Academic literature on the topic 'Digital media – Political aspects – Canada'
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Journal articles on the topic "Digital media – Political aspects – Canada"
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Pope, Stephen Travis. "Web.La.Radia: Social, Economic, and Political Aspects of Music and Digital Media." Computer Music Journal 23, no. 1 (March 1999): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/014892699559643.
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Sullivan, Katherine V. R. "The gendered digital turn: Canadian mayors on social media." Information Polity 26, no. 2 (June 3, 2021): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-200301.
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Women continue to occupy lesser positions of power at all political levels in Canada, although scholars still argue on the accessibility of municipal politics to women. However, no previous study has systematically examined the gender ratio of mayors across Canada, as well as their (active) use of social media platforms in a professional capacity. Using novel data, this study examines the variation in social media adoption and active use by gender outside of an electoral campaign. Results show that there is a higher proportion of women mayors who have a Facebook page, as well as Twitter and Instagram accounts and who actively use them outside of electoral campaigns, when compared with men mayors’ social media practices.
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Ginsburg, Faye. "INDIGENOUS MEDIA FROM U-MATIC TO YOUTUBE: MEDIA SOVEREIGNTY IN THE DIGITAL AGE." Sociologia & Antropologia 6, no. 3 (December 2016): 581–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752016v632.
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Abstract This article covers a wide range of projects from the earliest epistemological challenges posed by video experiments in remote Central Australia in the 1980s to the emergence of indigenous filmmaking as an intervention into both the Australian national imaginary and the idea of world cinema. It also addresses the political activism that led to the creation of four national indigenous television stations in the early 21st century: Aboriginal People's Television Network in Canada; National Indigenous Television in Australia; Maori TV in New Zealand; and Taiwan Indigenous Television in Taiwan); and considers what the digital age might mean for indigenous people worldwide employing great technological as well as political creativity.
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Lim, Heung Sun. "Political Countermeasures in the Future of Digital Media Platform." Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 18, no. 6 (June 30, 2022): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/crisisonomy.2022.18.6.151.
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The purpose of this paper is to suggest structural changes in a rapidly changing media market, digital media policy evaluation, political countermeasures. Based on an extensive literature review and cases, this submission outlines digital media ecosystem, platform, policy, and changes in the world’s media market. A study has found that media policies focus a discussion on two ways, a promotion and regulation. The effectiveness of deregulating domestic platforms and policies supporting ecosystem is being questioned due to the increase in the global platform dependency ratio. But the regulation policies can also lead to controversial aspects and problems. According to this, we need to look to ways of making a point and improving our plans on the digital media ecosystem. In brief, we need to establish a standard in digital media policies including the regulation of platform operators, and consider method of coexistence and co-operation.
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Raboy, Marc. "Media, Nationalism and Identity in Canada and Quebec." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18596.
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The relationship between media, nationalism and identity is increasingly problematic, even in the most politically stable countries. In Canada, media policy has been an integral part of political strategies for preserving the coherence of the Canadian state, with respect to external pressures towards North American continental integration, and internal pressures towards fragmentation and, most recently, disintegration. The alternative project of political indepéndence for Quebec, which nearly achieved a majority in a referendum held in October 1995, represents a threat to the Canadian state that media policy has sought to contain. But media practices reflect the real tensions in Canadian society and can not be held to account for the more or less failed agendas of politicians. The article explores some aspects of the relationship between media and the complexities of national identity in the framework of a political culture where different visions of nationhood must inevitably coexist.
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Hacker, Kenneth L., and Eric L. Morgan. "Empowering and Disempowering Aspects of New Media Networking and Digital Democracy." International Journal of Technology Diffusion 4, no. 3 (July 2013): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijtd.2013070104.
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The relationship between new media networking (NMN) and political participation continues to develop in complex ways. In light of evidence pointing to increased political participation through NMN, the structures of the networks people engage continue to exhibit both empowering and disempowering aspects. While some gaps associated with the Digital Divide are closing, others are opening. This essay utilizes network theory and power law distribution to further understand new media networks. The article concludes that there are inherent inequalities in new media networks, the inequalities can be addressed through public policy, and that they are made relevant through narratives of optimistic but realistic, progress.
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Handoyo, Eko. "Democratic Challenge in Digital Era." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (April 16, 2020): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.23435.
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This article is based on the growing development of social media in the digital era which provides new public spaces for citizens to express themselves and their interactions with fellow citizens in various aspects of life. This article used library research method to answer the changes from procedural democracy to substantial democracy and the way of democratic citizenship through social media. This article revealed that the use of social media is no longer limited to daily needs, however, social media has a significant role in building political culture as well as citizenship issues in society.
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McKelvey, Fenwick, and Jill Piebiak. "Porting the political campaign: The NationBuilder platform and the global flows of political technology." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675439.
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Political parties rely on digital technologies to manage volunteering, fundraising, fieldwork, and data collection. They also need tools to manage web, email, and social media outreach. Increasingly, new political engagement platforms integrate these tasks into one unified system. These platforms pose important questions about the flows of political practices from campaigns to platforms and vice versa as well as across campaigns globally. NationBuilder is a critical case in their study. It is a leading non-partisan platform used in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The case of NationBuilder in Canada analyzes how political engagement platforms coordinate the global flows of politics. Through interviews, we find reciprocal influence among developers, party activists, consultants, and the NationBuilder platform. We call this process porting. It results in NationBuilder becoming a more portable global platform in tandem with becoming an imported, hybridized part of a campaign’s digital infrastructure.
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Trottier, Daniel. "Scandal mining: political nobodies and remediated visibility." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 6 (October 25, 2017): 893–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717734408.
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This article considers the 2015 federal election in Canada as the emergence of seemingly citizen-led practices whereby candidates’ past missteps are unearthed and distributed through social and news media channels. On first pass, these resemble citizen-led engagements through digital media for potentially unmappable political goals, given the dispersed and either non-partisan or multi-partisan nature of these engagements. By bringing together journalistic accounts and social media coverage alongside current scholarship on citizenship and visibility, this case study traces the possibility of political accountability and the political weaponisation of mediated visibility through the targeted extraction of candidate details from dispersed profiles, communities and databases.
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Stratan Ilbasmis, Violeta. "New media and propaganda." Akademos, no. 3(62) (January 2022): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52673/18570461.21.3-62.15.
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In this article is analyzed the phenomenon of propaganda in digital space in the context of political communication. Digital media or new media are much more accessible to the general public, providing access to various sources of information and entertainment. Due to these characteristics, the propaganda messages are launched from a new field, and for these reasons the propaganda strategies had been adjusted to the new technological-informational tendencies. The main similarities and differences between digital propaganda is evaluated through comparison with traditional media propaganda. Also, theoretical and conceptual aspects of the information society and the role of social networks in the dissemination of propaganda in the on-line environment are outlined.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Digital media – Political aspects – Canada"
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Chatur, Noorin. "Political outcomes of digital conversations : case study of the Facebook group "Canadians against proroguing parliament"." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3100.
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Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on.
This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.171 leaves ; 29 cm
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Soroka, Stuart Neil. "Agenda-setting dynamics in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/11201.
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Agenda-setting hypotheses inform political communications studies of media influence
(public agenda-setting), as well as examinations of the policymaking process (policy agenda-setting).
In both cases, studies concentrate on the salience of issues on actors' agendas, and
the dynamic process through which these agendas change and effect each other. The results,
narrowly conceived, offer a means of observing media effects or the policy process. Broadly
conceived, agenda-setting analyses speak to the nature of relationships between major actors
in a political system.
This study differs from most past agenda-setting research in several ways. First, this project
draws together public and policy agenda-setting work to build a more comprehensive model
of the expanded agenda-setting process. Secondly, the modeling makes no assumptions
about the directions of causal influence - econometric methods are used to establish
causality, allowing for a more nuanced and accurate model of issue dynamics.
Quantitative evidence is derived from a longitudinal dataset (1985-1995) including the
following: a content analysis of Canadian newspapers (media agenda), 'most important
problem' results from all available commercial polls (public agenda), and measures of
attention to issues in Question Period, committees, Throne Speeches, government spending,
and legislative initiatives (policy agenda). Data is collected for eight issues: AIDS, crime,
debt/deficit, environment, inflation, national unity, taxation, and unemployment. The present
study, then, is well situated to add unique information to several ongoing debates in agenda-setting
studies, and provide a bird's eye view of the media-public-policy dynamics in
Canadian politics.
Many hypotheses are introduced and tested. Major findings include: (1) there is a Canadian
national media agenda; (2) the salience of issues tends to rise and fall simultaneously across
Canada, although regional variation exists based on audience attributes and issue
obtrusiveness; (3) there is no adequate single measure of the policy agenda - government
attention to issues must be measured at several points, and these tend to be only loosely
related; (4) the agenda-setting dynamics of individual issues are directly and systematically
related to attributes such as prominence and duration; (5) Canadian media and public agendas
can be affected by the US media agenda.
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Chong, Sandra Pow. "Political communication: a case study of the Democratic Alliance and its use of digital media in the 2014 South African General Elections." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/11416.
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Political organisations are now using a two-way path of communication thanks to the development of technological platforms that work in-sync with the internet to allow this to happen. Information can now flow across new networks to allow exchanges from the many to the many. This study sets out to explore the use of social media by political organisations as a means of political communication. A case study was conducted which focussed on online communication used by the Democratic Alliance in the 2014 General Elections in South Africa. The social media strategies adopted by the Democratic Alliance was examined. Reference is made to the 2008 Obama Campaign. The study revealed that the DA primarily made use of two-way asymmetrical communication despite the party posting a lot of consistent information and content; however in response to many questions and comments posted on the social media fora by online users, the DA only selectively responded to a handful of these.
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Lutz, Barend Frederik. "Public digital media and democracy : constructing instruments for measuring expressions of support for democracy on Twitter." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79986.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The constant growth in information and communications technology (ICT) broadens the capabilities of researchers to understand and interpret the social world. New multidisciplinary methods of measuring social realities are constantly being developed and improved. This methodological study aims to incorporate novel methods of automated, computerised content- and sentiment analysis software in order to produce a usable instrument for measuring public expressions on democracy from the social network site, Twitter. Adapting methods developed by O‟Connor et al. (2010) and using an online platform called Chatterbox Analytics Ltd., this study attempts to complement traditional survey research data on democracy. The creation of this method allows researchers to automatically and without deep programming knowledge, extract and analyse opinionated data from a substantial segment of the population, namely Twitter users. This is the first study, as far as this researcher is aware, that develops automated instruments for the measurement of expressions on democracy from online social networks. The rationale for the development of this instrument lies in the apparent recent rise in negative sentiment on democracy in academic spheres and political realities alike. Throughout history support for democracy has swayed, which in turn placed democracy on a rocky path of development. As negative opinions on democracy became overwhelming this system of governance was forced to adapt by changing its core structure. This could be the case again today. Authors such as Crozier, Huntington and Watunaki (1975) have already warned of a crisis of democracy in the 1970s. More recently authors such as Dalton (2004) and van Beek (2012) expressed opinions indicating that globally citizens are steadily becoming more critical of political parties, politicians, political policies and the whole democratic process. These negative sentiments might be indicative of what van Beek (2012:12) calls “an erosion in support for democracy”. Traditional survey projects examining opinions on democracy, such as the World Values Survey, offer insights into global expressions on democracy, but are time consuming, costly and complicated to conduct. The method developed in this study allows researchers to complement traditional survey data with insights that are automatically gathered and analysed from the influential social media network, Twitter. This introductory study finds that automated analysis of expressions on democracy from Twitter is indeed feasible. In order to express the extent to which the developed method is feasible, this study offers an example case, examining expressions on democracy from Twitter for the period of 1 May to 31 July 2012. Furthermore the study offers a quantitative manual evaluation of the accuracy of the developed measurement instrument. With the present level of content- and sentiment analysis technology this study finds that the accuracy of the results from this method, though informative, is still limited. The study therefore concludes with an advisory section highlighting methods for future studies to improve on the accuracy of this measurement instrument.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Deur die konstante groei in inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) word die veld waaruit navorsers kan put om die sosiale wêreld te verstaan en te interpreteer al groter. Nuwe multidissiplinêre metingsmetodes om die sosiale werklikheid te verstaan, word konstant ontwikkel en verbeter. Hierdie metodologiese studie beoog om nuwe metodes van geoutomatiseerde, gerekenaariseerde, inhouds- en sentimentanalisesagteware saam te voeg om 'n bruikbare instrument vir die meting van publieke uitsprake oor demokrasie, op die sosiale netwerk Twitter te skep. Metodes wat deur O'Connor et al. (2010) en die aanlyn platform, Chatterbox Analytics Ltd ontwikkel is, is aangepas om 'n instrument te skep wat gebruik kan word om by te dra tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsdata oor demokrasie. Hierdie nuwe metode sal navorsers toelaat om outomaties en sonder veel programmeringsvaardighede opiniegelaaide data van 'n beduidende segment van die samelewing, naamlik Twitter gebruikers, te verkry en te analiseer. Hierdie is die eerste studie, sover hierdie navorser bewus is, wat geoutomatiseerde instrumente ontwikkel vir die meting van uitsprake oor demokrasie op sosiale netwerke. Die beweegrede vir die ontwikkeling van hierdie instrument vloei uit die oënskynlike onlangse styging in negatiewe sentiment oor demokrasie in sowel akademiese- as politieke sirkels. Die ondersteuning vir demokrasie het dwarsdeur die geskiedenis sy hoogte en laagtepunte gehad en hierdie onsekerheid het die ontwikkelingspad van demokrasie taamlik met dorings besaai. Die hele kernstruktuur van híérdie regeringsisteem was geforseer om hewig aan te pas elke keer wanneer die negatiewe opinies oor demokrasie oorweldigend geraak het. Dit wil voorkom asof demokrasie weer op die rand van verandering is. Skrywers soos Crozier, Huntington en Watunaki (1975) het alreeds in die 1970's gewaarsku teen 'n krisis rondom demokrasie. Meer onlangs het skrywers soos Dalton (2004) en van Beek (2012) opinies gelug dat burgers reg oor die wêreld stadig maar seker besig is om meer krities op politieke partye, politici en oor politieke beleide en die demokratiese proses in geheel raak. Hierdie negatiewe sentimente mag dalk 'n aanduiding wees van “'n erosie in die ondersteuning van demokrasie,”, soos Van Beek (2012:12) dit noem. Tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte wat na opinies oor demokrasie kyk, soos die „World Values Survey‟, bied wel 'n blik op globale uitsprake oor demokrasie, maar is duur, tydsaam en moeilik om deur te voer. Die metode wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is, kan bykomende insigte tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte bring. Díé insigte word outomaties ingesamel en geanaliseer vanuit die invloedryke sosiale netwerk, Twitter. Hierdie inleidende studie bevind dat geoutomatiseerde analise van uitsprake oor demokrasie op Twittter inderdaad moontlik is. Ten einde die mate van sukses van hierdie metode wat ontwikkel is te illustreer, analiseer hierdie studie 'n datagreep van uitsprake oor demokrasie uit Twitter oor die tydperk 1 Mei tot 31 Julie 2012. Hierbenewens bied die studie ook 'n kwantitatiewe waardasie per hand wat die akkuraatheid van die ontwikkelde meetingsinstrument toets. Met die huidige ontwikkelingsvlak van inhouds- en sentiment-analisetegnologie vind hierdie studie dat die akkuraatheid van hierdie metode, alhoewel informatief is, tog beperk is. Die studie sluit af met 'n afdeling wat advies oor hoe verdere studies die akkuraatheid van hierdie meetinstrument kan verbeter, toelig.
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James, Rina Lynne. "The Efficacy of Virtual Protest: Linking Digital Tactics to Outcomes in Activist Campaigns." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4008.
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Activists are increasingly relying on online tactics and digital tools to address social issues. This shift towards reliance on the Internet has been shown to have salient implications for social movement formation processes; however, the effectiveness of such actions for achieving specific goals remains largely unaddressed. This study explores how the types of Internet activism and digital tools used by activism campaigns relate to success in meeting stated goals. To address these questions, the study builds on an existing framework that distinguishes between four distinct types of Internet activism: brochure-ware, which is oriented towards information distribution; e-mobilizations, which treats digital media merely as a tool for mobilizing individuals offline; online participation, which is characterized by wholly online actions such as e-petitions or virtual protests; and online organizing, where organization of a movement takes place exclusively via the internet with no face-to-face coordination by organizers.
Ordinal regression models were conducted utilizing cross-sectional data from the Global Digital Activism Data Set (GDADS), a compilation of information on 426 activism campaigns from around the world that began between 2010 and 2012; additional data regarding the types of Internet activism used was also appended to the GDADS using source materials provided within the data set. The findings suggest that use of the Internet for mobilizing offline actions is negatively associated with campaign success, but that this does not hold true for protest actions organized without use of digital tools. E-petition use was also found to be negatively related to achievement of campaign goals.
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Andersen, Robert C. A. "Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.
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Riley, Will. "We the undersigned." Thesis, Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28102.
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Thesis (M. S.)--Literature, Communication, and Culture, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.Committee Chair: DiSalvo, Carl; Committee Member: Bogost, Ian; Committee Member: Klein, Hans; Committee Member: Murray, Janet; Committee Member: Pearce, Celia
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Tickle, Sharon. "Assessing the "real story" behind political events in Indonesia : email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage of the 27 July 1996 Jakarta riots." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/35887/1/35887_Tickle_1997.pdf.
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The government-backed invasion of the Indonesian Democratic Party's Jakarta headquarters on the morning of27 July 1996, and the resulting violent riots in which
at least five people died marked a pivotal point in Indonesian politics generally, and the pro-democracy movement specifically. This was a newsworthy event which was covered extensively by the broadcast and print media globally, however the time taken to relay the story and the credibility of the reports was highly variable for
domestic as well as foreign media. Coverage by a national and regional Indonesian newspaper, as well as a national and regional Australian newspaper was compared
with the email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage for the news values of timeliness and accuracy. The October 1996 reports into the incident by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch/ Asia
were used as reference materials to evaluate the accuracy of the media reporting. The degree of government involvement in the attack on the PDI HQ was not reported by the Indonesian daily newspapers which also under-reported the number of victims while focussing on the law and order aspect of the story. Reportage by both the
national and regional Australian papers focussed on the violence of the riots which
posed a threat to President Soeharto 's rule, the role of the armed forces in
maintaining law and order, and also underestimated the number of victims. Indonesia-L disseminated the fastest and most accurate reports of the event with eyewitness
accounts providing considerable detail. Only two of the 18 postings were found to be sensationalistic and inaccurate. Implications for the future use of
computer-mediated communication, such as email discussion lists, as an alternative source of news which circumvents government control, as well as the time and commercial constraints of print media are discussed.
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Pahlavi, Pierre Cyril Cyrus Teymour. "Mass diplomacy : foreign policy in the global information age." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85196.
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A sophisticated and high tech form of state-to-foreign population diplomacy based on the use of the latest communication technologies has developed rapidly in recent years and has acquired an increasingly important position within a significant number of foreign affairs systems. Pioneered by the heavyweights of the international stage, the phenomenon has spread rapidly to secondary powers and is progressively extending itself to varying degrees to all states around the globe. This thesis grapples with the enigma raised by the brisk re-emergence of this foreign policy concentration by attempting to understand the reasons behind both the quantitative increase in public diplomacy activities and the qualitative evolution of these activities in terms of planning, organisation and implementation. The first argument that this thesis broaches is that the sudden growth of public diplomacy is the result of the shift to a new phase of the information revolution (necessary enabling force) which has been amplified by contingent factors: the explosion of global terrorism (accelerator) and the perception of leaders and foreign policy makers of this new environment (prism). The second argument is that, beyond quantitative growth, the new operational context born of the advent of the global information society provoked a qualitative evolution of the public diplomacy inherited from the Cold War towards what is today mass diplomacy. The result is the appearance of a market driven diplomacy employing persuasive techniques borrowed from the world of public relations and marketing. The new diplomacy is an entrepreneurial diplomacy that limits governmental leadership to a necessary minimum and encourages the participation of private and foreign sub-contractors. It is also a cyber-space diplomacy equipped with new diplomatic instruments such as high-resolution satellite imagery, high-speed networks, digital broadcasting and other marvels of the late twentieth cen
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Yi, Kŏn-ho. "Agenda setting effects in the digital age: uses and effects of online media." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1606.
Full textBooks on the topic "Digital media – Political aspects – Canada"
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Digital mosaic: Media, power, and identity in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015.
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Politics and the media in Canada. 2nd ed. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1996.
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Digital media and political engagement worldwide: A comparative study. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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Digital dilemmas: The state, the individual, and digital media in Cuba. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 2010.
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Peter, Dahlgren. Media and political engagement: Citizens, communication, and democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Media and political engagement: Citizens, communication, and democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Hachten, William A. The world news prism: Challenges of digital communication. 8th ed. Chichester, West Sussex ; Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
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Niet leuk?: Mijmeringen over nieuwe media, mensen en macht. Kalmthout: Pelckmans, 2012.
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The political web: Media, participation and alternative democracy. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
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Civic media: Technology, design, practice. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2015.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Digital media – Political aspects – Canada"
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Lawlor, Andrea. "Media and public policy." In Policy Analysis in Canada, 351–68. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0017.
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Mass media has taken on an increasingly influential role with respect to the design, implementation and critical evaluation of public policy. This chapter explores the many ways in which media “matters” to the policy process, by highlighting media’s traditionally limited role in the scholarly literature on public policy, then moving on to a wider discussion of the direct and indirect capacity of media to influence the policy process. Media effects on policy such as framing and agenda setting are reviewed, as are concepts such as the institutional factors that guide political media production and the relationship between policymakers, public opinion and the media. The chapter concludes with a reflection on some of the contemporary challenges for the media-policy relationship in a rapidly evolving digital media environment.
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Fernandez, Kevin, Sivamurugan Pandian, and Mohamad Zaini Abu Bakar. "Alternative Media Bridging the Digital Divide in Malaysia." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 166–78. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch010.
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This chapter analyzes the burgeoning role of new media in the Malaysian political sphere. The chapter descriptively analyzes the role of Sarawakreport.org, a blog formed by the former Prime Minister of the UK's (Gordon Brown's) sister in-law, Clare Rewcastle Brown, in an endeavor to challenge the Chief Minister of Sarawak in his incumbency. The government used its economical, coercive, and political power to repress the symbolic power of the new media, which transgresses boundaries, space, and time. This chapter concludes that the BN (Barisan Nasional) won its two-thirds majority legitimizing its control over Sarawak, but its loss of popular votes suggests the symbolic power is of concern for the ruling regime and legitimizing its rule seems to be a serious problem.
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Wei, Zhang, and Yang Ke. "The Wisdom of the Crowds." In Understanding the Interactive Digital Media Marketplace, 330–37. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-61350-147-4.ch026.
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What happens when a classic tool meets the Internet? This is the question that word of mouth (WOM) marketing faces. Word of mouth marketing as the oldest marketing method was completed by oral communication. But since entering the Internet era, and especially with the advent of Web 2.0, the way people share information is more dependent on hands rather than mouth – that is, through the keyboard, mouse, and smart phones – to affect others easily. This chapter will discuss the blogs and eWoM from the business, technical, social, and political aspects to reveal how eWoM thrives in the age of the Internet.
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Flores, Joseph L. "The Politics of Social Media." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 22–54. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1791-8.ch002.
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This chapter explores a fundamental tension of social media by considering their socially reproductive and (potentially) transformative function. The claim is that while media and communication technologies have historically fueled both aspiration and fear of social change, their ability to shape societies are contingent on the specific social relations in which they operate. By investigating social media's economic practices, primarily platform capitalism, the reproductive relations that support user-generated content that influence platform's capabilities to reproduce and transform existing social contexts are examined. To illustrate this, political discourse via social media platforms have been used to argue that social media's current capitalist mode of production exemplifies an antagonism between exploitative/emancipatory tendencies and reproductive/transformative aspects, which are further articulated by a liberal ideology.
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Drobot, Irina-Ana. "Social Media and Democracy." In Election and Democracy in the Digital Age - Status, Challenges, and Trends [Working Title]. IntechOpen, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106660.
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The purpose of this chapter is to analyze the implications of freedom of speech regarding political discussions on social media platforms, such as Facebook. The paper will look at the following aspects: the occasion when social media users have to discuss politics as a hobby and as a means to keep their ideas out of the view of face-to-face social circles, to engage in social issues and even be part of protests, to discuss politicians’ public image, and attempt to change some users’ perception about it. Within social media, we witness debates or simple displays of emotions, allowing users to speak their minds and interact with other users, showing empathy toward them. The benefits of this are related to the therapeutic effects of speaking about what upsets them or angers them and finding like-minded users.
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Baarda, Rachel, and Rocci Luppicini. "Shaping Digital Democracy in the United States." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 213–31. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6122-6.ch014.
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Ethical challenges that technology poses to the different spheres of society are a core focus within the field of technoethics. Over the last few years, scholars have begun to explore the ethical implications of new digital technologies and social media, particularly in the realms of society and politics. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama's campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website uses or misuses digital technology to create a healthy participatory democracy. For an analysis of ethical and non-ethical ways to promote participatory democracy online, the study included theoretical perspectives such as the role of the public sphere in a participatory democracy and the effects of political marketing on the public sphere. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study's results are explored in this chapter.
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Sayogo, Djoko Sigit, and Taewoo Nam. "Elucidating Online Structure for Democratic Legitimacy." In Digital Democracy, 1476–99. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1740-7.ch074.
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This study explores the impact of online communicative structures in local government Web disclosure on democratic legitimacy, after the implementation of e-government in Java, Indonesia, as a result of recent bureaucratic decentralization. Being at a very early stage in the e-government initiative, the analysis of 78 local government websites in Indonesia reveals that local government online structures present certain aspects of democratic and interactive appearance. However, the levels of democratized Internet mediated human interactions are restricted. These restrictions reflect the eradication of sensitive information, a low level of responses to citizens’ solicitations, and disclosure of selective information in local government websites. This chapter suggests that restriction on local government online structure is due to the government’s favor of more controlled media interaction influenced by the embedded authoritarian political culture due to many years of institutionalization. In a sense, websites merely function as a symbol of government legitimacy and power over citizens through media technology, which could suggest local government manipulation of democratization processes.
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Sudmann, Andreas. "Artificial Neural Networks, Postdigital Infrastructures and the Politics of Temporality." In Media Infrastructures and the Politics of Digital Time. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463727426_ch15.
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This essay examines the infrastructures and temporalities of modern AI technology based on artificial neural networks (ANN) and aims to contribute to a more substantial understanding of its political challenges. In order to unlock the different temporalities of ANN, a theoretical framework for the relationship of media and infrastructures is suggested that also might help to distinguish between the different levels of analysis related to specific steps and aspects of the machine learning process (the collection and production of learning data, the training of AI models etc.). An important reference point for the following considerations is ethnographic research conducted at TwentyBN,1 a Toronto and Berlin based AI company specialized in ANN and computer vision that just recently developed an app for the fitness market.
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Sudmann, Andreas. "Artificial Neural Networks, Postdigital Infrastructures and the Politics of Temporality." In Media Infrastructures and the Politics of Digital Time. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463727426_ch15.
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This essay examines the infrastructures and temporalities of modern AI technology based on artificial neural networks (ANN) and aims to contribute to a more substantial understanding of its political challenges. In order to unlock the different temporalities of ANN, a theoretical framework for the relationship of media and infrastructures is suggested that also might help to distinguish between the different levels of analysis related to specific steps and aspects of the machine learning process (the collection and production of learning data, the training of AI models etc.). An important reference point for the following considerations is ethnographic research conducted at TwentyBN,1 a Toronto and Berlin based AI company specialized in ANN and computer vision that just recently developed an app for the fitness market.
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Earl, Jennifer, and Kate Kenski. "Online Political Participation." In The Oxford Handbook of Political Participation, 435–50. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198861126.013.26.
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Abstract Abstract: We review the literature on online political participation, including studies of undifferentiated online political participation, participation in elections and campaigns, participation in protest and social movements (i.e., activism), and other forms of participation such as political consumerism and participatory politics. Based on this review, we argue that research on contemporary political action needs to consider online aspects, even if focused on ostensibly offline action, because of the significant relationships and crossovers between offline and online action and the hybridized media context. But, we argue that researchers who have been studying online elements of political participation also need to be deeply embedded within the literatures on the form of political participation they are studying (i.e., protest, elections) instead of assuming that all digital activity is new or different.
Conference papers on the topic "Digital media – Political aspects – Canada"
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Cortoni, Ida. "DIGITAL MEDIA AND INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN HOME-SCHOOLING." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2022v1end019.
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"The paper focuses on one of the aspects most investigated and monitored in recent years by the Desi index (Digital Economy and Society Index) on the digitization process in Europe, human capital, with an in-depth focus on primary school teachers. The emergent state of Covid 19 has had a strong impact in the field of education, so much so that the uses of digital technology and its applications are now an essential topic in public and political debate. The implementation of digital devices for education, during the lockdown, has necessarily led to a reflection on the methodological paths that can be applied and tested in the educational context. There are many uncertainties linked to the validity of new digital didactic approaches and to the communicative and transmissive effectiveness of the contents where the digital skills of teachers and families and the lack of adequate equipment risk compromising the objective of effective and inclusive education. How can educational quality and inclusion be guaranteed through digital communication, beyond socio-cultural inequalities? How can school digital capital guarantee new educational planning in the classroom? These are the main questions of the paper, which will focus on illustrating the communicative strategies of visual storytelling and graphicacy as tools for democratising digital communication, for sociocultural inclusion and for reducing sociocultural inequalities, by illustrating the structural framework and the main actions/strategy of the European Erasmus Plus project CAVE (Communication and Visual Education in homeschooling)."
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Aliel, Luzilei, Rafael Fajiolli, and Ricardo Thomasi. "Tecnofagia: A Multimodal Rite." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Computação Musical. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbcm.2019.10454.
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This is a concert proposal of Brazilian digital art, which brings in its creative core the historical and cultural aspects of certain locations in Brazil. The term Tecnofagia derives from an allusion to the concept of anthropophagic movement (artistic movement started in the twentieth century founded and theorized by the poet Oswald de Andrade and the painter Tarsila do Amaral). The anthropophagic movement was a metaphor for a goal of cultural swallowing where foreign culture would not be denied but should not be imitated. In his notes, Oswald de Andrade proposes the "cultural devouring of imported techniques to re-elaborate them autonomously, turning them into an export product." The Tecnofagia project is a collaborative creative and collective performance group that seeks to broaden aspects of live electronic music, video art, improvisation and performance, taking them into a multimodal narrative context with essentially Brazilian sound elements such as:accents and phonemes; instrumental tones; soundscapes; historical, political and cultural contexts. In this sense, Tecnofagia tries to go beyond techniques and technologies of interactive performance, as it provokes glances for a Brazilian art-technological miscegenation. That is, it seeks emergent characteristics of the encounters between media, art, spaces, culture, temporalities, objects, people and technologies, at the moment of performance.
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Laurentiz, Silvia. "Realities Research Group: 10 years of studies in art-technology." In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.130.
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The Research Group Realidades - from tangible realities to ontological realities - was created in 2010 and is based at the School of Communications and Arts, University of São Paulo, accredited by the Institution and CNPq, Brazil. It already has a huge production, from artistic works, texts, interviews, events organization, and other technical productions, which can be found at http://www2.eca.usp.br/realidades. In its initial research, the Realidades Group investigated how to coherently treat certain terms and categories while maintaining a dialogue between different areas of knowledge, in addition to pointing out counterparts from the breaking of certain conceptual coherences promoted by this dialogue. The object of study of the first projects was precisely to know and expand terms such as simulation, virtuality, hybridization, as well as to propose new devices, interfaces and uses for the technologies. In the current proposal, the group inaugurates new lines of research that will address contemporary phenomena in the field of digital media, critically observing the experience in the intersection between arts, sciences and communications in locative media, audiovisual performances, reality augmented, 360º video and photography, artificial intelligence, three-dimensional modeling, and digital prototyping, among others. It also considers broader issues that arise in this context in relation to the ways of weakening the consensus around the alternatives of representing reality, which happen because of the informational explosion, and the mapping of patterns, in addition to observing political aspects of these discussions. To fulfill these objectives, which significantly expand the initial problems, we redesigned our lines of research in 2020, which are now defined as: 1. Codified Thoughts; 2. Audiovisual Processes; and 3. Poetic-political criticism. The lines of research present specific goals, objectives, and results, which add up without failing to meet the general objectives of the group. It is important to say that the group has a diversified production, but it is evident that the artistic works stand out. In our artworks, the intrinsic relationship between theory and creative practices is essential. We can see the result of these practices and creative processes in the works we carry out and which have already been shown in national and international exhibitions. All information about each one can be found on the group's website. They have started with the Enigmas Series, which was developed between 2012 and 2017.This series has 3 productions and some versions. We also have the series “When the Stars Touch”, with two works, one created in 2019 and the other in 2020. In 2017 we produced the installation Dynamic Crossing, which participated in ISEA 2017 - 23rd International Symposium on Electronic Art, in Manizales, Colombia. The group's most recent artwork is "InMemoriam". It is still online and can be accessed on its website.