Relevant bibliographies by topics / Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Elections

Academic literature on the topic 'Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Elections'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Elections"

1

Gede Nofantara Putra, I Gusti Bagus Suryawan, and Ida Ayu Putu Widiati. "Hak Mantan Narapidana Korupsi sebagai Calon Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah dalam Pemilihan Umum." Jurnal Interpretasi Hukum 2, no. 2 (June 24, 2021): 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/juinhum.2.2.3477.447-451.

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Indonesia is a constitutional democracy which in a democratic country, general elections including regional head elections (Pemilukada) are a way of being a form of people's sovereignty in playing an active role in state administration. The existence of post-conflict local elections is held at all types of political levels either in a democratic, authoritarian or totalitarian system and is recognized by States adhering to the principle of people's sovereignty. As for the formulation of the problem of this scientific paper, namely (1) How are the requirements for the nomination of members of the People's Representative Council and Regional People's Representative Council members in the election (general election)? (2) What are the implications of corruption convicts running for members of the people's representative council and regional people's representative council? This research uses normative legal research methods, statutory and conceptual approaches, primary and secondary legal sources, document studies and literature studies, and analysis of legal interpretations and descriptive analysis. On human rights, a person who has served a sentence as a prisoner has the same rights as other citizens and because the prisoner has already served the consequences of his actions with a sentence.
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2

Laksono, Fajar, and Oly Viana Agustine. "Election Design Following Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013." Constitutional Review 2, no. 2 (February 6, 2017): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev223.

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The major implication from Constitutional Court Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 is that the Constitution promotes fundamental changes to the design of the general election regarding both process and substance. Therefore, in order to uphold the Constitution, efforts are required to reconstruct the design of the general election, particularly so that elections are conducted in accordance with Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 as a representation of the spirit and the will of the 1945 Constitution. Essentially, the current norm regarding the implementation of general elections following the election of members of the representative institution is not consistent with the stipulations in Article 22E Paragraph (1) and Paragraph (2) and Article 1 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. Constitutional Court Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 aims to realign the implementation of the elections with the intentions of the 1945 Constitution. Through implementation of the original intent method and systematic interpretation, the Constitutional Court offered its interpretation that the framers of the amended Constitution intended that general elections have five ballot boxes, with the first for the People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR), the second for the Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, DPD), the third for the president and vice president, the fourth for the Regional People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD) at the provincial level and the fifth for the DPRD at the regency level. Thus, it can be concluded that the presidential elections should be conducted simultaneously with elections of members of the representative bodies. Through this decision, the Constitutional Court revoked the prevailing norm, such that Presidential Elections and Elections of members of representative bodies were no longer valid because they violated the 1945 Constitution. The Constitutional Court introduced a new legal condition that obligated General Elections to be held simultaneously.
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Hasmin, Mohammad Yusuf. "KUALITAS KETERWAKILAN RAKYAT MELALUI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT MENURUT SISTEM POLITIK DI INDONESIA." Al-Ishlah : Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum 20, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33096/aijih.v19i2.7.

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Representation of the people through the Parliament is not yet fully qualified, due to the influence of the party's board members is more dominant than the existence as the people's representatives who are directly elected by the people. Political system adopted can not fully realize the representation of the people who correspond the expectations of society, although it has been supported by a system of democratic elections based on the sovereignty of the people. Abstrak Representasi rakyat melalui DPR belum sepenuhnya memenuhi syarat, karena pengaruh anggota dewan partai lebih dominan daripada keberadaannya sebagai wakil rakyat yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat. Sistem politik yang diadopsi tidak dapat sepenuhnya mewujudkan representasi rakyat yang sesuai dengan harapan masyarakat, walaupun telah didukung oleh sistem pemilihan demokratis berdasarkan kedaulatan rakyat.
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Hasmin, Mohammad Yusuf. "KUALITAS KETERWAKILAN RAKYAT MELALUI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT MENURUT SISTEM POLITIK DI INDONESIA." Al-Ishlah : Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum 20, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33096/aijih.v20i2.7.

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Representation of the people through the Parliament is not yet fully qualified, due to the influence of the party's board members is more dominant than the existence as the people's representatives who are directly elected by the people. Political system adopted can not fully realize the representation of the people who correspond the expectations of society, although it has been supported by a system of democratic elections based on the sovereignty of the people. Abstrak Representasi rakyat melalui DPR belum sepenuhnya memenuhi syarat, karena pengaruh anggota dewan partai lebih dominan daripada keberadaannya sebagai wakil rakyat yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat. Sistem politik yang diadopsi tidak dapat sepenuhnya mewujudkan representasi rakyat yang sesuai dengan harapan masyarakat, walaupun telah didukung oleh sistem pemilihan demokratis berdasarkan kedaulatan rakyat.
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5

Surya Dharma, Melia, Syamsir Syamsir, and Bustanuddin Bustanuddin. "ANALISIS KEWENANGAN BAWASLU KABUPATEN/KOTA DALAM PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA PROSES PEMILIHAN UMUM BERDASARKAN PERATURAN PERUNDANG-UNDANGAN." Limbago: Journal of Constitutional Law 2, no. 3 (October 31, 2022): 322–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/limbago.v2i3.20547.

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Abstract Based on Article 99 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections that the authority of Bawaslu is to receive and follow up on reports relating to alleged violations of the implementation of laws and regulations governing elections, examine and review election violations in the province and recommend the results of the examination and review of parties regulated by law. Dispute resolution is a process, method or act of resolving something that causes differences of opinion, disputes or quarrels. Every dispute, whatever happens, always demands a solution and resolution. Based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Article 469 Paragraph (1) states that the Bawaslu decision regarding disputes over the General Election process is a final and binding decision. General Election, hereinafter referred to as General Election, is a means of people's sovereignty to elect members of the People's Representative Council, members of the Regional Representatives Council, President and Vice President, and to elect members of the Regional People's Representative Council, which are carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly. within the unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Keywords: Authority, Bawaslu, Dispute Resolution, Election Abstrak Berdasarkan Pasal 99 Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum bahwa kewenangan bawaslu dengan menerima dan menindak lanjuti laporan yang berkaitan dengan dugaan pelanggaran terhadap pelaksanaan peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengatur tentang pemilu, memeriksa dan mengkaji pelanggaran pemilu diwilayah provinsi serta merekomendasikan hasil pemeriksaan dan pengkajian kepada pihak yang diatur dalam undang-undang. Penyelesaian sengketa adalah proses, cara atau perbuatan dalam menyelesaikan sesuatu yang menyebabkan perbedaan pendapat, perselisihan atau pertengkaran. Setiap sengketa apapun yang terjadi, selalu menuntut pemecahan dan penyelesian. Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan umum Pasal 469 Ayat (1) Menyebutkan bahwa putusan Bawaslu mengenai sengketa proses Pemilihan Umum merupakan keputusan yang bersifat final dan menginkat. Pemilihan Umum yang selanjutnya disebut Pemilu adalah sarana kedaulatan rakyat untuk memilih anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, dan untuk memilih anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, yang dilaksanakan secara langsung, umum, bebas, rahasia, jujur dan adil dalam Negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Kata kunci: Kewenangan, Bawaslu, Penyelesaian Sengketa, Pemilu
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Puspa Rani, Nabella. "PENGARUH DEMOKRASI TERHADAP PERUBAHAN MEKANISME PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH OLEH DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH (DPRD)." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 13, no. 2 (February 23, 2016): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v13i2.3226.

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The hallmark of a state of democracy is the implementation of the general election.The system was based on the implementation of the elections of the form ofdemocracy there , either directly or indirectly (representatives) .The state of theunity of the republic of indonesia as an archipelago is one of the state an adherentof the popular sovereignty, namely democracy pancasila .So that all the activitiesof the state and government shall not contravene with the values of philosophypancasila and still consider the constitution state that is the Undang Undang Dasar1945.Keywords: Democracy, Local Election, Pancasila
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7

Amalia, Luky Sandra, Aisah Putri Budiatri, Mouliza KD Sweinstani, Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas, and Esty Ekawati. "Simultaneous Elections and the Rise of Female Representation in Indonesia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989716.

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In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.
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8

Karim, Zahlul Pasha, Khairil Akbar, and Ihdi Karim Makinara. "Kontestasi Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Menyelesaikan Polemik Lembaga Penyelenggara Pemilu di Aceh." De Jure: Jurnal Hukum dan Syar'iah 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 283–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/j-fsh.v13i2.13876.

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Abstract: This article tries to trace the steps of the House of Representatives which revoked two articles in Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning Aceh Governance, namely Article 57 and Article 60 paragraph (1), (2) and (4), which relate to the Aceh election institution through Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. Later, the Constitutional Court's action was annulled by the Constitutional Court because it violated the formal procedure for amending the Aceh Governance Law. The research method was carried out normatively with two problem formulations, why did the House of Representative revoke two articles of the Aceh Governance Law related to election management institutions in Aceh without complying with and even violating the procedures regulated by the Aceh Governance Law as a special law? Why did the Constitutional Court annulled the revocation of the two articles and consider them unconstitutional? The result showed that the revocation of the two articles was carried out by the House of Representative for several reasons, namely removing the dualism of the election supervisory agency in Aceh and tidying up the structure of the election management body in Indonesia to comply with the provisions of Article 22E paragraph (5) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. In 1945 and strengthening election administration institutions in the face of simultaneous elections in 2019. Meanwhile, the steps were taken by the Constitutional Court to cancel the revocation of the two articles and judge them as unconstitutional because the House of Representative did not conduct consultations and asked the Aceh People's Representative Council for consideration in the revocation process.Keywords: Aceh Election Commission; Election Supervisory Committee; Aceh Governance Law; Election Law.Abstrak: Artikel ini bertujuan menelusuri langkah DPR yang mencabut dua pasal dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006 tentang Pemerintahan Aceh (UUPA), yakni Pasal 57 dan Pasal 60 ayat (1), (2) dan (4), yang berhubungan dengan lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di Aceh melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum. Belakangan, pencabutan itu dibatalkan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi karena dinilai inkonstitusional. Metode penelitian dilakukan secara normatif dengan dua rumusan masalah, mengapa DPR mencabut dua pasal UUPA terkait lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di Aceh tanpa mematuhi tata cara yang telah diatur oleh UUPA sebagai undang-undang khusus? Mengapa Mahkamah Konstitusi membatalkan pencabutan kedua pasal tersebut dan menilainya sebagai tindakan inkonstitusional? Adapun metode penelitian adalah hukum normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, teori, dan historis. Hasilnya diperoleh bahwa pencabutan kedua pasal tersebut dilakukan DPR karena beberapa alasan, yakni menghapus dualisme lembaga pengawas pemilu di Aceh dan menertibkan struktur lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di Indonesia agar sesuai dengan ketentuan Pasal 22E ayat (5) Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Sementara langkah Mahkamah Konstitusi membatalkan pencabutan kedua pasal tersebut dan menilainya sebagai tindakan inkonstitusional dikarenakan DPR tidak melakukan konsultasi dan meminta pertimbangan DPRA dalam proses pencabutan.Kata Kunci: Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat; Mahkamah Konstitusi; Lembaga Pemilu Aceh; Undang-undang Pemilu.
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9

Pamungkas, Yogo. "TINJAUAN AMBANG BATAS PEROLEHAN SUARA BERDASARKAN UNDANG- UNDANG NOMOR 8 TAHUN 2012 TENTANG PEMILIHAN ANGGOTA DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT, DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH DAN DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH TERHADAP UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR 1945." Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2014): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/rechtsvinding.v3i1.55.

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Ambang batas perolehan suara adalah usaha memperoleh hasil pemilihan umum yang berkualitas dengan pengisian kursi di parlemen dan juga untuk menghasilkan pengelolaan pemerintah yang stabil. Namun cara ini selalu terbentur atau dibenturkan dengan persoalan demokrasi, disproporsionalitas pemilihan umum dan persoalan aspirasi rakyat. Permasalahan yang diajukan dalam tulisan ini adalah apakah putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi atas permohonan uji materi tentang Ambang batas perolehan suara pemilu 2014 sudah tepat dan bagaimana penerapan yang tepat atas ambang batas perolehan suara pada pemilu 2014? Untuk menganalisis masalah ini menggunakan tipe penelitian normatif dengan data sekunder yang dianalisis dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan deduktif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa penetapan ambang batas perolehan suara ditentukan sebesar 3.5% suara nasional hanya berlaku di jenjang nasional saja. Penetapan ambang batas perolehan suara tidak bertentangan dengan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945. Penerapan atas ambang batas perolehan suara ini juga tidak tepat karena hanya diterapkan pada tataran nasional saja, karena sebaiknya penerapan ambang batas perolehan suara diterapkan di setiap jenjang.<p>Basically, Electoral threshold is the effort to achieve high quality election result by choosing representative person to represent political party. Besides, in order to achieve secure governance management. Unfortunately electoral threshold is often opposed with the issues of democracy, proportional principles of election and people’s aspiration. There are questions in this research: is the verdict of constitutional court about parliamentary threshold has been right? How the application of parliamentary threshold in the election 2014? This research use normative research method with secondary data. This research finds that: first, Electoral threshold is 3.5% of total national votes and it is only enforce within national scope; second, electoral threshold is in accordance within the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 constitution; third. It is not ideal to enforce electoral threshold only within national scope instead of local scope. Therefore, it is suggested that Electoral threshold must be enforce within both national and local scopes.</p>
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Ramdani, Muhamad Doni, and Fahmi Arisandi. "PENGARUH PENGGUNAAN SISTEM PEMILIHAN UMUM DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT PROPORSIONAL DAFTAR TERBUKA." Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2014): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/rechtsvinding.v3i1.59.

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Persoalan sistem pemilu anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dengan sistem proporsional daftar terbuka memang sudah berakhir, setelah diputuskan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi pada tahun 2008. Namun dengan putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tersebut, persoalan baru muncul, semakin tingginya biaya politik serta munculnya persaingan para calon anggota legislatif saling berlomba untuk menarik simpati dari masyarakat tidak hanya persaingan antar partai politik tetapi juga dalam satu partai yang sama. Pengaruh yang timbul dari penerapan sistem pemilu proporsional daftar terbuka menjadi menarik untuk dikaji kembali. Penulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, yaitu penelitian yang didasarkan pada data sekunder. Hasil penelitian menunjukan terdapat beberapa pengaruh yang timbul dari penerapan sisten pemilu proporsional daftar terbuka, selain biaya politik yang menjadi mahal berdampak pada banyaknya para anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat yang terbukti korupsi mengingat modal untuk menjadi anggota legislatif yang sangat tinggi. Persoalan tidak mencukupi Bilangan Pembagi Pemilih para calon memungkinkan parpol yang pada akhirnya yang memiliki kewenangan untuk menentukan calon yang akan duduk di parlemen.<p>The issue of election system for member of House of Representatives with an open list proportional system is already over, after it was decided by the Constitutional Court in 2008. Yet with that verdict of the Constitutional Court, another problems emerging, it increases high cost of political competition and the emergence of the legislative candidates competing to attract the sympathy of the community is not only competition between political parties but also within the same party. Influence arising from the application of open list proportional election system becomes interesting to study again. This writing method is normative legal research, which is research based on secondary data. The results showed there were some influences arising from the application of the election systems of proportional open list, in addition political costs being expensive it have an impact on the number of members of the House of Representatives has proved to be corrupted regarding the capital to be members of the House of Representatives is very high. The issue of insufficient numbers of dividers voters for candidates of House of Representatives allows political parties who ultimately has the authority to determine which candidates will sit in parliament.</p>
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Books on the topic "Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Elections"

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Rakyat, Indonesia Dewan Perwakilan. Proses pembahasan rancangan undang-undang tentang pemilihan umum anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Jakarta]: Sekretariat Jenderal, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Republik Indonesia, 2009.

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Indonesia. Undang-Undang R.I. nomor 10 tahun 2008 Tentang Pemilihan Umum Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah: Dilengkapi Undang-Undang R.I. no. 22 tahun 2007 Tentang Penyelenggara Pemilu. Jakarta: Cipta Jaya, 2008.

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Indonesia. Undang-Undang R.I. no. 12 tahun 2003 Tentang Pemilihan Umum Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Jakarta: Cipta Jaya, 2003.

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Systems, International Foundation for Electoral. Republic of Indonesia: Report on the 7 June 1999 parliamentary general election and recommendations for electoral reform. Washington, DC: IFES, 2000.

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Surbakti, A. Ramlan. Menyetarakan nilai suara: Jumlah dan alokasi kursi DPR ke provinsi. Jakarta: Kemitraan bagi Pembaruan Tata Pemerintahan, 2011.

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Umum, Indonesia Komisi Pemilihan. Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum nomor 07 tahun 2012 tentang tahapan, program, dan jadual, penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah tahun 2014 ; Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum nomor 11 tahun 2012 tentang perubahan atas Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum nomor 07 tahun 2012 tentang tahapan, program, dan jadual, penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah tahun 2014 ; Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum nomor 15 tahun 2012 tentang perubahan kedua atas Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum nomor 07 tahun 2012 tentang tahapan, program, dan jadual, penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah tahun 2014. Jakarta: Komisi Pemilihan Umum, 2014.

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Surbakti, A. Ramlan. Alokasi kursi DPR 560 ke provinsi dan pembentukan daerah pemilihan 3-6 kursi, 3-8 kursi, dan 3-10 kursi: Berdasarkan prinsip kesetaraan suara [pasal 27 ayat (1) UUD 1945] dan berbasis data sensus penduduk 2010. Jakarta]: Perkumpulan untuk Pemilu dan Demokrasi, 2011.

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Azhar, Ipong S. Benarkah DPR mandul: Pemilu, parpol, dan DPR masa Orde Baru. Yogyakarta: Bigraf Pub., 1997.

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Indonesia. 5 undang-undang baru di bidang politik serta peraturan-peraturan pelaksanaannya, PP no. 35/1985, PP no. 36/1985. Jakarta: Ghalia Indonesia, 1985.

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Sumatera Utara (Indonesia). Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Keputusan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, Provinsi Sumatera Utara nomor: 26/K/2002 tentang tata tertib pemilihan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Sumatera Utara periode 2003-2008. [Medan]: Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, Provinsi Sumatera Utara, 2003.

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