Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Digital media – Political aspects – Canada'

Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on. This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.
171 leaves ; 29 cm

Agenda-setting hypotheses inform political communications studies of media influence (public agenda-setting), as well as examinations of the policymaking process (policy agenda-setting). In both cases, studies concentrate on the salience of issues on actors' agendas, and the dynamic process through which these agendas change and effect each other. The results, narrowly conceived, offer a means of observing media effects or the policy process. Broadly conceived, agenda-setting analyses speak to the nature of relationships between major actors in a political system. This study differs from most past agenda-setting research in several ways. First, this project draws together public and policy agenda-setting work to build a more comprehensive model of the expanded agenda-setting process. Secondly, the modeling makes no assumptions about the directions of causal influence - econometric methods are used to establish causality, allowing for a more nuanced and accurate model of issue dynamics. Quantitative evidence is derived from a longitudinal dataset (1985-1995) including the following: a content analysis of Canadian newspapers (media agenda), 'most important problem' results from all available commercial polls (public agenda), and measures of attention to issues in Question Period, committees, Throne Speeches, government spending, and legislative initiatives (policy agenda). Data is collected for eight issues: AIDS, crime, debt/deficit, environment, inflation, national unity, taxation, and unemployment. The present study, then, is well situated to add unique information to several ongoing debates in agenda-setting studies, and provide a bird's eye view of the media-public-policy dynamics in Canadian politics. Many hypotheses are introduced and tested. Major findings include: (1) there is a Canadian national media agenda; (2) the salience of issues tends to rise and fall simultaneously across Canada, although regional variation exists based on audience attributes and issue obtrusiveness; (3) there is no adequate single measure of the policy agenda - government attention to issues must be measured at several points, and these tend to be only loosely related; (4) the agenda-setting dynamics of individual issues are directly and systematically related to attributes such as prominence and duration; (5) Canadian media and public agendas can be affected by the US media agenda.

Political organisations are now using a two-way path of communication thanks to the development of technological platforms that work in-sync with the internet to allow this to happen. Information can now flow across new networks to allow exchanges from the many to the many. This study sets out to explore the use of social media by political organisations as a means of political communication. A case study was conducted which focussed on online communication used by the Democratic Alliance in the 2014 General Elections in South Africa. The social media strategies adopted by the Democratic Alliance was examined. Reference is made to the 2008 Obama Campaign. The study revealed that the DA primarily made use of two-way asymmetrical communication despite the party posting a lot of consistent information and content; however in response to many questions and comments posted on the social media fora by online users, the DA only selectively responded to a handful of these.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The constant growth in information and communications technology (ICT) broadens the capabilities of researchers to understand and interpret the social world. New multidisciplinary methods of measuring social realities are constantly being developed and improved. This methodological study aims to incorporate novel methods of automated, computerised content- and sentiment analysis software in order to produce a usable instrument for measuring public expressions on democracy from the social network site, Twitter. Adapting methods developed by O‟Connor et al. (2010) and using an online platform called Chatterbox Analytics Ltd., this study attempts to complement traditional survey research data on democracy. The creation of this method allows researchers to automatically and without deep programming knowledge, extract and analyse opinionated data from a substantial segment of the population, namely Twitter users. This is the first study, as far as this researcher is aware, that develops automated instruments for the measurement of expressions on democracy from online social networks. The rationale for the development of this instrument lies in the apparent recent rise in negative sentiment on democracy in academic spheres and political realities alike. Throughout history support for democracy has swayed, which in turn placed democracy on a rocky path of development. As negative opinions on democracy became overwhelming this system of governance was forced to adapt by changing its core structure. This could be the case again today. Authors such as Crozier, Huntington and Watunaki (1975) have already warned of a crisis of democracy in the 1970s. More recently authors such as Dalton (2004) and van Beek (2012) expressed opinions indicating that globally citizens are steadily becoming more critical of political parties, politicians, political policies and the whole democratic process. These negative sentiments might be indicative of what van Beek (2012:12) calls “an erosion in support for democracy”. Traditional survey projects examining opinions on democracy, such as the World Values Survey, offer insights into global expressions on democracy, but are time consuming, costly and complicated to conduct. The method developed in this study allows researchers to complement traditional survey data with insights that are automatically gathered and analysed from the influential social media network, Twitter. This introductory study finds that automated analysis of expressions on democracy from Twitter is indeed feasible. In order to express the extent to which the developed method is feasible, this study offers an example case, examining expressions on democracy from Twitter for the period of 1 May to 31 July 2012. Furthermore the study offers a quantitative manual evaluation of the accuracy of the developed measurement instrument. With the present level of content- and sentiment analysis technology this study finds that the accuracy of the results from this method, though informative, is still limited. The study therefore concludes with an advisory section highlighting methods for future studies to improve on the accuracy of this measurement instrument.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Deur die konstante groei in inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) word die veld waaruit navorsers kan put om die sosiale wêreld te verstaan en te interpreteer al groter. Nuwe multidissiplinêre metingsmetodes om die sosiale werklikheid te verstaan, word konstant ontwikkel en verbeter. Hierdie metodologiese studie beoog om nuwe metodes van geoutomatiseerde, gerekenaariseerde, inhouds- en sentimentanalisesagteware saam te voeg om 'n bruikbare instrument vir die meting van publieke uitsprake oor demokrasie, op die sosiale netwerk Twitter te skep. Metodes wat deur O'Connor et al. (2010) en die aanlyn platform, Chatterbox Analytics Ltd ontwikkel is, is aangepas om 'n instrument te skep wat gebruik kan word om by te dra tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsdata oor demokrasie. Hierdie nuwe metode sal navorsers toelaat om outomaties en sonder veel programmeringsvaardighede opiniegelaaide data van 'n beduidende segment van die samelewing, naamlik Twitter gebruikers, te verkry en te analiseer. Hierdie is die eerste studie, sover hierdie navorser bewus is, wat geoutomatiseerde instrumente ontwikkel vir die meting van uitsprake oor demokrasie op sosiale netwerke. Die beweegrede vir die ontwikkeling van hierdie instrument vloei uit die oënskynlike onlangse styging in negatiewe sentiment oor demokrasie in sowel akademiese- as politieke sirkels. Die ondersteuning vir demokrasie het dwarsdeur die geskiedenis sy hoogte en laagtepunte gehad en hierdie onsekerheid het die ontwikkelingspad van demokrasie taamlik met dorings besaai. Die hele kernstruktuur van híérdie regeringsisteem was geforseer om hewig aan te pas elke keer wanneer die negatiewe opinies oor demokrasie oorweldigend geraak het. Dit wil voorkom asof demokrasie weer op die rand van verandering is. Skrywers soos Crozier, Huntington en Watunaki (1975) het alreeds in die 1970's gewaarsku teen 'n krisis rondom demokrasie. Meer onlangs het skrywers soos Dalton (2004) en van Beek (2012) opinies gelug dat burgers reg oor die wêreld stadig maar seker besig is om meer krities op politieke partye, politici en oor politieke beleide en die demokratiese proses in geheel raak. Hierdie negatiewe sentimente mag dalk 'n aanduiding wees van “'n erosie in die ondersteuning van demokrasie,”, soos Van Beek (2012:12) dit noem. Tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte wat na opinies oor demokrasie kyk, soos die „World Values Survey‟, bied wel 'n blik op globale uitsprake oor demokrasie, maar is duur, tydsaam en moeilik om deur te voer. Die metode wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is, kan bykomende insigte tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte bring. Díé insigte word outomaties ingesamel en geanaliseer vanuit die invloedryke sosiale netwerk, Twitter. Hierdie inleidende studie bevind dat geoutomatiseerde analise van uitsprake oor demokrasie op Twittter inderdaad moontlik is. Ten einde die mate van sukses van hierdie metode wat ontwikkel is te illustreer, analiseer hierdie studie 'n datagreep van uitsprake oor demokrasie uit Twitter oor die tydperk 1 Mei tot 31 Julie 2012. Hierbenewens bied die studie ook 'n kwantitatiewe waardasie per hand wat die akkuraatheid van die ontwikkelde meetingsinstrument toets. Met die huidige ontwikkelingsvlak van inhouds- en sentiment-analisetegnologie vind hierdie studie dat die akkuraatheid van hierdie metode, alhoewel informatief is, tog beperk is. Die studie sluit af met 'n afdeling wat advies oor hoe verdere studies die akkuraatheid van hierdie meetinstrument kan verbeter, toelig.

Activists are increasingly relying on online tactics and digital tools to address social issues. This shift towards reliance on the Internet has been shown to have salient implications for social movement formation processes; however, the effectiveness of such actions for achieving specific goals remains largely unaddressed. This study explores how the types of Internet activism and digital tools used by activism campaigns relate to success in meeting stated goals. To address these questions, the study builds on an existing framework that distinguishes between four distinct types of Internet activism: brochure-ware, which is oriented towards information distribution; e-mobilizations, which treats digital media merely as a tool for mobilizing individuals offline; online participation, which is characterized by wholly online actions such as e-petitions or virtual protests; and online organizing, where organization of a movement takes place exclusively via the internet with no face-to-face coordination by organizers. Ordinal regression models were conducted utilizing cross-sectional data from the Global Digital Activism Data Set (GDADS), a compilation of information on 426 activism campaigns from around the world that began between 2010 and 2012; additional data regarding the types of Internet activism used was also appended to the GDADS using source materials provided within the data set. The findings suggest that use of the Internet for mobilizing offline actions is negatively associated with campaign success, but that this does not hold true for protest actions organized without use of digital tools. E-petition use was also found to be negatively related to achievement of campaign goals.

Thesis (M. S.)--Literature, Communication, and Culture, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.
Committee Chair: DiSalvo, Carl; Committee Member: Bogost, Ian; Committee Member: Klein, Hans; Committee Member: Murray, Janet; Committee Member: Pearce, Celia

The government-backed invasion of the Indonesian Democratic Party's Jakarta headquarters on the morning of27 July 1996, and the resulting violent riots in which at least five people died marked a pivotal point in Indonesian politics generally, and the pro-democracy movement specifically. This was a newsworthy event which was covered extensively by the broadcast and print media globally, however the time taken to relay the story and the credibility of the reports was highly variable for domestic as well as foreign media. Coverage by a national and regional Indonesian newspaper, as well as a national and regional Australian newspaper was compared with the email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage for the news values of timeliness and accuracy. The October 1996 reports into the incident by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch/ Asia were used as reference materials to evaluate the accuracy of the media reporting. The degree of government involvement in the attack on the PDI HQ was not reported by the Indonesian daily newspapers which also under-reported the number of victims while focussing on the law and order aspect of the story. Reportage by both the national and regional Australian papers focussed on the violence of the riots which posed a threat to President Soeharto 's rule, the role of the armed forces in maintaining law and order, and also underestimated the number of victims. Indonesia-L disseminated the fastest and most accurate reports of the event with eyewitness accounts providing considerable detail. Only two of the 18 postings were found to be sensationalistic and inaccurate. Implications for the future use of computer-mediated communication, such as email discussion lists, as an alternative source of news which circumvents government control, as well as the time and commercial constraints of print media are discussed.

A sophisticated and high tech form of state-to-foreign population diplomacy based on the use of the latest communication technologies has developed rapidly in recent years and has acquired an increasingly important position within a significant number of foreign affairs systems. Pioneered by the heavyweights of the international stage, the phenomenon has spread rapidly to secondary powers and is progressively extending itself to varying degrees to all states around the globe. This thesis grapples with the enigma raised by the brisk re-emergence of this foreign policy concentration by attempting to understand the reasons behind both the quantitative increase in public diplomacy activities and the qualitative evolution of these activities in terms of planning, organisation and implementation. The first argument that this thesis broaches is that the sudden growth of public diplomacy is the result of the shift to a new phase of the information revolution (necessary enabling force) which has been amplified by contingent factors: the explosion of global terrorism (accelerator) and the perception of leaders and foreign policy makers of this new environment (prism). The second argument is that, beyond quantitative growth, the new operational context born of the advent of the global information society provoked a qualitative evolution of the public diplomacy inherited from the Cold War towards what is today mass diplomacy. The result is the appearance of a market driven diplomacy employing persuasive techniques borrowed from the world of public relations and marketing. The new diplomacy is an entrepreneurial diplomacy that limits governmental leadership to a necessary minimum and encourages the participation of private and foreign sub-contractors. It is also a cyber-space diplomacy equipped with new diplomatic instruments such as high-resolution satellite imagery, high-speed networks, digital broadcasting and other marvels of the late twentieth cen

Thesis (Ph.D. (Business Science))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Economic & Business Sciences, 2017
With the contemporary diffusion of media technology, the majority of researchers have come to position the Internet as a political instrument that has the potential to stimulate consumer behaviour. The Internet has expanded persistently as a news source and digital technologies have become more accessible and abound with user generated content. These digital media backdrops afford a valuable opportunity to empirically examine the effects of digital media effects on consumer decision-making. It is therefore important to examine how consumer perceptions and attitudes towards voting impact their decision-making in order for political marketers or politicians to develop coherent strategies that offer a conducive environment sufficient to influence voting decision-making. Whereas previous studies on voting behaviour have merely explored voting behaviour in a global context, the current study investigates the effect of digital media exposure on perceptual and cognitive constructs within a Zimbabwean context. Moreover, few studies have explored this topic in a consumer behaviour context amongst the Zimbabwean constituency. This study aims to determine whether digital media exposure influences voter-consumers’ intention to vote in subsequent Zimbabwe presidential elections. In order to empirically test the effect of digital media exposure on perceived image of a political party (PI); perceived image of a presidential candidate (PPC); attitude towards voting (ATV) and voting intention (VI), a conceptual model premised on the reviewed political marketing literature was developed. The model proposed four distinct domains that drive voting intentions. In this conceptualised model, digital media exposure is the predictor variable, while perceived image of the presidential candidate, attitude towards voting, perceived image of the political party, are mediators and voting intention is the single outcome variable. By exploring the significance of digital media use on voter behaviour, this study contributes towards specific contextual knowledge on consumer behaviour and political marketing in developing countries particularly Zimbabwe. The present study is positioned in the positivist research methodology, and assumes a deductive approach within the quantitative paradigm to test the proposed hypotheses. This study uses stratified probability sampling to arrive at the required number of provinces for the study. Using quantitative methodologies based on the nature of the research questions, data were collected through a self-administered questionnaire from 305 eligible voters from selected Provinces and Districts in Zimbabwe selected through stratified probability sampling to arrive at the required number of provinces for the study.The measuring instrument was designed from existing scales, which were adapted to suit the present study. The data analysis ii | P a g e was done in SPSS 24 for demographic data analysis and AMOS 24 was used for the structural equation modelling and path modelling. The findings support all the hypotheses in a significant way except H1 and H5. Likewise, voter-consumers’ perception of the presidential candidate has an influence on the attitude towards voting and all latter perceptual and attitudinal variables have significant influence on voting intention. Important to note about the study findings is the fact that digital media exposure has a stronger effect on perceived image of the political party (H3) than attitude towards voting (H2). However, perceived image of the political party strongly influence attitude towards voting. Remarkably, the relationship between perceived image of the presidential candidate and attitude towards voting is robust. The findings indicate that digital media exposure can have a strong influence on voting intention through attitude towards voting. The contribution of this study is threefold: Firstly, by exploring the significance of digital media exposure on voting behaviour, this study adds to contextual knowledge on relationship marketing, political brand management and experiential marketing (the final stage of the mental brand responses), consumer marketing and specifically, political marketing. Secondly, as a growing body of literature explores the use of digital technology in political campaigning/marketing to create a competitive advantage, this study provides researchers with a broad understanding of this phenomenon among voting citizens in developing countries particularly Zimbabwe. Theoretically, it is positioned in political marketing and contributes to theoretical literature that focuses on consumer behaviour, branding and brand relationship. Lastly, by investigating digital media exposure and its influence on consumers’ voting intention, the findings provided political marketing practitioners with a better understanding of strategies that can be employed to influence citizens’ voting behaviour, through the use of digital media. The study thus submits that politicians ought to pay attention to both media agenda and brand image in order to build a positive attitude towards voting which significantly influences the intention to vote. In order to maximise voter ‘purchase’, marketers can implement strategies to encourage positive behaviour from voter-consumers and exploit multi-sensory experiences in order to influence voting intentions. The study makes a significant contribution to brand management literature and consumer behaviour literature by systematically exploring the impact of media exposure on brand image and attitude towards voting in Zimbabwe. The study demonstrates that political data can be used in consumer behaviour studies and provides a theoretical method for predicting voting intentions using voter behaviour in the form of voter perception of political parties and perceived image of a presidential candidate as well as attitude towards voting. The study further highlights the significance of using digital technologies and ingenuity to create a comparative advantage as well as a differential advantage.
MT 2018

As social media platforms and the internet have become an integral part of our civic and political lives, many questions about how to approach digital politics and civic engagement have emerged in the past few years. This project attempts to address some of those questions, specifically how we may think about civic education in the digital age. I begin with the premise that in the digital age, education for democracy must focus on its epistemic aspect. While proponents of aggregative forms of democracy consider vote to be the main form of citizen participation, forms of epistemic democracy such as deliberative democracy seek to contribute to social knowledge through communication amongst citizens, civil society, market players and state institutions. I initially ground my inquiry within the American context by highlighting the participatory character of the American democratic ethos. For this, I evoke John Dewey’s view of democracy as involving collective inquiry that allows both individual growth and the enrichment of collective life. Then, by examining Jürgen Habermas’ deliberative and Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic models of democracy against the backdrop of increasing digital mediation of civic and political discourse, I problematize democratic subjectivity in the digital age and suggest using Etienne Balibar’s notion of transindividuality, which he develops from 17th century philosopher Baruch Spinoza. While Habermas demonstrates that certain communication conditions are necessary for legitimate political action, Mouffe reminds us that taking into account the importance of collective affective drives can help us take seriously the plurality of our contemporary democracies. However, I argue that in the digital age the strengths of these two approaches must be adapted to the evolving materiality of the environment in which people’s lived experience takes place rather than merely kept for instances of communication that occur within state institutions. For this, Balibar’s suggestion to think of the process of freedom of speech as a public good allows us to ground discourse in the material context in which it is produced and maintained, and provides a generative way of thinking of the role of education in our times.

This research clarifies the position of the contemporary Australian political cartoonist in the context of a changing media landscape, and examines the implications of the shift of dissemination of news and current events away from news print media to the Internet. The observation that the political cartoon has, throughout its history, adapted and evolved in response to various socio-political and technological changes invites the question of how the art form might continue to endure as a vehicle for subversive political comment in the digital media age. In exploring the creative possibilities afforded by new media technologies and analysing where these outcomes intersect with the conventions and functions of political cartoons, the study specifically locates the digitally constructed, political moving image within the Australian political cartooning tradition. This position is investigated and supported through three key activities: critical engagement with the extant literature; insights gained through interviews with professional, practising political cartoonists deemed to be pioneers of the political moving image; and my development of a creative practice centred on production and dissemination of political animations. The provision of a new, revised taxonomy for the critical analysis and classification of political images compels practitioners, scholars and prize-givers to eschew hitherto inviolable determinants in the characterisation of political cartoon images so that the tradition can endure in the foreseeable future.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Media Studies, 2017
On the 12th of February 2015, in an unprecedented move, members of the media in South Africa (SA) protested in Parliament and chanted “bring back the signal”, waving their smartphones in the air after discovering that a signal jamming device had been activated to disrupt cell phone signals in the National Assembly. Their protest denied President Jacob Zuma the opportunity to deliver his State of the Nation Address (SONA) until the signal and connection to the internet had been restored. It was the first time in the History of democratic SA the SONA was disrupted. The presence as well as the rapid spread and use of new media technologies in the SA mediascape has led scholars like Yu-Shan Wu to question the nature of their use and impact on government policy decisions. This study contributes to such work as well as long standing debates about the role of new media technologies in advancing democratic ideals in emerging democracies and the internet’s role as a public sphere. It does this by using a case study research method focusing on SONA 2015 to evaluate whether the South African digital space constitutes a digital public sphere. This paper concludes that indeed the South African digital space does constitute a form of digital public sphere. This sphere is largely operated and structured by news media organisations that use their websites, social media and various online platforms to engender it.
XL2018

Abstracts in English, Zulu and Afrikaans
This Grounded Theory study focused on understanding how South Africa’s two numerically-dominant political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and Democratic Alliance (DA), used micro-blogging site, Twitter, as part of their electioneering arsenal in the 2016 municipal elections to promote party-political digital issue ownership within an urban context. Using each party’s 2016 election manifesto and corpus of tweets, this three-phased study found that while both the ANC and DA used Twitter as a digital political communication platform to communicate their election campaigns, the DA notably leveraged the social networking site for intense ‘focused’ messaging of its negative campaign against the ANC while simultaneously promoting positive electoral messages around its own ‘core’ issues and metro mayoral candidates. ‘Battleground’ metros were identified by the DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay, leading to an emphasised urban campaign here to either activate the party’s own support base and/ or to suppress the ANC’s turnout in these highly-contested areas. Additionally, it was found that both the ANC and DA used Twitter for explicit and implicit partypolitical issue ownership claiming in the 2016 municipal elections. Lastly, this study also culminated in the proposal of three but interconnected different elements of a conceptual framework for digital political communication that political parties could use to promote digital party-political issue ownership within a pronounced urban electioneering setting. These elements – ‘coordinating and managing how an election is tweeted’, 'focus' messaging the election’ and ‘audience-segmenting as a message-tailoring strategy’ – when used in unison can help political parties communicate better and ultimately more effectively in a highly mediatised technological media landscape
Hierdie Gegronde Teorie Studie fokus op die verduideliking hoe Suid-Afrika se twee numeriese dominante politieke partye, die African National Congress (ANC) en Demokratiese Alliansie (DA), van die mikro-blog platform, Twitter, gebruik gemaak het tydens hulle verkiessingsstrategie in die 2016 munisipale verkiessings om die party politieke digitale kwessie rondom eienaarskap binne ‘n stedelike verband te bevorder. Deur elke party se 2016 verkiessings manifesto en arsenaal van twiets te gebruik, het hierdie drie-fase studie bevind dat beide die ANC en DA, Twitter gebruik het as ‘n digitale politieke kommunikasie platform. Die DA het egter die sosiale media netwerk kenmerkend gebruik vir ‘n intense gefokusde negatiewe veldtog teen die ANC terwyl hulle terselfdertyd ‘n positiewe verkiessings boodskap rondom die party se eie kernkwessies en metro burgermeesters kandidate gesentreer het. ‘Oorlogsgebied’ metros is deur die DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane en Nelson Mandela Bay geidentifiseer wat ‘n defnitiewe stedelike veldtog tot gevolg gehad het om die party se eie ondersteuningsbasis te bevorder en/of die ANC se ondersteuning in hierdie hoogs betwiste areas te onderdruk. Daar was ook bevind dat beide die ANC en DA van Twitter gebruik gemaak het vir eksplisiete en implisiete party politieke kwessies rondom eiernaarskap tydens die 2016 munisipale verkiessings. Hierdie studie kan saamgevat word in drie onderskeie maar verwante elemente om ‘n raamwerk te vorm van die digitale politieke kommunikasie wat politieke partye kan gebruik om digitale party politieke kwessies binne ‘n stedelike verkiessings omgewing te bevorder. Wanneer hierdie elemente – ‘koordinering en bestuur van hoe twiets tydens ‘n verkiesing gebruik word’, ‘’die focus van die boodksap tydens die verkiessing’ and ‘die gehoorsegmentasie can ‘n boodskap strategie’ – in ‘n eenheid gebruik word kan dit politieke partye help om beter en meer effektief te kommunikeer binne ‘n baie kompiterende en tegnologiese medialandskap.
Inkcazo-bungcali yesisifundo ibigxile ekuqondeni ukuba uMzantsi Africa lo unamaqela amakhulu amabini ezopolitiko, ukutsho, iAfrican National Congress (ANC) kunye ne Democratic Alliance (DA), la maqela asebenzise iwebhusayithi encinane uTwitter, njengenxalenye yezixhobo zonxibelelwano kunyulo loo masipala ngo-2016. Bekwenza oku ngelikhuthaza amaqela ezopolitiko nebango lawo kwimiba yezinto abathi bazithethe kwisithuba sedijithali,kumxholo wendawo zase dolophini. Esi sifundo sisebenzisa imanifesto kunye nothotho lwe tweets zeqela ngalinye, nesenziwe ngokwezigaba ezithathu, sifumanise ukuba nangona iANC kunye ne DA zisebenzise uTwitter njenge qonga lonxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali (ngokolwimi lwasemzini) ukunxibelelana namaphulo onyulo, iDA izibonakalise amandla kwindawo yokuncokola kwiqonga uTwitter,ngokuthi imiyalezo yayo igxile kwaye itsole. Miyalezo leyo ithe yagxila ngokungafanelekanga kumkhankaso weANC. Ngaxeshanye, imiyalezo yayo yona iDA ibeyeyakhayo, kwaye incedisana nephulo layo kwimiba ephambili kunye nabagqatswa bosodolophu bo masipala abambaxa. Oomasipala abambaxa abathi babenongquzulwano bachongwe yiDA Ekurhuleni, eRhawutini, eTshwane nase Bhayi. Lonto ibangele ukuba bagxininise ekukhokeleni iphulo ledolophu ukuze bavuselele inkxaso ye DA apho okanye bacinezele ukuvela kwe-ANC kwezi ndawo kuphikiswana kakhulu ngazo. Ukongeza, kufumaniseke ukuba iANC kunye neDA zisebenzise uTwitter ngokwendlela ecacileyo nengathanga ngqo kwimeko yobunini bemicimbi yepolitiki ukuze bafumane ibango kunyulo loomasipala lwango 2016. Okokugqibela, esisifundo sigqibele kwisindululo sezinto ezintathu azahlukeneyo kodwa ezidityaniswe yinkqubosikhokelo eqingqiweyo kunxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali. Ezi zinto zizinto ezisenakho ukusetyenziswa ngamaqela ezopolitiko ukukhuthaza ubunini bemicimbi yezopolitiko ngaphakathi kulungiselelo lonyulo lwedolophu olubhengeziweyo. Ezi zinto- 'ukulungelelanisa nokulawula indlela unyulo luthunyelwe ngayo kusetyeziswa uTwitter', 'kugxilwe' kwimiyalezo yonyulo kunye nokuhlukaniswa kwabaphulaphuli okanye ababukeli njengecebo lokulungisa umyalezo '- xa zisetyenziswa ngazwinye zinokuwanceda amaqela ezopolitiko anxibelelane ngcono kwaye ekugqibeleni ngokuyimpumelelo kakhulu kuxhamlo olunamandla kakhulu kubume beendaba kumhlaba wetekhnoloji (ngokolwimi lwesiNgesi).
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)