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa to develop common positions and collectively promote them in the G20 and other multilateral institutions. The main recommendations on other regulatory aspects include using the experience of digitalization leaders to minimize the risks posed by competitors and to strengthen Russian positions in the global digital economy.
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Goggin, Gerard, and Karen Soldatić. "Automated decision-making, digital inclusion and intersectional disabilities." New Media & Society 24, no. 2 (February 2022): 384–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614448211063173.
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Disability is a long-standing area of digital inclusion finally emerging out of the shadows. In this article, we argue that a critical understanding of digital media from the perspectives of disability and intersectionality will offer generative insights for framing the terms and agenda of digital inclusion in the next decade. With a focus on the area of automated decision-making (ADM) in social and welfare services, we reflect upon the controversial 2015–2020 Australian government programme widely known as ‘Robodebt’ that recovers putative debts from support recipients – and we discuss implications for Indigenous Australians with disabilities in particular. We contrast the ‘Robodebt’ programme with explicit digital inclusion policy on disability in Australia, noting that such digital inclusion policy does not specifically acknowledge yet alone address ADM or other aspects of automation. Here, there is a major opportunity for overdue acknowledgement of disability and intersectionality to spur and shape an affirmative and just agenda on people with disabilities’ digital inclusion, ADM and other associated areas of automated technologies.
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Sola-Morales, Salome. "No + AFP: Videoactivismo, movilización ciudadana y protestas por unas pensiones dignas en el Chile neoliberal." Comunicación y Medios, no. 41 (June 12, 2020): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-1529.2020.55907.
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This paper analyzes the use and appropriation of digital media by the Chilean social movement No + AFP. Specifically, the spotlight is placed on the movement’s digital video activism practices and its communication activity; organizational and collective action strategies mediated by new information and communication technologies. A qualitative (content analysis) methodology was developed to analyze the movement’s most relevant videos regarding three aspects: (1) political strategy; (2) actors, and (3) the locations in which videos were filmed. The main conclusion is that video activism was central to supporting the movement’s offline strategy. The videos were basically used for propaganda and informational purposes and became a challenge against hegemonic media production in Chile; the main actors were citizens opposing the corporate, the hegemonic media and the government; and the streets, the traditional protest setting, were the preferred location.
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B.M, Darshan, and Kalyani Suresh. "THE ‘SOCIAL’ IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION: SOCIAL MEDIA ENABLED POLITICAL DISCOURSE, ENGAGEMENT AND MOBILIZATION IN INDIA." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7425.
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Purpose of the study: The advent of digital media along with the recent boom of smartphones has changed the atlas of communication. The ubiquity of Social media has led to its increased use in all aspects of communication as against conventional media. Politics is not an exception. The role of social media in political discourses, engagement, and mobilization is widely realized and practiced and has become an important mode of political communication in India. In this paper, we explore the current academic corpus on political communication in the context of social media.
Methodology: The narrative literature review method proposed by Green, Johnson, and Adams (2006) was employed as the method for this article. Relevant peer-reviewed papers published during the period 2011-18 were considered for the narrative review. Appropriate papers were selected by a Google Scholar search using the keywords ‘Social media’, ‘India’ and ‘political communication.
Main Findings: The broad aim of the present paper was to explore the current academic literature in the field of social media and political communication. The narrative literature review undertaken indicates scant work with limited focus on the broader issues. Social media influence on voting behavior and political engagement was the well-explored domain, but the determinants and uniqueness of such communication have not been explored.
Applications of this study: The indications from the review showcase that the magnitude and essence of political communication have changed through the years. The spectrum of political communication through social media has a great role in political and civic engagement. This study will be useful to the researchers in the field of mass communication, journalism, and political science.
Novelty/Originality of this study: The conventional mainstream media and social media are increasingly showing a pattern of convergence and mutual exclusiveness. One of the critical findings from the review is that the gender domains of social media and political communication in India have not been given much attention and empirical evidence is scanty. Future research in the field of social media in India should focus on the gendered spheres of political communication.
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Milenković, Vesna. "The impact of globalization and convergence on the development of media industries." Napredak 3, no. 3 (2022): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak3-38856.
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Globalization and convergence, as two phenomena that change the image of the media world and affect the development of media industries due to their ambiguity, are a consequence not only of technological development, but can also be interpreted from political, economic and cultural aspects. Analyzed within such context, media industries are becoming one of the most important factors that have an active impact on people's lives by striving to change and run them. This paper deals with the impact of convergence and global change on the development of media industries, given the fact that the media, on the one hand, as part of the act of communication, constitute intermediaries transmitting information, while, on the other hand, they produce and market their goods just as any other industry does. It is stated in the conclusion that these two phenomena of the digital era are crucial both to the development of the media industry and the work of the media as intermediaries transmitting information, create it and distribute content that has long since acquired the features of goods that are marketed. Without media convergence, in global society it would not be possible for each individual who has become a player in international/global communication to independently organize the media culture content and thus actively participate in the political and social life of the digital era.
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Bene, Márton, and Gabriella Szabó. "Discovered and Undiscovered Fields of Digital Politics : Mapping Online Political Communication and Online News Media Literature in Hungary." Intersections 7, no. 1 (2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.868.
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The article reviews the main theoretical and empirical contributions about digitalnews media and online political communication in Hungary. Our knowledge synthesis focuses on three specific subfields: citizens, media platforms, and political actors. Representatives of sociology, political communication studies, psychology, and linguistics have responded to the challenges of the internet over the past two decades, which has resulted in truly interdisciplinary accounts of the different aspects of digitalization in Hungary. In terms of methodology, both normative and descriptive approaches have been applied, mostly with single case-study methods. Based on an extensive review of the literature, we assess that since the early 2000s the internet has become the key subject of political communication studies, and that it has erased the boundaries between online and offline spaces. We conclude, however, that despite the richness of the literature on the internet and politics, only a limited number of studies have researched citizens’ activity and provided longitudinal analyses.
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Graminius, Carin, and Jutta Haider. "Air pollution online: everyday environmental information on the social media site Sina Weibo." Journal of Documentation 74, no. 4 (July 9, 2018): 722–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-01-2018-0003.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how information on air pollution is shaped online on an everyday basis, with a particular emphasis on digital devices and digital representations as constitutive of environmental information practices. Furthermore, this research highlights an understudied aspect of air pollution – the digital flow of multimodal representations that citizens encounter and produce in their everyday life. Design/methodology/approach The information gathering was carried out on an everyday basis during February-March 2017. The study is based on 403 microblog posts from the social media site Sina Weibo, and netnographic fieldwork, including the observation of news, advertisements, and diary writing. The collected data were mapped in clusters based on the interrelations of objects, agents, and activities, and analyzed in depth using qualitative multimodal analysis. Findings Information enacted through specific socio-materialist configurations depicts air pollution as self-contained and separated from human action. Air quality apps are central in connecting a wider nexus of representations and promoting such perceptions, illustrating the role of digital devices in an everyday information context. Social implications The study reveals a schism between Chinese political environmental visions and everyday environmental information practices, which raises questions of how the battle against air pollution can be sustained in the long term. Originality/value This study suggests that digital material aspects – inbuilt applications of digital devices and digital representations of objects – are interrelated with physical experiences of air pollution, and thus constitute elements of practice in their own right.
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Roots, Katrin, and Emily Lockhart. "To Protect and Responsibilize: The Discursive Explosion of Combining Youth Sexuality, Human Trafficking, and Online Spaces." Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 33, no. 1 (August 1, 2021): 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjwl.33.1.03.
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The emergence of social media and digital technologies has resulted in new protectionist laws, policies, and mandates aimed at regulating the sexual behaviour of women and girls in online spaces. These neoliberal responsiblization strategies are aimed at shaping good, young digital citizens and have become further amplified through increased concerns about domestic human trafficking and victim vulnerability. This protectionism, however, is not always reflected in courtroom proceedings, revealing a tension between the protection and responsiblization of victims of trafficking in Canada. Using R v Oliver-Machado (2013) as a case study, we examine the ways in which the defence counsel’s reliance on commonplace defence tactics used in sexual assault cases responsibilize the young complainants in an attempt to discredit their victimhood and reconstruct them as online sexual risk takers.
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Thoburn, Nicholas. "Twitter, Book, Riot: Post-Digital Publishing against Race." Theory, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (January 16, 2020): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419891573.
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This article considers today’s ‘post-digital’ political publishing through the material forms of an experimental book, The 2015 Baltimore Uprising: A Teen Epistolary. Anonymously published and devoid of all editorial text, the book is comprised entirely of some 650 screen-grabbed tweets, tweets posted by black Baltimore youth during the riots that ensued on the police killing of Freddie Gray. It is a crisis-ridden book, bearing the wrenching anti-black terror and rebellion of Baltimore 2015 into the horizon of publishing. Drawing on critical theories of books and digital media, and bringing Saidiya Hartman and Frank Wilderson to bear on issues of publishing, the article appraises seven aspects of this book’s materiality: its epistolary structure and rupture with the book-as-closure; its undoing of the commodity form of books; the ‘poor image’ of its visual scene; its recourse to facial redaction and voiding of narrative progression; and its destabilization of readers’ empathy.