Academic literature on the topic 'Diaspora policy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Diaspora policy"
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Brinkerhoff, Jennifer M. "Diasporas and Public Diplomacy: Distinctions and Future Prospects." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 1-2 (April 22, 2019): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14101015.
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Summary Diaspora diplomacy encompasses diasporas as: agents in their own right; instruments of other’s diplomatic agendas; and/or intentional or accidental partners with other actors pursuing shared interests. Diaspora diplomacy is not territorially bound, and agendas are fluid. Three important features of diaspora diplomacy distinguish it from public diplomacy more generally. First, the diaspora identity results in specific applications of diplomacy for which diasporans may play a unique role. Second, diasporans’ responses to global crises of identity and inequity yield particular motivations and targets of engagement. Third, diasporans may have an in-between advantage for public diplomacy. The complexity of diaspora diplomacy is likely to increase because of circular migration, layered identities, and continued improvements and access to telecommunications. Researchers and policy-makers should focus attention on how to integrate diasporas into existing efforts to account for the complexity of transnational relations.
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Mosneaga, Valeriu. "Republic of Moldova: Diaspora and Diaspora Policy." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 14, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 150–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sjps-2014-0007.
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Abstract Republic of Moldova: Diaspora and Diaspora policy. In this article the Moldovan Diaspora and Moldova’s policy regarding Diasporas phenomena are researched. The historical and the contemporary contexts of formation of Moldovan Diasporas are revealed. The roles of Moldovan citizens’ labor migration, as well as the formation of Moldovan communities and Diasporas abroad are analyzed. The main directions of Moldova’s Diaspora policy are shown: visa free regime and readmission; mobility and circular migration; juridical and social protection of Moldovan migrants abroad; the return and reintegration of Moldovan labor migrants into their homeland’s society. The role of state bodies in the development and implementation of migration policies on a national level is analyzed; the institutional changes and role of the Bureau for the Relations with Diaspora in the coordination of Moldovan state structures’ activity towards working with the Moldovan Diaspora is demonstrated. The role of non-state actors (migrant associations, Diaspora congresses, the church, trade unions, and other) in maintaining of language, culture, traditions, Moldovan identity, in the social and economical development, and Moldova’s cooperation with the accepting country are revealed. The state’s activity in protecting and respecting the political, socioeconomical, and cultural rights of Moldovan emigrants is characterized
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Adamson, Fiona B. "Sending States and the Making of Intra-Diasporic Politics: Turkey and Its Diaspora(s)." International Migration Review 53, no. 1 (October 8, 2018): 210–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918318767665.
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The multiple politics and identities of many contemporary diasporic configurations raise a number of important conceptual issues for the study of diaspora politics, including what counts as a “diaspora,” how do particular “diasporas” emerge, and what shapes their politics? This article discusses conceptual and substantive splits in the burgeoning social science literature on diasporas and suggests the value of analyzing the politics and policies of sending states as crucial factors in both “diaspora-shaping” and “diaspora-generating” processes. It presents an extended case study of the emergence of diaspora groups connected with contemporary Turkey, situating Turkey’s “New Diaspora Policy” in its historical context. The article concludes by suggesting that the proposed framework allows for a deeper theorization of the relationship between identity categories and political action, thus shedding light on the conceptual puzzle of what constitutes a diaspora.
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Ong'ayo, Antony Otieno. "Diasporic Civic Agency and Participation: Inclusive Policy-Making and Common Solutions in a Dutch Municipality." Social Inclusion 7, no. 4 (November 28, 2019): 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i4.2379.
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With a growing presence in The Hague municipality, the sub-Sahara African diasporas like other minority groups face challenges related to integration, participation, representation, and social exclusion. The majority still find difficulties with the Dutch language, with access to education, the labour market, and public services. These concerns also inform initiatives by the municipality in search of joint solutions through citizen participation with the African diasporas. Equally, African diasporas engage in formal and informal initiatives targeting decision-maker in The Hague, seeking to reverse their sense of vulnerability and social exclusion in the city. Using data gathered through ethnographic fieldwork in The Hague from 2015 to 2017, this article examines how African diaspora organisations have sought to exercise their civic agency and to influence policy-making to become more inclusive, by proposing common solutions and collective initiatives. The aim is to understand how diaspora collective initiatives are informed by notions of civic agency, and how prospects can be generated for diasporas to secure the ‘right to have rights’ and ensure that the host municipality addresses concerns related to the diasporas’ exclusion. The concept of civic agency is also used to analyse dynamics influencing diasporic activities, the broader context of diaspora engagement, and some likely socio-political outcomes. I argue that collective diasporic initiatives are broadly aimed at ensuring more inclusive policy-making and that solutions are an expression of diasporic people’s collective energy and imagination. These collective initiatives demonstrate the significance of enacted citizenship in challenging broader conditions of social and economic exclusion that the African diasporas face in host municipalities like The Hague.
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Sahoo, Ajaya K., and Anindita Shome. "Diaspora and Transnationalism: the Changing Contours of Ethnonational Identity of Indian Diaspora." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 19, no. 3 (September 8, 2020): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341561.
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Abstract Diasporic communities have historically maintained—either actively or passively—their ethnonational identities, be it in the case of classical diasporas such as the Jews or Armenians or the case of more modern diasporas such as the Indians or other South Asians. However, the ethnonational identities of diasporic communities have strengthened significantly in recent times as a result of the global forces such as the Internet that created and recreated the existing and newer ways of transnationalism and ethnonationalism. The study of the Indian diaspora is inherent because of the fact that these global forces have drastically changed the ethnonational identity of Indians in the diaspora. There are a plethora of factors that played an important role in this process of transformation. This article tries to examine two of the most significant factors that strengthened the ethnonational identity, such as the dynamic changes in the Indian government policy towards diaspora and the role of the Internet that facilitates the youth to play a prominent role in this neo-diaspora.
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Urpekova, Amina. "Building the Bonds: A Comparison of Diaspora Engagement Policies in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan." Turkish Journal of Diaspora Studies 2, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52241/tjds.2022.0034.
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Diaspora are thought to have political, economic, and social potential in both home and host countries. They are a source of economic investments and remittances for home countries, which can account for a significant portion of a country’s GDP in some cases. The diaspora’s expertise, knowledge, and skills can help social and cultural development in the country of origin. To gain access to these economic, social, and political resources, countries of origin develop diaspora engagement policies and incorporate the diaspora into national political discourse. Central Asian countries are developing relationships with diasporas and compatriot communities, as well as implementing state diaspora engagement policies, while taking diaspora capacity and migration outflow into account. However, the historical, political, economic, and social characteristics of the region’s countries have an impact on policy content and implementation. This paper investigates and compares the main characteristics of Central Asian countries’ diaspora policies, as well as seeks to comprehend and reveal the nature of the state governance system’s impact on diaspora relations. Two Central Asian countries, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, have been chosen as case studies to examine with document analysis methodology from 2016 to the present, as this period coincides with policy activation in both countries.
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Dian Effendi, Tonny. "State Identity, Perception to Diaspora, and Diaspora Policies in the Philippines, Vietnam, and Indonesia." UNISCI Journal 20, no. 59 (May 15, 2022): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-143.
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Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have many diasporas, but they implement different diaspora policies. The Philippines and Vietnam implemented dual nationality and established specific institutions for the diaspora. Meanwhile, Indonesia implements a single citizenship policy, and the MOFA established only a particular unit for the diaspora. This study explains those countries’ diaspora policies by analyzing their interpretation of diaspora and the influence of the state identity. By adopting the constructivism theory of International Relations, this study shows that the Philippines includes its diaspora as part of its global nation identity, and Vietnam includes its diaspora as a broader pan-Vietnamese family member. At the same time, Indonesia perceives its diaspora as a partner for development. The home countries’ perception and identity concerning the diaspora affect their interest and diaspora policy. Besides, the institutionalization of diaspora plays a critical role in the diaspora policy process.
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Ho, Elaine L. E., and Fiona McConnell. "Conceptualizing ‘diaspora diplomacy’: Territory and populations betwixt the domestic and foreign." Progress in Human Geography 43, no. 2 (November 5, 2017): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132517740217.
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This article bridges diaspora studies and diplomacy studies by proposing the concept of ‘diaspora diplomacy’, which considers the components of diplomacy and the changing relationships that diasporas have with states and other diplomatic actors. First, we ask who are the key actors engaged in diaspora diplomacy? Second, how is diplomatic work enacted by and through diasporas? Third, what are the geographies of diaspora diplomacy? Diaspora diplomacy directs researchers to reconsider the distinction between domestic and foreign policy, and the territorial dimensions of both diaspora and diplomacy. We engage with assemblage theory, highlighting the polylateral and multi-directional aspects of diaspora diplomacy.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. "Diaspora as a public diplomacy object and subject." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.92-101.
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The article studies diasporas of states that turn into a valid actor in terms of international relations and more of ten become subjects and objects of public diplomacy. Governments of states are trying to adjust efficient communication and cooperation with their diasporas facilitating the institutionalization of their associations through the establishment of government agencies embracing the issues of interaction between the government and diaspora. Diasporas are of a special importance for small countries due to the lack of resources the country might use for carrying out their foreign policy and organizing diplomatic missions. For example, diasporas of Israel, Greece, Armenia etc. in the USA significantly influence the formation of politics of the United States toward their historical motherlands contributing to the development of bilateral relations. The author states that the diaspora studies peaked in the late 1990s, when researchers studied the characteristics of the diaspora as a social entity, and raised the issue of the limits of the diaspora. The Irish, Armenian and Jewish diasporas are classic examples of how the diaspora can represent and promote the interests of its homeland in the American government, while functioning as full-on diplomatic actors in bilateral relations. The paper notes that researchers of the diaspora's role in public diplomacy are paying much attention to China and India, due to their audacious initiatives to institutionalize relations with the diasporas, in order to obtain the potential benefits diasporas can bring for bilateral relations (particularly economic ones) as mediators and catalysts. These initiatives include the establishment of ministries and government agencies to engage and coordinate work with the diasporas. Thus, part of the state apparatus works exclusively with the communities of its country abroad. In China and India, the affairs of diaspora are meddled with on subnational levels with the participation of provincial and local governments. Their diaspora ministries and agencies conduct conferences on diaspora issues within the respective countries and send missions and delegations abroad to organize communication with their diasporas. Diasporas are primarily perceived as a source of information and advice, as well as a means of civic engagement for embassies and ministries/ departments.The author draws the following conclusion: first, today states involve diasporas in fulfillment of their diplomatic targets in terms of public diplomacy to promote national interests and reaching their personal goals; second, the notion of diaspora and diplomacy have been significantly widened lately and third, representatives of different diasporas often address diplomatic practice in official way by appointing honorary consuls or in an unofficial way through the activities of citizens-diplomats.
Keywords: public diplomacy, diaspora, diaspora diplomacy, diaspora associations, receiving state, sending state.
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Shain, Yossi, and Aharon Barth. "Diasporas and International Relations Theory." International Organization 57, no. 3 (2003): 449–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303573015.
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In this article, we incorporate the study of diasporas into international relations (IR) theory by focusing on diasporas as independent actors who actively influence their homeland (kin-state) foreign policies. We argue that diasporic influences can best be understood by situating them in the ‘theoretical space’ shared by constructivism and liberalism; two approaches that acknowledge the impact of identity and domestic politics on international behavior. We also maintain that the exploration of diasporic activities can enrich both constructivism and liberalism. First, diasporas' identity-based motivations should be an integral part of the constructivist effort to explain the formation of national identities. Second, diasporic activities and influences in their homelands expand the meaning of the term ‘domestic politics’ to include not only politics inside the state but also inside the people For the liberal approach, this is a “new fact” in the Lakatosian sense of the word. We theorize that the extent of diasporic influence on homeland foreign policy is determined by three components that make up the ‘balance of power’ between homelands and diasporas. We then test this theory by delving into the interaction between the newly established state of Armenia and its powerful diaspora, and by comparing this case with examples taken from the relations between Israel and diaspora Jews.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Diaspora policy"
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Kim, Ji Eun. "A Study of North Korea's policy on Korean diaspora." [Seoul] : Dept. of North Korean Studies, Graduate School, Korea University, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0804/2008405798.html.
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Garcia-Acevedo, Maria Rosa. "Contemporary Mexico's policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282198.
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Mexico's outreach policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States is an innovative aspect of its contemporary foreign policy. This dissertation focuses upon this theme. The literature on policy design provides a set of concepts that permit certain conclusions regarding the blueprint of the policy design. Various studies on Chicano-Mexico relations and Mexico's foreign policy provide specific propositions that serve as guidelines in the examination of three case-studies. Both primary and secondary sources are used in this study, including governmental reports and documents, speeches and other written statements. Important pieces of information are obtained by elite interviewing of high-ranking Mexican officials, Mexican and Chicano scholars and certain Chicano political leaders. This study is divided into eight parts. After the List of Tables and Introduction of the subject matter, Chapter 2 reviews various bodies of literature that shed light on the contemporary links between the Mexican government and the Mexican diaspora in the United States. Chapter 3 provides an overview of the antecedents of the Mexican outreach policy prior to the late-1980s. Chapter 4 examines the educations and cultural ties that the Mexican government sponsored vis-a-vis the Chicano community. Chapter 5 focuses on immigration issues, especially on the links between the Mexican government and Chicanos with reference to Proposition 187. Chapter 6 discusses the business links toward Chicanos in the framework of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Chapter 7 compares and contrast in detail the three case-studies examined. Reference is made to the major characteristics of the policy content, including: the multiple number of goals enunciated, the web of governmental agencies involved in outreach programs, the specific segments of the Mexican diaspora that were selected, and the wide array of tools employed by the Mexican government to pursue its goals. As a concluding note, Chapter 8 critically underscores the impact of the evolution of Chicano politics, the transformations of Mexico's domestic policy and the changes of U.S.-Mexican relations in the design of Mexico's outreach policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States. Lastly, included is a list of references used in this study.
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Aydogan, Fatih. "The Influence of The Armenian Diaspora on The American Foreign Policy." Scholar Commons, 2018. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7469.
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After the weakening of Turkish-Armenian relations and intensive American missionary activities, Armenians began to leave their homelands for educational, economic and political reasons. Emigration to the United States intensified in particular in response to the 1915 Techir (Relocation and Resettlement) Law. After achieving political rights in the United States, Armenian immigrants formed groups that began trying to influence U.S. government policy, working to win recognition of the alleged Armenian Genocide, financial assistance for Armenia, and other policies favorable to Armenia. The process that began resolution the alleged Armenia Genocide was removed from the historical dimension and moved to the political dimension and an international policy instrument was created.
In the United States, the Armenian Diaspora strives to influence government policy systematically through diaspora organizations that carefully follow the international scene and advocate for United States foreign policies in favor of Armenia. In this study, the ultimate aims of the Armenia Diaspora over American politics and policy-making, and the activities of the Armenian Lobby will be examined.
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Thibos, Cameron Alexander. "Competitive identity formation in the Turkish diaspora." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:70ac978c-75f4-4574-b7a6-1e0fce4a2e84.
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This thesis examines the politics of narrative control, and how it relates to the formation of diasporic consciousness among Turkish migrants in the United States. It asks how Turkish diasporic identity is formed and shaped by discourses that frame Turks, and that interrogate who or what a ‘Turk’ is? This thesis suggests that this process of continual construction and re-construction of diasporic consciousness should be investigated as a matter of competitive identity formation, meaning that there is competition between multiple actors to impose a definition or label on a diasporic group and to achieve broad-based support for that label or definition. This also implies the attribution of specific values, ideas, and political agendas to that group. The thesis examines the roots, motivations and activities of Turkish American activists in Washington DC. Based on an analysis of their political orientations and internal fissures, it focuses on the current political debate over official recognition of the deportations and massacres of Armenians by Ottoman forces as a genocide. It argues that Turkish American activists have coalesced on the defensive around this issue, framing it as a matter critical to the identity of Turks. Their manifold activities to prevent the further institutionalisation of the ‘genocide’ label in American political discourse do not, however, always resonate with the passive majority of Turkish Americans.
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Weinstein, Flore Saint Louis. "Women's Empowerment as a Policy for Poverty Reduction in Haiti." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7092.
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Women represent more than 50% of the population of Haiti and embody the poorest group due to their lack of socioeconomic development. Numerous nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) including diaspora NGOs (DINGOs) have engaged in the fight to reduce poverty in Haiti by enabling empowerment programs to help women become self-reliant. The programs appear to be ineffective because the level of poverty remains high and there has been little research on the relative effectiveness and sustainability of the programs implemented by the DINGOs. Using the feminist theories of DeBeauvoir and Friedan in conjunction with the empowerment theory of AlMaseb and Julia as the foundation, the purpose of this research was to assess the role of DINGOs in empowering Haitian women and to determine the effectiveness and sustainability of their programs. Research questions focused on the perception of participants of the notion of empowerment and strategies implemented by DINGOs. Data were collected from a purposive sample of 17 participants utilizing e-mail interviews. Interview data were coded using Rubin and Rubin's seven steps for analysis of responsive interviews. Findings indicated that (a) all participants shared similar views that the empowerment of Haitian women is a winning strategy for poverty reduction; (b) Participants believe that DINGOs' programs are effective, but they lack government involvement, partnerships with larger NGOs, and necessary resources to remain sustainable. Implications for social change include using the findings to inform policy creation and implementation of more women-friendly empowerment strategies capable of reducing the level of poverty in Haiti. Policy makers, the country, and Haitian women would benefit from the reduced poverty.
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Asana, Lydia. "Inclusion of the African Diaspora in Florida Nonprofit Organizations." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4905.
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Social and economic challenges in one part of the world influence budgets, security, health, and well being of populations globally as was the case with the 2014 Ebola outbreak. Deficits in healthcare, education, governance, and the economy in African nations result in financial and social contributions from the diaspora residing in the United States. Many African-born immigrants to Florida came with useful knowledge and experience from their home nations that could be a valuable resource in carrying out effective development initiatives. However, accessing that knowledge is challenging. The purpose of this research was to explore the inclusion of members of the African diaspora community in Florida nonprofit development initiatives. The transnational theory of migration underpinned the following research question: What are barriers to, and opportunities for, including members of the African diaspora in Florida-based NPOs that carry out development programs in Africa? Semistructured interviews were conducted with Florida nonprofit leaders (N= 21) who have development projects in Africa. Manual and computer assisted methods using NVivo 11 were used to develop codes and themes for data analysis. Identified barriers to including African diaspora in NPOs included lack of established networks and organizational awareness as well as limited service areas, service locations, funding, and leadership roles. All respondents expressed interest in engaging with diaspora members and other nonprofit leaders via expat networks. Successful engagement with the African diaspora community could promote positive social change by improving program delivery, communication, and programmatic outcomes for a mutual impact in both African and Florida-based communities.
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Elnaggar, Sameh hasan. "Egyptian Diaspora Explains the Meaning of its Political Engagement in Washington, DC." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7636.
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Available literature showed that the Egyptian diaspora (e.g., emigrants who share a common situations and work for the same cause) has been developing and engaging politically in the United States during the 2011 Egyptian revolution. The diasporas’ role was of interest to researchers and policymakers; however, the literature concerning diasporas has underexamined the Egyptian diaspora regarding its proliferation and active political engagement. Using the conflict and climate theories of Truman, and Cigler and Loomis in conjunction with the political engagement factors theory of Jang as the theoretical foundation of the study, the purpose was to explore how members of the diaspora explain and perceive their political engagement in Washington, DC. In this qualitative study, the key characteristics of diaspora and political and social factors of home and host countries that enable and inhibit that engagement regarding particular issues were addressed through 16 in-depth, face-to-face interviews with Egyptian-Americans. Maxwell and Miller’s doubled-strategy and Yin’s case study steps approach were used for analysis. The findings indicated that the engagement of the diaspora except Coptic and some Islamic groups are passive most of the time because of the political home culture; despite that fact, the diaspora became active for a short time because of the Egyptian revolution. Future research should exam those aspects to better understand the mechanism of building an Egyptian lobby to work continuously and effectively on Egyptian interests in the United States. The diaspora and policymakers may use the study results to help improve the role of this diaspora to impose positive social changes in Egypt and the future political engagement of Egyptian younger generations.
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Hannum, Kathryn Laura. "DIASPORA ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN GALICIA, SPAIN AND BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA: AIMS AND BENEFITS OF A TRANSLATIONAL COALITION." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1594393030662703.
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Merie, Kassaw Tafere. "Perceptions of Ethnic Federalism and the Ethiopian Diaspora Community in the US." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4235.
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Diaspora communities are becoming an essential part of socioeconomic and political developments of their homeland countries. The problem addressed by this study is that after ethnic federalism was implemented in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian diaspora in the US is divided along ethnic lines, causing human resource management and law enforcement challenges within the communities in the host country. The purpose of this study was to describe the impacts of Ethiopia's ethnic-based federalism on its diaspora residing in a US metropolitan area. The theoretical framework was based on Teshome and ZáhoÅ?Ãk's theory of ethnic federalism and Safran's theory of diaspora. The key research question examined how ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia affects perceptions of members of the Ethiopian diaspora in the US. This qualitative ethnographic study included interviews with 15 members of the Ethiopian diaspora community residing in the Washington, DC metro area. The data were thematically coded and analyzed with the help of qualitative data analysis software. Findings revealed that the Ethiopian diaspora in the US is constantly involving in its homeland affairs, although in a fragmented and dis-unified manner. Ethnic-based federalism is not only divisive but also serving as the main source for ethnic bias among the Ethiopian diaspora. Ethnic resentment has surfaced and created a we versus them mentality in every aspect of diaspora's life activities. Recommendations include the Ethiopian government establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and identifying a better form of federalism for the country. The implications for positive social change include integrating voices of the Ethiopian diaspora community in the policy making processes of the home and host governments.
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Leggio, Daniele Viktor. "Lace avilen ko radio : Romani language and identity on the Internet." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/lace-avilen-ko-radio-romani-language-and-identity-on-the-internet(c7630912-9b8e-42f5-9017-b1f0898fc2c6).html.
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The fall of the Eastern Block, the dissolution of former Yugoslavia and the subsequent enlargement of the European Union to include former socialist countries contributed to an increase in the movement of people from Eastern to Western Europe which began about a decade earlier. Among them, the Roma are probably the most clearly recognizable group and surely the ones that received, and keep receiving, more media attention. While their presence in the media as subjects of discussion is a topic worth analyzing, the present work is about their presence in a particular medium, the Internet, as actors and producers of content. As a population of Indian origin spread across Europe over the past five centuries, Roma have often been regarded as a diaspora. Ethnographic studies about diasporas and their usage of the Internet have often described diasporic websites as discoursive spaces in which new, hydrid identities are negotiated and stereotyping and marginalizing discourses about diasporic subjects are challenged. The role of languages in these websites, however, has often been neglected. On the other hand, sociolinguistic studies have highlighted how the Internet provides a space for vernacular language usage in which the relaxation of language norms and users’ creativity play a crucial role in overcoming the limitations in text transmission imposed by the medium. A partial bridge between these two trends of studies has been provided by the analysis of code-switching in diasporic websites, which has shown how meaningful language alternation is used to flag users’ hybrid identities. The study of the relationship between diasporic languages and identities on the Internet clearly appears to be in its infancy and only few case studies have looked at the interactions between each diaspora’s specific cultural and sociolinguistic settings and the usage of the Internet. Furthermore, many diasporas, including the Roma, speak unwritten languages which have not been or are just starting to be standardized. Processes of language standardization have always involved both identity and language policies and have often been pivotal in struggles for nationhood or minority rights recognition. While so far such processes tended to be mostly centralized and top-down, the Internet is offering a space for the spontaneous transition from orality to literacy. Thus, analyzing the interaction between diasporic, non-standardized languages and the identities of their speakers as manifested on the Internet can provide new insights into the relations between diasporic languages and identities and into language standardization processes. The present work investigates these issues by analyzing the on-line usage of Romani, the Indic language spoken by many Roma. The study draws on data collected through an online ethnography from Radio Romani Mahala, a website created and used by the recently dispersed community of the Mitrovica Roma. The data are analyzed both qualitatively, using discourse analytic methods, and quantitatively, using traditional sociolinguistic approaches. Combining such approaches allows drawing a nuanced picture of the phenomena under observation accounting both for micro level, individual patterns of usage and macro level trends shared by all users involved. Particular attention is also paid to the emerging Romani spelling and the role played by individual users in the establishment of shared writing norms. The interdisciplinarity of this approach will show how the interplay between diasporic identities and attitudes, non-standard language ideologies and the possibilities offered by the Internet is leading to effective language codification without the intervention of a central authority and outside the frame of any nation-state policy. Such findings call for a re-thinking of current notions on linguistic human rights. Based on the viability of the Romani model, I thus propose a theory of linguistic pluralism in trans-national contexts centred around the notion of cosmopolitan sociabilities, non-utilitarian, everyday interactions creating open and inclusive relations across and even despite perceived cultural divides.
Books on the topic "Diaspora policy"
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Rwanda. Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, ed. The Rwanda diaspora policy. Kigali: Republic of Rwanda, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, 2009.
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Hugo, Graeme. Australia's diaspora: Its size, nature and policy implications. [Melbourne, Vic.]: Committee for Economic Development of Australia, 2003.
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Cuyler, Antonio C., ed. Arts Management, Cultural Policy, & the African Diaspora. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85810-0.
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A Study of North Korea's policy on Korean diaspora. [Seoul]: Dept. of North Korean Studies, Graduate School, Korea University, 2006.
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Harel, Shay. An analysis of immigration policy: The Israel-diaspora case. [Tel Aviv]: David Horowitz Institute for the Research of Developing Countries, Tel Aviv University, 1989.
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Fullilove, Michael. Diaspora: The world wide web of Australians. Double Bay, N.S.W: Longueville Media, 2004.
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Investment tool kit for global Indians: Connecting India to the diaspora. New Delhi: Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre, 2010.
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Center, Overseas Indian Facilitation. Investment tool kit for global Indians: Connecting India to the diaspora. New Delhi: Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre, 2010.
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Pakhlʹovsʹka, O. I︠E︡ I︠A︡. Binom "Ukraïna -- diaspora" sʹohodni: Kryza i prspektyva. Kyïv: Vydavnychyĭ dim "KM Akademii︠a︡", 2002.
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Offices, APJ-SLG Law. Invest in India: Investment tool kit for global Indians : connecting India to the diaspora. New Delhi: Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Diaspora policy"
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Phillips, Melissa. "Diaspora Policy: A Missing Plank in Australia’s Multicultural Policy Portfolio." In Understanding Diaspora Development, 207–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97866-2_10.
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Park, Jeongwon B. "Diaspora, National Identity, and Reciprocal Prosperity." In Identity, Policy, and Prosperity, 23–52. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4849-4_2.
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Tiwari, Smita. "Diaspora Engagement Policy in South Asia." In Diaspora Engagement and Development in South Asia, 212–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137334459_12.
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Verma, SaunJuhi. "Labour policy and global indian diaspora." In Routledge Handbook of the Indian Diaspora, 77–89. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315672571-7.
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Kuschminder, Katie, and Melissa Siegel. "Diaspora Engagement and Policy in Ethiopia." In Emigration Nations, 50–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137277107_3.
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Nijenhuis, Gery. "A roller coaster of policy shifts." In Diaspora Organizations in International Affairs, 85–104. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Global institutions: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429491849-5.
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Aspinall, Peter J., and Martha J. Chinouya. "Implications for Policy and Practice." In The African Diaspora Population in Britain, 221–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45654-0_10.
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Durutalo, Alumita L. "Pacific Islands Diaspora Groups and Foreign Policy." In Public Participation in Foreign Policy, 213–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230367180_10.
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Ndhlovu, Finex. "Language and Identity in Australian Immigration Policy." In Becoming an African Diaspora in Australia, 36–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137414328_2.
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Bahçecik, Şerif Onur. "Constructing Liberal Subjects? Turkey’s New Diaspora Strategy." In A Transnational Account of Turkish Foreign Policy, 175–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42897-6_8.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Diaspora policy"
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Омельченко, Е. А. "Problems of Supporting Identity among Russian-Speaking Emigrants in the Educational Environment of Russian Schools Abroad." In Современное образование: векторы развития. Роль социально-гуманитарного знания в подготовке педагога: материалы V международной конференции (г. Москва, МПГУ, 27 апреля – 25 мая 2020 г.). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37492/etno.2020.51.79.058.
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вопросы развития «европейской идентичности» русскоязычных эмигрантов, проживающих в Европе, рассматриваются в контексте русскоязычного образования за рубежом. Культурный концепт европейской идентичности все более размывается и становится неприемлемым в реальной интеграционной политике, особенно в связи с событиями в Европе последних двух лет. Автор исследует процессы, происходящие внутри многочисленной русскоязычной диаспоры, прежде всего, в той ее части, которая состоит из эмигрантов с постсоветского пространства, выехавших на постоянное проживание в Европу после распада Советского Союза, в 1990–2000-е гг. В последнее десятилетие в европейских государствах фиксируется рост числа образовательных организаций с обучением на русском языке и преподаванием русского языка. Длительные наблюдения автора за деятельностью этих образовательных организаций убеждают в том, что они выполняют запрос семей русскоязычной диаспоры в связи с двумя реализуемыми адаптационными стратегиями. Первая родительская стратегия вызвана желанием сделать интеграцию своих детей в принимающее инокультурное общество психологически комфортным процессом, без разрыва с родным языком и культурой. Для другой части родителей характерна вторая адаптационная стратегия: они «прячутся» в пространстве своего языка и культуры, поскольку не готовы к быстрой социально-культурной и психологической адаптации в принимающее общество. Автор статьи делает вывод, что в европейских странах в основе развития образования на русском языке лежит не только решение задачи сохранения и поддержки родного языка и культуры. Создающиеся русские школы также способствуют сохранению ценностного «русского» взгляда на образование, его содержание и цели. Можно предположить, что в какой-то степени эти процессы помогают эмигрантам из России и вообще постсоветского пространства позиционировать свое отличие от других жителей Европы и конструировать особую идентичность, которую можно условно именовать «русскоязычные европейцы». the development of the “Russian identity” of Russian-speaking emigrants living in Europe is researched in the context of the processes in the sphere of Russian-language education abroad. We note that the cultural concept of European identity is becoming indistinct and unacceptable within the real integration policy, especially in connection with the events happening in Europe during the latest two years. That is why the author of the article is interested in the processes occurring inside the Russian-speaking diaspora, especially among those post-Soviet emigrants who left for Europe in the 1990–2000, after the destruction of the Soviet Union. During the latest seven – twelve years there can be fixed the growth of the number of educational organizations in European countries that teach Russian and in Russian. Long-term observation of their activities convinces the author that such schools and kindergartens satisfy the query of the families of Russian-speaking diaspora following two adaptation strategies. The first strategy that some parents follow is inspired by the wish to make integration of their children into the accepting foreign-culture society a psychologically comfortable process, without the break with mother language and culture. Other parents follow the other adaptation strategy and “hide” in the environment of their mother language and culture because they are not ready to be socially, culturally, and psychologically adapted to the accepting society. The basis of the development of Russian-language education in European countries is not only the aspiration to save and support mother language and culture. Russian schools also help to conserve the valuable “Russian” outlook on education, its content, and its aims. We can suppose that to some extent these processes help emigrants from Russia and post-Soviet countries to position their distinction from other people living in Europe, to construct their own identity that can be named, for example, “Russian-Speaking Europeans”.
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Мадей, А. "POLISH DIASPORA IN THE RSFSR IN 1924–1939." In Slavic ethnic groups, languages and cultures in the modern world. Baskir State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33184/seyaikvsm-2021-09-23.4.
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Bedaev, Aleksandr, Elena Mikhailova, and Valentina Tikhonova. "Russian diasporas of the Caspian region countries in the implementation of the "Russian world" project." In "The Caspian in the Digital Age" within the framework of the International Scientific Forum "Caspian 2021: Ways of Sustainable Development". Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.rsfe5616.
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A number of state and public organizations take part in pursuing cultural policy and protection of rights of compatriots in the countries of the Caspian region. Russian-speaking communities abroad are regarded as components of " the Russian World" - a civilizational community that unites them around Russia as a historical and cultural centre. The preservation of the Russian language in the post-Soviet states is focused on the studying of the language by the titular peoples of sovereign states as the language of interstate communication with Russia and to ensure favourable conditions for labour migration to Russia. In the Caspian states the status of the Russian-speaking community is constantly declining and decreasing, as well as its cultural role in the life of the independent national states. In a long run, this reduces the base of the functioning of the Russian language in the Caspian countries. The Russian World state project is officially presented as a project on preserving the Russian language in the countries where Russian communities exist. At the same time the analysis of documents and information portals, related to the Russian World program, demonstrates that the policy of the Russian Federation focused on the repatriation of ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking people to Russia lines up with their migration activity.
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حسين عبد الجبوري, احمد. "Forced displacement from the outskirts of Kirkuk in 2014 challenges and hopes for return." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/9.
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"Introduction: Military and political crises and conflicts have been part of the reality of many countries of the world, which are witnessing political, economic, social, intellectual, cultural and sectarian changes that have made violence and terrorism an essential material for expressing the content of the conflict and its extensions, then turning to other societies. In mid-2014, Iraq was subjected to a fierce attack by the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) on the governorates of Mosul, Kirkuk, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Anbar, which led to the occupation of some of them by the organization's forces, and thus led to the forced migration of hundreds of thousands of people to the safe provinces. Stable, the extension of this crisis and its various effects made it a strategic challenge for Iraq that requires exceptional national efforts to achieve stability and ensure the return of the displaced to their areas of residence within a legal framework of a humanitarian nature. The problem of the study: The problem of the research lies in answering several questions that were raised in the study, which are what are the reasons that led to this forced migration and mass displacement, and what are the challenges facing the displaced and displaced in Kirkuk, and how to coexist amid the charged atmosphere in the city of Kirkuk, which is threatened by invasion from Before the forces of the organization, and how to reach solutions that satisfy all parties and end this crisis and ensure the dignified return of the displaced families to their homes after the liberation of the region and the restoration of security to it. Study hypothesis: The hypothesis that the researcher starts from in order to answer the questions raised by the problematic, confirmed or denied by the data of the study. Therefore, the absence of a unified national strategy that addresses the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement in Iraq in general and in Kirkuk in particular and responds to the requirements of their relief and return to their areas would reduce the The quality of the humanitarian response policy and achieve social justice befitting the life of the Iraqi citizen. The importance of the study: The importance of this research comes since the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement began in mid-2014, after ISIS took control of the northern and central regions of Iraq, the humanitarian emergency in Iraq became more severe, according to United Nations estimates, as the number of displaced people in Iraq exceeded Nearly three million displaced people, while more than eight million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and with the lack of funding by the United Nations, and the presence of the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government also under economic pressure as a result of the war on ISIS, the protection of human rights and the provision of assistance are at risk Also at great risk. Objectives of the study: 1- Getting to know the international evidence for the displaced. 2- The impact of the characteristics of the displaced in Kirkuk and the effects of the crisis. 3- Knowing the national efforts to curb the effects of the crisis. 4- Defining the general framework for the sustainable solutions required to ensure the success of return or resettlement cases. Study methodology: The study adopted the analytical method of an inductive nature based on reality, as a method in proving the hypothesis in order to reach the research objectives. Structure of the study: The study was divided into two sections. The first section included the challenges facing the displaced in Kirkuk, which included three main axes: first the political and security challenges, secondly the economic challenges, and thirdly the social challenges. The second topic dealt with the procedures used to deal with the crisis, which was divided into the situation The government from the crisis, the position of local associations and international organizations from the crisis, and finally the proposed solutions to end the crisis of forced displacement and displacement in Iraq in general and Kirkuk in particular. Results of the study: The study reached several results, including 1- The relief programs and the humanitarian response policy were unable to mitigate the economic, social and psychological impact of the displaced, which deepened the severity of the crisis and its repercussions. 2- Doubling the national and international effort is a necessity to limit the spillover effects of the crisis, provided that these efforts are linked and encapsulated by legal frameworks. 3- Returning to the liberated areas is among the most sustainable solutions. Therefore, the return of the displaced must be accompanied by achieving stability, providing services and security. Sources study: The sources of the study varied from the reports of the High Commission for Human Rights in Iraq, UNICEF, Amnesty International of the United Nations, and the reports of the International Organization for Migration and other organizations that used to issue their periodic reports and in numbers on the tragic conditions experienced by the Iraqi diaspora, including the book The Displacement Crisis in Safe Iraq. And protection issued by the Cisfire Center for Civilian Rights in London, the national report on human development in Iraq, the reports of the World Food Program, and other sources in the course of the study. "
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Riera Retamero, Marina. "Touki Bouki: (des)encuadres políticos de la diáspora estética." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10292.
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La presente comunicación propone un acercamiento al filme Touki Bouki (1973) del director senegalés Djibril Diop Mambety, utilizando las siguientes figuras sensibles de la filosofía de Jacques Rancière como prisma epistémico: la fiction documentaire (Rancière, 2001); le régimen esthétique de l’art (Ibíd., 2011); la police, la politique et le politique (Ibíd., 2003). Así, esta investigación se propone explorar las temporalidades de una ficción documental (Rancière, 2001), que resalta una ambivalencia contrariada entre; por un lado, imágenes representacionales de un contexto post-Independencia o postcolonial (Césaire, 1950) en la ciudad de Dakar (Senegal); y por otro, la proclamación de una traslación de los espacios de la diáspora (Lao-Montes, 2007) hacia una «diaspora estética» (Peffer, 2013); a través de una puesta en escena que reensambla los recursos tácitos propios de las Nouvelle Vague con un dispositivo político y social de visibilidad (Rancière, 2001) que se sabe capaz de suspender la lógica historiográfica de la subalternidad colonial (Spivak, 1985). Asimismo, pensar el filme como una propuesta de desplazamiento hacia los márgenes «pasivos» del activismo político (Rancière, 2010). Un desplazamiento hacia prácticas no-discursivas, sino estéticas. Ya no son las imágenes documentales que pretenden dotar de «mayor realidad» (Sontag, 2003) a una situación determinada, propias de la militancia del Tercer Cine (Getino & Solanas, 1969); sino, por el contrario, la correspondencia entre formas de identificación estéticas capaces de desactivar los dispositivos policiales (Rancière, 2003) y coloniales de las retóricas amo-esclavo (Han, 2005) / opresor-oprimido (Freire, 1968). Aquí, una consecución visual que oscila entre la acción política determinante y verosímil; y la vida sin razón, propia del arte estético (Rancière, 2001), que identifica formas emancipatorias basadas en la libertad del “no saber” (Mambety, 1999).
Reports on the topic "Diaspora policy"
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Margheritis, Ana, and Luicy Pedroza. Is there "Latin American" approach to migration governance? Fundación Carolina, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_16en.2022.
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Innovative migration governance mechanisms have been rapidly evolving in Latin America in the last two decades. More recently, new policies have emerged to address both longstanding and unexpected pressing issues, such as the vast and sudden flows from Venezuela and Central America. Focusing on two main sub-regions (Central and South America) and five main areas of state involvement (irregular immigration, border control, diaspora engagement policies, multilateral management of intra-regional mobility, and forced migration), we revisit the argument that a distinctive Latin American approach emerged at the turn of the century. We document growing policy divergence across countries and subregions, which is rendering the region increasingly in line with global trends.
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
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Bohuslavskyj, Oleh. UKRAINIAN-CANADIAN NEWSPAPER “NEW PATHWAY”: WINNIPEG PERIOD (1941-1977). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11391.
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The subject of the study is the ideological, financial, economic and socio-social conditions of the publishing house and the editorial board of the magazine “New Pathway” Winnipeg period 1941-1977. The main objectives is to determine the peculiarities of the conditions of publishing a Ukrainian magazine in exile, which provides for the systematization and introduction into scientific circulation of factual material on creative and material activities of the “New Pathway” and socio-political environment that influenced the information and ideological and business policy of the publication. The basis of the research methodology is axiological, cultural, systemic approaches; methods of historicism, analysis, synthesis, generalization were used. The study provides not only a description of the historical path of the publication in this period, but also the reasons for miscalculations and successes, both financial and economic and socio-political, which allowed not only to stay in the information field and market for more than ninety years, technical circumstances of its existence, the political struggle in the new wave of emigration after World War II, changes in demographic and linguistic situation among the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada. The reasons for the situational increase and decrease in the activity of the publication’s subscribers were identified; the mechanisms of expanding the readership, attracting new readers and authors are analyzed; confirmed that the efforts of editors and directors of the publishing house at the initial stage of the Winnipeg period created and strengthened the material and technical base of the publishing house, conducted advertising campaigns and direct work to attract new subscribers and readers; The significance of the study is that for the first time in Ukraine the information about the Winnipeg period of the Ukrainian-Canadian weekly “New Pathway”, its financial and financial problems and creative and editorial successes was analyzed and summarized, thus filling another page in the history of Ukrainian diaspora periodicals.
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. UKRAINIAN CHILDREN’S MAGAZINE ON EMIGRATION AS A SPECIFIC TYPE OF PUBLICATION (ON THE MATERIALS OF THE LONDON MONTHLY “YOUNG FRIENDS”). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11394.
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For the first time, one of the popular children’s magazines of the Western Ukrainian Diaspora “Young Friends” became the subject of research. Founded in March 1955, it ceased to exist in 1984. There is no complete filing of this newspaper in any book collection of Ukraine, it has not been digitized yet, the editorial office did not have a site. For this reason, the author conducted a study of this journal in the library-archive of the Union of Ukrainians in Great Britain (UUB) in London. The peculiarities of journal formation and the specifics of the editorial policy are clarified. The experience of publishing a Ukrainian children’s magazine abroad for a long time (in color and on chalk paper) without any financial support from the state, but only by public money, is quite instructive for the current situation in Ukraine when children’s periodicals have almost disappeared from the national information space due to indifferent contemplation of the state.
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Bandula-Irwin, Tanya, Max Gallien, Ashley Jackson, Vanessa van den Boogaard, and Florian Weigand. Beyond Greed: Why Armed Groups Tax. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.021.
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Armed groups tax. Journalistic accounts often include a tone of surprise about this fact, while policy reports tend to strike a tone of alarm, highlighting the link between armed group taxation and ongoing conflict. Policymakers often focus on targeting the mechanisms of armed group taxation as part of their conflict strategy, often described as ‘following the money’. We argue that what is instead needed is a deeper understanding of the nuanced realities of armed group taxation, the motivations behind it, and the implications it has for an armed group’s relationship with civilian and diaspora populations, as well as the broader international community. This paper builds on two distinct literatures, on armed groups and on taxation, to provide the first systematic exploration into the motivation of armed group taxation. Based on a review of the diverse practices of how armed groups tax, we highlight that a full account of their motivation needs to go beyond revenue collection, and engage with key themes around legitimacy, population control, institution building, and the performance of public authority. We problematise common approaches towards armed group taxation and state-building, and outline key questions of a new research agenda.
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Zhytaryuk, Maryan. UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM IN GREAT BRITAIN. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11115.
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Professor M. Zhytaryuk’s review is about a book scientific novelty – a monograph by Professor M. Tymoshyk «Ukrainian journalism in the diaspora: Great Britain. Monograph. K.: Our culture and science, 2020. 500 p. – il., Them. pok., resume English, German, Polish.». Well-known scientist and journalism critic, Professor M. S. Tymoshyk, wrote a thorough work, which, in terms of content, is a combination of a monograph, a textbook and a scientific essay. This book can be useful for both students and practicing journalists or anyone interested in the history of the Ukrainian diaspora, Ukrainian journalism and Ukrainian culture. The author dedicated his work to Stepan Yarmus from Winnipeg, Canada – archpriest, journalist, editor, professor. As the epigraph to the book were taken the words of Ivan Bagryany: «Our press, born under the sword of Damocles of repatriation», not only survived and survived to this day, but also showed a brilliant ability to grow and develop. It was shown that beggars that had come to the West without money at heart can and know how to act so organized. It was also an example of how a modern «enbolshevist» and «denationalized» by the occupier man person is capable of a combined mass action».
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Mazurkiewicz, Marek. ECMI Minorities Blog. German minority as hostage and victim of populist politics in Poland. European Centre for Minority Issues, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/fhta5489.
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On 4 February 2022, the Polish Journal of Laws published a new ordinance of the Minister of Education and Science, implementing cuts in the funding of education of German as a minority language. Consequently, the hourly length of such lessons will be significantly reduced. This regulation applies exclusively to the German minority, and the official motive for introducing discriminatory measures is to improve the situation of Polish diaspora in Germany. This is the first time after 1989 when the Polish state authorities introduce a law limiting the rights of Poland’s citizens belonging to a national minority (in this situation children), as a retaliation for the alleged situation of a kin-community elsewhere. Importantly, the adopted regulations are not only discriminatory towards one of the minorities; their implementation may in fact contribute to the dysfunctionality of the entire minority education system in Poland. This is also an obvious violation of the constitutional principle of equality before the law, the right of minorities to ‘maintain and develop their own language’, international standards of minority rights protection, as well as a threat to the very functioning of human rights protection mechanisms in the country.