Academic literature on the topic 'Dictatorship – Greece'

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Journal articles on the topic "Dictatorship – Greece"

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MOLES, IAN N. "Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece." Australian Journal of Politics & History 15, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00937.x.

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Kornetis, Kostis. "Review of Nikolaos Papadogiannis', Militant around the Clock? Left-Wing Youth Politics, Leisure, and Sexuality in Post-Dictatorship Greece, 1974–1981." Historein 16, no. 1-2 (June 30, 2017): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.10279.

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Voglis, Polymeris. "Review of Kostis Kornetis' Children of the Dictatorship: Student Resistance, Cultural Politics and the "Long 1960s'" in Greece." Historein 15, no. 1 (December 3, 2015): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.299.

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Book review of Kostis Kornetis, <em>Children of the Dictatorship: Student Resistance, Cultural Politics and the 'Long 1960s' in Greece</em>, New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2013. 373 pp.
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Papacosma, S. Victor. "Book review: The Metaxas Dictatorship: Aspects of Greece 1936-1940." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 15, no. 1 (1997): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1997.0002.

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Kornetis, Kostis. "The Memory of Southern European Dictatorships in Popular TV Shows." Contemporary European History 32, no. 1 (January 23, 2023): 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777322000741.

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Ever since the ground-breaking historical mini-series Holocaust (1978), television has proven to play a major role in structuring the collective memory about the past.1 This medium has, moreover, displayed a capacity to trigger a collective rendering of, and coming to terms with, painful, hidden or forgotten aspects of the past. Media specialist Garry R. Edgerton has even argued that ‘television is the principal means by which most people learn about history’.2 Even though such assertions might be tempered by today's predominance of social media – especially in generational terms – an inquiry into the politics of memory in popular television is still relevant for the field of public history, as well as for memory studies. This is particularly pertinent when representing dictatorship in the European South. Alongside public history projects of all kinds (including museums, memorials, commemorative plaques and practices), filmic representations (be it for cinematic or television use) structure the collective imaginary about the recent past. This essay briefly discusses TV shows that deal with and shape public understandings of the dictatorships in Spain (the final phase of Francoism, post-1968), Greece (the Colonels’ dictatorship, post-1969) and Portugal (the final phase of the Estado Novo (New State), post-1968).
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Kyprianos, Pantelis. "Reception and Perception of May 1968 in Greece." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.265.

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How is May ’68 received in the public space? How has it been perceived in the collective consciousness in Greece since that day? To investigate the image of May ’68 portrayed by the mass media (public space) and the idea that young Greeks have of it today (collective memory), I relied on three categories of sources: i) Analysis of the texts referring to the events; ii) Interviewing former students who participated in the uprising against the Dictatorship at the Polytechnic in 1973; and iii) Discussions with today’s students to see whether or not they have an image of May ’68, and if so, what it is. This paper is made up of five sections. In the first I provide an overview of the situation in Greece in 1968, in the second I briefly set out the main positions on May ’68 of well-known French social scientists, and in the third I discuss how the period was perceived and the weight of its role in the uprising of Greek students at the Polytechnic in 1973. In the fourth section I paint a brief picture of how May ’68 has been viewed in Greece from the fall of the dictatorship in 1974 to today. Finally, in the fifth and final section, I summarise how today’s students perceive the events.
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Sumah, Stefan, and Anze Sumah. "Questioning on Several Forms of Fascism." Academicus International Scientific Journal 26 (July 2022): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2022.26.07.

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The concept of fascism has been defined quite precisely by researchers in the field of political science and sociology, who also defined its main features or characteristics. However, with the word fascism (and its derivatives, e.g. fascists, fascist…) members of the left often label their opponents, thus, this is word is often misused. In essence, fascism is a word that has become synonymous with the word totalitarianism. With the analysis that was based on similar characteristics we concluded that totalitarianisms of both poles (if the classical left–right political spectrum is applied) exhibit more common features than, for instance, totalitarianisms and classical dictatorships, which are also often called fascist or semi-fascist regimes. Thus, German Nazism (often also presented as one of the forms of fascism) and Russian Bolshevism (as one of the extremes forms of socialism) or Titoism in Yugoslavia have more in common than e.g. German Nazism and Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile or the dictatorship of colonels in Greece (both also frequently referred to as fascistic regimes or semi-fascist regimes). Using the word fascism is often not so much about denoting the actual content as it is more for political propaganda and slandering the opponent. If it was based on actual characteristics, fascism (fascist, fascists…) could become an adjective to denote all totalitarianisms (left fascism, right-wing fascism, Islamic fascism…).
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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. "ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ." Μνήμων 26 (January 1, 2004): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.

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<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>
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Emen, Gözde. "Turkey’s Relations with Greece in the 1920s: The Pangalos Factor." Turkish Historical Review 7, no. 1 (April 12, 2016): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00701006.

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Based mainly on Turkish archival material and newspapers, this article argues that the short dictatorship of General Pangalos (1925–1926) in Greece not only stalled the solution of problems remaining from the Lausanne negotiations, but also heightened Turkish concerns over Greek expansionist ambitions towards Turkey in a way unlike any other period in early Turkish-Greek relations. Despite the General’s popularity among the migrants from Anatolia, the Turkish press and authorities were aware of the lack of general popular support behind Pangalos. Pangalos’s attempts to create alliances particularly with Britain and Italy and the increasing possibility of such a coalition against Turkey led the Turkish authorities and the press to watch developments in Greece very closely.
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Soursos, Nathalie Patricia. "The Dictator's Photo Albums: Photography under the Metaxas Dictatorship." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 4 (November 2018): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-4-509.

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The Dictator's Photo Albums: Private and Public Photographs in the Metaxas-Dictatorship The Greek authoritarian «Fourth of August Regime» (1936–1941) focussed in its propaganda on promoting the dictator Ioannis Metaxas as father, grandfather and «First peasant» and while in foreign policy the close ties to the Balkan Entente was advertised, the transfer of ideas from the European fascist regimes was negated. By examining 57 photo albums preserved today in the Hellenic Parliament Archives the article discusses photo albums as a source for the interpretation of the Metaxas dictatorship and as a source for the history of photography in Greece. It examines the private photo album aesthetics and its use in three official brochures with an exceptional high amount of photographs: Fourth of August 1936–1938, Fourth of August 1938–1939 and Four Years of Government by I. Metaxas, 1936–1940. The article's main argument is, that due to their photo album aesthetic the propaganda brochures were invoking the intimacy of a family album.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Dictatorship – Greece"

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Petrakis, Marina. "The Metaxas myth : dictatorship and propaganda in Greece /." London : Tauris academic studies, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40159340x.

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SOUVLIS, George. "Towards an anatomy of Metaxas’s fascist experiment : organic intellectuals, antiparliamentarian discourse and authoritarian state building." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60984.

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Defence date: 6 February 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Lucy Riall, European University Institute Prof. Aristotle Kallis, Keele University, (Ext. Advisor); Prof. Dylan Riley, University of California at Berkeley
Main aim of this thesis is to shed a new light on the 4th of August of regime, the authoritarian state that was established in August 1936 by Metaxas, and the anti-parliamentarian ideology that it developed during the years of its existence. Despite increasing production of literature on this topic in the last few years the bibliographical lacunae are still many and there is still a high degree of puzzlement in regard to the understanding of the nature of the regime. This thesis attempts to form a new understanding of its political nature and the discourses that it has developed as a regime on its own physiognomy. The anti-parliamentarian discourse is chosen to be analyzed from the ideological motives that the regime adopted since it is considered crucial for the understanding of the mentality of Greek fascist experiment. The overcoming of the parliamentarian rule was one of the key reasons for its establishment considered as destructive for the existence of the national totality. I adopt the concept of 'anti-parliamentarianism' as a more suitable term than that of 'anti-democratic' because it leaves room for alternative definitions of democracy.
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Kourniakti, Jessica. "The classical asset : receptions of antiquity under the dictatorship of 21 April in Greece (1967-73)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9309b07f-7f31-44de-986a-c76226b7eb82.

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This thesis stakes out to reframe the debates surrounding a widely criticised chapter in the cultural history of modern Greece: the receptions of the classical past under the Dictatorship of 21 April (also known as 'the dictatorship of the Colonels') during the period 1967 to 1973. Informed by the hermeneutics of classical reception studies, I aim to provide a new perspective on the dictatorship, one that focuses on the contemporaneity of its discursive and visual renderings of antiquity, but which departs from a conceptual framework that is dictated by the master narrative of the Cold War (by the polarisations between Right and Left). The project converges on the ideological discourses, educational policies and the mass spectacles of the Colonels, each of which has been designated as fraught with 'ancestoritis' or 'pseudoclassicism' in the literature. In breaking away from value judgments and notions of misappropriation, it is my intention that the project functions as an exercise in a critical levelling with the dictatorship's multifold classicisms. Concomitantly, I propose that in order to better understand the politics of reception of the Aprilians, which have often seemed impenetrable, it is necessary to branch out into more cross-disciplinary methods of enquiry than those that have been employed in the past. My own approach borrows analytical tools from theories of counter-intelligence, cultural studies, political theory, educational sociology and performance studies. With this exploratory patchwork, the present study hopes to contribute toward opening up a field on which it is possible to examine the dictatorship on its own terms, while taking into account the composite articulations of antiquity with power, upward social mobility, economic development, and entertainment and leisure culture in 1960s Greece.
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Hager, Philip. "From the margin to the mainstream : the production of politically-engaged theatre in Greece during the Dictatorship of the Colonels, 1967-1974." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546712.

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Lester-Pearson, Miles. "The influence of Achaemenid Persia on fourth-century and early Hellenistic Greek tyranny." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11826.

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This thesis is an examination of how Greek tyranny in the fourth century and the early Hellenistic age was influenced by Achaemenid Persia and the Ancient Near East. The introduction lays out the problems of interpreting the Ancient Near East through Greco-Roman sources, via Ephippus' description of Alexander the Great, as well as discussing two important examples of Persianisation that have been examined in detail in the past: Pausanias of Sparta and Alexander the Great. The relevant Classical Greek and Achaemenid sources concerning Persian kingship are then considered, in order to establish four categories by which to examine the tyrannical dynasties chosen as case studies: Appearance, Accessibility, Dynasty and Military Function. Using these four categories, the dynasties of the Dionysii of Syracuse, the Clearchids of Heraclea Pontica, the Hecatomnids of Caria and Agathocles of Syracuse, chosen for their geographical and temporal variance, are examined individually over the next four chapters. Appearance concerns the ruler's dress and body presentation, the use of status items such as crowns and sceptres, and the display of luxury. Accessibility concerns the use of architecture and fortifications, as well as court protocol and bodyguards, in order to control access to the ruler. Dynasty concerns family trees, marriages and the role of women, and the role of close family and subordinates in important administrative positions. Military Function concerns the role of the ruler in warfare as well as power symbols, titles and epithets. The analysis of the tyrannies taken altogether using the same categories forms the basis of the subsequent chapter, and allows for comparison with the Achaemenid Persian evidence in order to determine whether there is any significant correlation. This chapter also examines the potential methods of transmission. The thesis concludes that there are significant similarities in some aspects of tyrannical rule with that of Achaemenid kingship, and demonstrates that tyrants were engaging in the political and philosophical discourse of the era. The 'royal nature' as demonstrated by Xenophon proves to be something that tyrants aspire to, without becoming kings in name. The thesis also concludes that thinking of Greek tyrants in rigid characterisation is no longer acceptable, whether temporally as alter and junger tyranny, or geographically as Greek rulers of Greek cities with no contextual influence.
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Anastasakis, Othon Evangelos. "Authoritarianism in 20th century Greece : ideology and education under the dictatorships of 1936 and 1967." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1304/.

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This study examines the authoritarian ideology and educational policy of two dictatorial regimes of 20th century Greece: the Metaxas' dictatorship of 1936-1941 (the 4th of August regime); and the military junta of 1967-1974 (the 21st of April regime). Although viewed comparatively, the regimes in question are shown to have been different, due to crucial differences stemming from their contemporary international and domestic settings. Moreover, their ideologies were shaped by the way dictatorial rulers perceived and interpreted their reality. Influenced by the inter-war fascist context, the 4th of August regime tried to accommodate a radical fascist rhetoric to a nationalistic and traditionalist set of beliefs. Metaxas' perception of reality was exemplified in his educational policy, through which the dictator unsuccessfully tried to mobilise from above the youth, on the imported model of the fascist youth movements. The 21st of April regime contrasted sharply with the post-war international liberal environment, while its ideology was marked by the distinct and often contradictory mentalities of the colonels. The contradictions and inconsistencies of the military mind were reproduced at the educational level, as the military rulers attempted to demobilise a highly organised youth, to reverse the previous liberal educational reforms and to appoint loyalists to key posts. So, while the 4th of August saw the legitimation of its authority in the use of an openly authoritarian discourse and the mobilisation of the youth, the 21st of April regime, by contrast, torn by the conflicting mentalities of its military rulers, sought legitimacy through clientelistic networks of support and the demobilisation of the youth.
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Kouzini, Maria-Eleni. "Regards sur la continuité de l'hellénisme chez les écrivains français du XXème siècle (1947-1967) : une image de la Grèce reconstruite." Phd thesis, Université Paul Valéry - Montpellier III, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00806847.

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Ce travail se propose de définir la représentation de la Grèce chez dix voyageurs français qui visitent le pays entre 1947, fin de la guerre civile grecque, et 1967, début de la dictature des Colonels. Le corpus est constitué des écrivains suivants : Jacques Lacarrière, Robert Levesque, Jean Cau, Jean Cocteau, Roger Milliex, Michel Butor, André Malraux, Michel Déon, Jacques Chardonne et Thierry Maulnier. Tous partent avec une solide culture classique et une image stéréotypée de la Grèce, qu'ils ont à confronter avec la réalité. Les traces des guerres, des guerres balkaniques aux guerres civiles, sont très visibles, notamment dans les villes et la misère de la population est très sensible. Pourtant, les voyageurs français sont tous à la recherche des stéréotypes véhiculés en Europe. S'ils ne sont pas déçus par les paysages grecs, ils ont de la peine à retrouver les Grecs dans les Grecs. Ils se font l'écho des théories élaborées ou reprises au XIXème siècle, selon lesquelles les Grecs n'ont plus rien de commun avec les Grecs de l'Antiquité ou qu'ils sont dégénérés. Pourtant chacun fait des efforts parfois vains, pour trouver une continuité dans la Grèce, en confrontant types humains contemporains, moeurs et coutumes, voire langue, aux réalités correspondantes antiques. L'élément religieux, dont ils n'ignorent pas qu'il constitue une rupture, est analysé en terme de syncrétisme, ou clairement rattaché à Byzance, considérée comme une étape de l'histoire de la Grèce. Mais il ressort de l'ensemble des textes, plus ou moins explicitement, que les véritables héritiers de la Grèce antique sont les Européens, auprès desquels les Grecs peuvent réapprendre à être ce qu'ils étaient autrefois.
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KORNETIS, Konstantinos. "Student resistance to the Greek military dictatorship : subjectivity, memory, and cultural politics, 1967-1974." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5862.

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Defence date: 20 January 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Nancy G. Bermeo, Princeton University ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, European University Institute ; Prof. Antonis Liakos, University of Athens ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino
First made available online 18 July 2018
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Books on the topic "Dictatorship – Greece"

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The Metaxas myth: Dictatorship and propaganda in Greece. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2006.

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The Metaxas myth: Dictatorship and propaganda in Greece. London: I. B. Tauris, 2011.

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S, Higham Robin D., and Veremēs Thanos, eds. The Metaxas dictatorship: Aspects of Greece, 1936-1940. Athens: The Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), 1993.

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Children of the dictatorship: Student resistance, cultural politics, and the "long 1960s" in Greece. New York: Berghahn Books, 2013.

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Militant around the clock?: Left-wing youth politics, leisure, and sexuality in post-dictatorship Greece, 1974-1981. New York: Berghahn Books, 2015.

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Bakolas, Nikos. E megale plateia: Istoria to n meso n kai neo n chrono n : mythistore ma. Athe na: Kedros, 1987.

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Crossroads. Athens: Kedros, 1997.

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Bakolas, Nikos. E megale plateia: Istoria to n meso n kai neo n chrono n : mythistore ma. Athena - www.bakolas.gr: Kedros, 1987.

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Jo, Campling, ed. Green politics: Dictatorship or democracy? New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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artist, Gefe Andreas 1966, and Budde Martin 1959 translator, eds. Der Gesang der Generäle. Zürich, Schweiz: Edition Moderne, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Dictatorship – Greece"

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Tzortzis, Ioannis. "From Dictatorship to Dictatorship: Greece 1973." In Global Political Transitions, 73–127. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04620-9_3.

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Clogg, Richard. "The Metaxas Dictatorship." In Greece 1940–1949: Occupation, Resistance, Civil War, 23–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-64187-1_2.

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Pelt, Mogens. "Stages in the Development of the ‘Fourth of August’ Regime in Greece." In Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe, 198–218. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137384416_9.

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Karakatsanis, Neovi M., and Jonathan Swarts. "Johnson, Nixon, and Athens: Changing Foreign Policy Toward the Greek Military Dictatorship." In American Foreign Policy Towards the Colonels' Greece, 65–98. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52318-1_3.

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Mouzelis, Nicos P. "Routes to Military Dictatorship: A Comparative Essay on Argentina, Chile and Greece." In Politics in the Semi-Periphery, 97–183. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18019-6_3.

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Kouki, Eleni. "What Can the Study of Monuments and Ceremonies Tell Us About a Dictatorship? The Case of the Dictatorship of April 21 in Greece. 1‍9‍6‍7‍–‍7‍4." In Authoritarian Regimes in the Long Twentieth Century, 115–24. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737015028.115.

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Cox, Michael. "The Colonels’ dictatorship 1967–74." In The Greek Junta and the International System, 247–54. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2020. | Series: Cold War history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438691-22.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Catalyst: The Common Market and the Descent into Dictatorship." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 141–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_11.

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Varsori, Antonio. "Italy and the Greek military regime from the 1967 coup d'état to the fall of the dictatorship." In The Greek Junta and the International System, 48–57. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2020. | Series: Cold War history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438691-6.

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"Dictatorship, democratic restoration and Europeanization, 1967–1990." In Modern Greece. Bloomsbury Academic, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350014510.ch-011.

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