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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Devolution'

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1

Royles, Elin. "The impact of devolution in civil society in post-devolution Wales." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422864.

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2

Hall, Matthew Philip. "Political traditions and Scottish devolution." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/429/.

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This thesis seeks to develop a conception of the political traditions operating in the UK and then apply it to the development of Scottish Devolution. I argue that the concept of tradition has been under-valued and theorized in social science and that the notion of political traditions has heuristic value when applied to British politics. Discussion of a distinctive British Political Tradition has been kept to the margins in explanations of the British political system with only a few authors seeking to explore the ideational underpinnings of the institutions and process of British government and the Westminster Model. The recent work of Bevir and Rhodes has raised the profile of political traditions, however I contend that their conceptualization is flawed and thus, heuristically limited. I argue that we can identify a dominant political tradition, the British Political Tradition, which has decisively influenced the nature and conduct of British political life over time. This tradition expresses and facilitates the ideas and interests of dominant socio-economic groups in UK society. However it has not gone uncontested. We can also identify the existence of competing political traditions which challenge aspects or the entirety of, the British Political Tradition. Although competing political traditions resonate asymmetrically, it is through the process of conflict and contestation that changes in the British political system can be explained. From this I then narrate the history of Scottish Devolution to date and offer comment on how this interactive and iterative process continues to inform outcomes since 1999. Overall I argue that the dominant political tradition continues to have a major impact on the British political system.
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3

O'Brien, Peter. "Regionalisation, Devolution and theTrades Union Congress (TUC)." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.489834.

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From a position of relative isolation, trade unions have begun to emerge as influential agents in regional and devolved governance and development in the UK. Drawing on comparative analysis of the experience of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in North East England, North West England and Wales, this thesis argues that devolution and regionalisation are exerting pressures on peak union bodies and individual unions to adopt multi-level approaches to organisation across a range of scales - local, sub-regional, regional, sub-national, national and international - in order to connect with structures and inter-connectiveness of multi-level governance. A strategic relational approach to multi-level organisation hints at the decentralisation of power, authority and resources within the labour movement - challenging the I}ational and centralised legacy of British trade union collective bargaining history. Multi-level organisation also requires sufficient institutional capacity within and across different scales, an awareness of the contingency of place and the role played by peak union bodies, coupled with an understanding of the structures required to engender greater participation, accountability, transparency and the delivery of meaningful interventions. Where these variables appear to exist, it is possible to detect a tentative link between the participation of organised labour in devolved and regional governance and strategies seeking to deliver trade union renewal. Devolved and regional governance in the UK has presented a critical juncture to begin re-shaping existing, and open up new, channels of engagement and influence for the TUC, which is, to a degree, reproducing many of the central issues of class logics of collective action for labour in the workplace and within the wider political economy. Key words: TUC, trade unions, regions, devolution, scale and multi-level governance
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4

Turner, Kate. "The queer moment : post-devolution Scottish literature." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2017. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9zwvy/the-queer-moment-post-devolution-scottish-literature.

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This thesis investigates dramatic changes in the construction of Scottish national identity across the period 1999-2015; it identifies a move from hypermasculine Scottish identity at the end of the twentieth century to a queer national identity in 2015. This thesis argues that this is a product of the dramatic disorientation that Scotland encountered when it achieved devolution in 1999, as this moment disrupted the traditional means through which Scottish national identity was constructed. From this moment this thesis argues that the years 1999 to 2015 mark a period in which ideas of Scotland and Scottishness were overturned and made fragile. This thesis considers the implications of this within writing from Scotland produced between 1999 and 2014 in order to explore the consequences of this opened-up sense of Scottishness. As such this thesis explores, not simply how this writing represents Scotland but also how an overturned sense of Scottishness, combined with the varied and outward-looking themes of this writing, allows for an expansive reading practice that incorporates questions of globalisation, cosmopolitanism, and postcolonialism. The chapters track these developments through to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum and the landslide victory of the Scottish National Party in the 2015 UK general election and find ideas of a queer Scottish national identity amplified during these political events. This focus on Scotland evidences this thesis’s broader claim that, if nations are constructed then they can be deconstructed or ‘queered’. This is significant because the nation is typically understood as a source of hegemonic power; it regulates its citizens as a healthy body politic and also demands the protection of the nation against various ‘others’.
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5

Horgan, Gerard W. "Intergovernmental relations in the devolved Great Britain : a comparative perspective with particular reference to Canada." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273217.

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6

Hart, Sheila Harper. "Education and new life : the Paisley pattern for urban regeneration." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248523.

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7

Scheckelhoff, Hannah. "Devolution and Disengagement in the United Kingdom: A Study on the Effects of Devolution on Union-Wide Engagement in Politics." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1338407482.

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8

Emonts-Holley, Tobias. "Fiscal devolution in Scotland : a multi-sectoral analysis." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2016. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27086.

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This thesis employs multi-sectoral modelling techniques to analyse the potential impact of Fiscal Devolution for Scotland. A Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) is constructed,which captures the flows of funds in Scotland for 2009.The SAM is then disaggregated to identify the three government sectors operating in Scotland, namely the UK Government, the Scottish Government and the Local Government. Also, the tax account is disaggregated to identify three tax accounts, each corresponding to one of the three government sectors. Moreover, the unified household sector in the SAM is disaggregated to identify seven household sectors by type. The disaggregated government and household accounts are then combined into one SAM.Next, the Type II Input-Output multiplier model and the SAM multiplier model are tested and analysed. Three variants of the Type II output multiplier are tested against the SAM multiplier as a baseline. The results here establish that the SAM multiplier captures the flows of funds in the Scottish economy in the most accurate and comprehensive way. The standard SAM model is then extended to endogenise part of the Government sector in Scotland, the Scottish Government and the Local Government. This enables the model to capture the effects of an exogenous demand shock under different degrees of fiscal devolution for Scotland. The results indicate that a more fiscally autonomous Scotland is subject to higher sensitivities to shocks. Finally, this thesis employs a Computable General Equilibrium model (AMOS) for Scotland. The model is extended to capture the three Government accounts in the SAM. The model is used to simulate a balanced budget fiscal expansion, where the increase in tax revenue funds a rise in government consumption. The results suggest that a positive valuation of the increase in public amenity provision and a full reflection of that in the wage bargaining process are crucial for a net growth outcome.
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9

Pommel, Camille. "The impact of European integration on Scottish devolution." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404927.

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10

Jones, Robert. "The hybrid system : imprisonment and devolution in Wales." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2017. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/99677/.

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The process of devolution in Wales has catalysed major political, cultural, social and institutional change. While these changes have been reflected within the research agendas of academics working within a number of disciplines, the study of criminal justice in Wales remains something of an exception. This research is an attempt to try and address this lacuna. The research charts the emergence of Wales as a distinct criminological space within the once ‘uniform’ system of England and Wales. This is explained as a consequence of the intersection of devolution in Wales with changes to the UK Government’s approach to criminal justice in England and Wales. The research shows that the unique constitutional arrangements that exist in Wales have led to the emergence of a hybrid system: criminal justice policy space occupied by two different governments, each with its own democratic mandate, policy vision and priorities. Having explained the emergence of the hybrid system in Wales, the research goes on to examine a number of key issues that emerge into clearer focus when Wales is taken seriously as a unit of criminological analysis. As such the thesis contributes towards wider criminological debates at the level of policy, practice and theory. These findings also help to develop a more critical understanding of Wales’ hybrid system. The research shows that the very structure of the hybrid system creates a situation in which UK Government criminal justice policies undermine the Welsh Government’s attempts to fulfil its responsibilities or fully implement its own policy objectives. The arguments presented throughout this research challenge the discipline of criminology to take account of the impacts of devolution on the ostensibly non-devolved criminal justice system in Wales. They also contribute towards a better understanding of debates now taking place over the possible devolution of criminal justice functions to Wales.
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11

Sullivan, Thomas. "National Identities in the Post-Devolution United Kingdom." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/244811.

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Constitutional reform (devolution) fundamentally altered the political positions of the nations of the United Kingdom, allowing them to embrace a greater degree of self-determination. This works seeks to analyze both state-level and sub-state-level national identities in the United Kingdom. Using analysis of large-scale surveys as well as smaller scale research projects, this work seeks to examine the meanings, connotations, and inclusivity of the national identities of England and Scotland (English, Scottish and British). It also seeks to find trends in identification in the years since (and immediately before) the advent of devolution. This analysis suggests that meanings and connotations of the various national identities vary greatly, both between the nations of the UK and within them. With such a flux in meaning, inclusivity is difficult to measure but Scottish identity is found to be more inclusive. After initial shifts around the time of devolution, both Scotland and England appear to have experienced relative stability in national identification recently. Political implications are unclear, however, as national identity does not directly correspond with desire for constitutional change.
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12

Lawrence, Timothy James. "Devolution and collaboration in the development of environmental regulations." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1117560009.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 186 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-139). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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13

Morrison, Katrina Munsterhjelm. "Penal transformation in post-devolution Scotland : change and resistance." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6435.

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This thesis seeks to understand and theorise the process of penal transformation, using changes in penal policy within post-devolution Scotland as a case study. It is based on an in-depth analysis of the evolution, passage and implementation of the Management of Offenders etc. (Scotland) Act 2005, including interviews with key players at each stage of the process (politicians, civil servants, practitioner groups) and documentary analysis. The thesis draws on Kingdon’s multiple streams framework to explain how rapid changes in policy can occur. Kingdon argued that the greatest changes occur when a policy window is opened which allows three independent streams which run through policy at any one time, politics, problems and policies, to become joined (1995). However the thesis argues that to account fully for transformation, this framework needs to be developed to incorporate analysis of institutional structures which provide the most compelling explanation for the factors which lead to, escalate and impede change. Although structures are central in this analysis however, this thesis shows how both structure and agency are important in penal change: institutional structure forms the parameters in which political choice is made. Pre-devolution policy-making was carried out in partnership between civil servants and agencies and the rate of change was incremental. Post-devolution criminal justice policy-making has been thrust into a volatile and politicised environment, although this has varied under the different administrations thus far. The primary reason for the accelerated rate of change that occurred following devolution was because of the creation of new democratic structures which provided the means and the incentives to create rapid change but it also involved explicitly political choices by key members of the Scottish Executive. Somewhat paradoxically, once change was instigated, the structure of post-devolution political institutions became critical in mitigating the pace and rate of change. The existence of PR electoral arrangements together with the relative decentralisation of power (in relation to the ownership of criminal justice services) meant that change had to be achieved through negotiation and compromise. Institutional structure is also important in the extent of the Parliament’s ability to form any meaningful veto point on executive power. Overall it was new democratic structures combined with a political capacitybuilding project and the availability of a politicised approach to law and order from England and Wales which could be easily translated to Scotland, which together, explain the period of rapid change in Scotland during this time.
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14

O'Neill, Aileen. "Quangos, accountability and devolution : the case of Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365396.

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15

Shephard, Thomas F. "An LEA's financial devolution pilot scheme : one school's involvement." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235580.

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16

Gray, Erin. "Exploring decentralisation in Canada : devolution of labour market policy." Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42527.

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This thesis entails the study of both why and how decentralisation of government authority takes place. Decentralisation in Canada is explored by investigating a federal proposal for the devolution of active labour market policies from federal to provincial governments, and by closely examining the positions taken by both levels of government during the development of two federal-provincial labour market agreements in the mid- 1990s. The two bilateral agreements chosen for this examination are, the Canada-Nova Scotia Agreement on a Framework for Strategic Partnerships, and the Canada-Alberta Labour Market Development Agreement. The central focus of this research is to examine the extent to which federal and provincial governments' positions on the devolution of policy are influenced by 'political' and 'public' interests. The first argument holds that political imperatives influence governmental priorities, attitudes, and motivations as decisions about devolution are made. The second argument maintains that governmental positions on devolution are founded on the motivation to promote the best outcomes for the public at large. This study employs a research focus that is qualitative in nature, and it draws from interpretive and constructivist approaches to inquiry. Interviews were conducted with civil servants who represent federal and provincial interests in the provinces of Alberta and Nova Scotia. A comparative analysis of the evidence found that both political and public interests influenced federal and provincial positions on devolution. This research illustrates that while political and public interests might be separated analytically, in real cases of policy-making they overlap. Nonetheless, the evidence tips the scales towards a political interest explanation much more clearly and convincingly than a public interest interpretation.
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17

Scavnicky, Ryan T. "The Bangarang Contagion: Towards an Architecture Against Human Devolution." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1399629880.

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18

Clark, Alistair. "Local parties, participation and campaigning in post-devolution Scotland." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2005. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU204675.

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The main findings of the thesis are: Scotland's local parties are poorly resourced, and rely heavily upon their members and activists to provide them with the facilities they need to continue operating; A degree of ambivalence is evident in local parties both about their place in intra-party relations, and in respect to the impact respondents felt their activities had upon various democratic indicators; Despite some short-term upward movement for two parties in the 1990s, the membership levels of Scottish constituency parties are currently on a downward trend; The membership recruitment and retention activities of Scotland's constituency parties do not appear to lead to local organisations having higher memberships; Activist density is estimated in relation to membership size, voters and the constituency electorate as a whole. The picture that emerges is of only a small number of members being active between elections in each constituency, while the proportion of local activists to a party's constituency voters and to the constituency electorate as a whole is also low; Assessment of activity levels demonstrates that sizeable proportions of each party's organisations are classified as "paper branches" that are virtually inactive between elections. Local parties seem most active in terms of organisational maintenance activities such as holding meetings and fundraising. Where they claim to communicate with the electorate, relatively traditional activities such as leaflet delivery and newsletter publishing predominate; Local parties were relatively well prepared for the 2003 Scottish parliament election. By the simple indicator of numbers of election volunteers, levels of activity increased across all parties between the start and towards the end of the campaign; Constituency parties primarily ran mobilising campaigns in 2003. While they did make conversion efforts, canvassing and polling day activities revolved primarily around parties, own voter, not undecided voters. Campaign activities essentially revolved around traditional methods of campaigning, such as leaflet delivery, and largely failed to embrace 'new' or distinctively Scottish aspects of electioneering; Creation of an index of campaigning demonstrated that very few local organisations fell into the high effort category. Instead, the vast majority of each party's associations were classified as expending medium effort on the 2003 campaign; The impact of various aspects of campaigning upon electoral outcomes was assessed. Particularly important for each party's constituency organisations was the number of volunteers working for the local party towards the end of the campaign.
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19

Evans, Adam B. "A 'lingering diminuendo'? : the Conference on Devolution 1919-1920." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2015. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/82389/.

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This thesis offers the first detailed assessment of an event that has hitherto been consigned to the margins of the literature on devolution and territorial reform in the United Kingdom, the Conference on Devolution, 1919-1920. Sitting between October 1919 and April 1920, the Conference on Devolution was arguably one of the two moments in the UK’s constitutional history when the territorial constitution was approached in a holistic fashion by policy makers and political elites (the other occasion being the Royal Commission on the Constitution, 1969-1973). The primary aim of this thesis is to provide the first detailed analysis of the Conference on Devolution, to develop a fuller understanding of why it was established, what it debated and why it failed. Secondary to that objective, this thesis will also assess what relevance the Conference has for students of territorial governance in the UK today, at a time when the UK’s constitution is in flux. In pursuit of these objectives, the thesis utilises the ideas and insights on territorial governance of James Bulpitt and James Mitchell, alongside an extensive catalogue of archival evidence, including the previously unstudied (in the context of the Conference on Devolution) personal papers of the Conference’s Secretary, Gilbert Campion. Using this methodology and archival sources, the thesis offers a considerable revision to previous understandings of the Conference on Devolution. It demonstrates that the Conference’s fatal disagreement on how the devolved legislatures should be composed, was not, as has been previously portrayed, just a disagreement at the latter stages of the Conference’s work, but was instead a cleavage that undercut the entirety of the Conference on Devolution. Finally, the thesis highlights the clear resonance between the issues deliberated by the Conference and many of today’s territorial governance debates.
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20

Mawdsley, Emma Elizabeth. "Non-secessionist regionalism in India : the demand for a separate State of Uttarakhand." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245193.

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21

Harper, Michael Hugh. "Re-thinking professionalism in further education in post-devolution Wales." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2009. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/55879/.

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This thesis explores professionalism in FE teaching in Wales. It also considers government policies for professionalising teaching in the sector and, in particular, if the Lifelong Learning UK (LLUK) Professional Standards have been material in shaping teacher professionalism. The research was based on interviews and focus groups with teacher-trainers and trainee teachers in two universities and four FE colleges in South Wales, and the documentation of their training programmes. The research also includes an analysis of policy documents and interviews with officials responsible for policy in Wales. The research draws on current sociological interest in professionalism and the way that can be defined by employers in the interests of the firm. The theoretical basis of the analysis is Bernstein's concept of pedagogic discourse and it is argued that professionalism has been re-contextualised by government and LLUK as an official discourse, represented in the Professional Standards as a set of generic competences, underpinned by trauoability and linked to the attainment of qualifications. This generic discourse defines professionalism in ways that privilege corporatism and flexibility its generic nature promotes the idea of trainability for teachers, in much the same way as learners in FE are expected to 'learn how to learn' to adapt to the changes brought about by globalisation. Welsh Assembly Government policy commits to achieving equivalent standards of professionalism in FE and schools but, unlike England, apart from its endorsement of the Standards, no progress has been made. The Standards' role in teacher training was explored The influence of the official discourse in the Standards was mediated by teacher-trainers in ways that were oriented to practice and to the enactment of professionalism, rejecting any notion of competencies. The Standards accordingly had little influence on trainees' constructs of professionalism. Trainees were focussed instead on gaining basic survival skills, but they had a clear personal sense of professional standards, centred on their responsibilities and commitment to their students. Theirs was a discourse of professionalism in formation, recognising the importance of tacit knowledge, acquired by experience. The study concludes by identifying a possible distinctively Welsh approach to professionalising FE teaching, and the need for improved mentoring and support for trainee and newly qualified teachers. A copy of the LLUK's Professional Standards: *New Overarching Professional Standards for Teachers, Teachers and Trainers in Lifelong Learning in Wales* can be accessed from the LLUK at: http://www.lluk.org/documents/02_Bilingual_rri_Standards.pdf
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22

Lang, Mark S. "The Labour Party, the trade unions and devolution in Wales." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2006. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/55442/.

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23

Harris, Jamie. "Literary geographies in Wales : Welsh writing in English and devolution." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/8a3d08b0-634b-4690-8b00-4ea07a943b8d.

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24

Lightowler, Claire. "Policy divergence and devolution : the impact of actors and institutions." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/16785.

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The creation of the National Assembly for Wales and the Scottish Parliament in 1999 was accompanied with an aspiration that these new institutions would allow Scotland and Wales to develop their own policies, better suited to local needs than those designed in Westminster or Whitehall. This thesis explores policy-making in the first terms of the devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales, focusing on where the policies developed by these institutions diverged from those pursued at Westminster. Policy divergence is examined by studying the development of the financing long-term care for the elderly policies. The aim of this thesis is to identify why policy divergence occurred in the long-term care case, considering the impact of actors (or agents) and the institutional setting in which they operate, as suggested by Scharpf's model of actor-centred institutionalism. As actor-centred institutionalism suggested, both actors and institutions played a major role in shaping policy responses. In the Scottish case a range of actors cooperated and lobbied together for the introduction of free personal care, spurred on by the First Minister, who created an opportunity for those in favour of free personal care to pressurise his government to introduce the policy. In contrast, in Wales, actors were divided and never built up the same momentum to ensure the introduction of a more generous long-term care package. The institutional setting in which these actors operated was a major factor in shaping their policy preferences and the strategies they adopted to achieve them. This thesis considers the impact on policy-making of the devolved institution's electoral system, financial and legislative powers, design of the institutions, and the place of these institutions in a UK setting. The different institutional structures in Scotland and Wales provided different incentives and resources for actors, encouraged different styles of policy-making from Westminster and affected the way in which issues were framed. Examining the roles of actors and institutions in the formation of distinctive policies highlighted that in the real world these two elements are mutually dependent and cannot be separated. As a result it is impossible, and pointless, to determine whether actors or institutions were most influential on the development of distinctive policies. Instead this thesis explores how the difference between the configurations of actors and institutions in Scotland and Wales contributed to the creation of policies which were distinctive both from each other and the UK Government.
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McFadyen, Andrew Paul. "Agents and institutions : Donald Dewar and the politics of devolution." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/29261.

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The creation of the Scottish Parliament was a major change in UK politics and the empirical research presented in this thesis makes a significant contribution to knowledge by revealing new evidence about some of the key political processes that led-up to the new constitutional settlement. This thesis also addresses a gap in the academic literature and offers a different approach by marshalling the evidence in respect of a single individual actor: Donald Dewar. Whilst the existing literature largely explains the success of the home rule movement by focusing on structural changes in Scottish society - such as the politicisation of Scottish national identity - this thesis focuses on the role of agents and institutions in four critical junctures in the devolution debate. These are the process of writing and promoting the Labour Party's 1984 Green Paper on Devolution, the Labour Party's decision to participate in the Scottish Constitutional Convention, the decision to hold a pre-legislative referendum and the publication of the 1997 White Paper, Scotland's Parliament. The research is informed by a historical institutionalist rationale and builds on existing insights in the new institutionalist literature. One of the themes of this research is that while changing circumstances and external crises can create pressure for change, the way in which actors interact within institutions often defines the path that is taken. Institutions are the arenas in which actors engage with new ideas and set policy goals; they are the level at which individuals confront structural constraints and scenes of ongoing political skirmishing. This thesis therefore puts a central focus on understanding the inner life of the institutions in which policy on devolution was made. Understanding new innovations and departures requires the researcher to build a rich and detailed pictures of the circumstances in which actors form preferences and build coalitions. The dissertation addresses this challenge by adopting a multi-method approach that is both qualitative and historical - including process tracing, documentary analysis and semi-structured individual interviews with elite actors. The four 'nested' case studies presented in this thesis provide a detailed narrative that connects the different stages of the devolution debate and enable us to identify causal factors that played out over a long stretch of time. One remarkable feature of the historical sequence from Margaret Thatcher's election as Prime Minister in 1979 to the creation of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 is Donald Dewar's prominence from an early stage to its completion. This is one of those rare occasions when the decisions taken by an actor at particular points in the political process actually helped to create the structural and institutional constraints that guided his own future actions. One important new source of evidence that I have used to gain an insight into the Labour Party's internal debate is the record of the monthly meetings of the Parliamentary Labour Party: Scottish Group and the weekly meetings of the Executive Committee of the Parliamentary Labour Party: Scottish Group, from 1983 to 1997. The thesis adds to the historical record and challenges the current academic consensus about some of the key developments in the campaign for a Scottish Parliament. It also intended to make a contribution to the wider theoretical debate on the way in which agents interact within institutions and how this contributes to political change.
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Garnier, Courty Dominique. "Le principe de devolution successorale par ordres et par degres." Toulon, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997TOUL0015.

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Le principe de devolution successorale par ordres et par degres repose sur la parente. Ses rouages operent une hierarchie des membres d'une famille conformement a des devoirs decroissants et garantit l'egalite. Il existe egalement deux correctifs visant a assurer le maintien des principes directeurs quelles que soient les circonstances. Mais le systeme de devolution risque desormais une non conformite avec la societe actuelle. La premiere raison est l'affaiblissement du caractere strictement parental de la devolution. En effet, la notion de parente s'est dirigee vers une nouvelle consideration de la famille et le principe d'egalite s'est vu imposer d'autres formes de liens. Seule resiste la situation particuliere de l'enfant adulterin. Mais les devoirs parentaux ont aussi connu un relachement , du a l'allongement de la vie humaine. Les liens affectifs connaissent une certaine reconnaissance , excepte en matiere de recompositions familiales. La deuxieme raison de l'evolution est l'emergence de devoirs distincts de la notion de parente. Cela est important pour le conjoint survivant avec des devoirs bases sur des criteres conjugaux. Le legislateur a souhaite reformer le droit des successions. C'est une veritable precision du fondement du principe , confirmant son caractere parental et reconnaissant l'existence de devoirs bases sur le lien conjugal
THE PRINCIPLE OF SUCCESSION DEVOLUTION BY ORDERS AND BY DEGREES RELIES ON KINDRED. ITS FONCTION FORM A HIERARCHY OF THE MEMBERS OF A FAMILY AGREABLY TO DECREASING OBLIGATIONS AND GARANTEE EQUALITY. TWO CORRECTIVES EXIST TOO, TO ASSURE THE KEEPING UP OF THE LEADING PRINCIPLES WHATEVER CIRCONSTANCES. BUT THE DEVOLUTION SYSTEM RISK FROM THIS TIME , AN UNCONFORMITY WITH PRESENT SOCIETY. THE FIRST REASON IS THE WEAKER OF THE FAMILY DEVOLUTION. INDEED , THE KINSHIP NOTION BEGOT A NEW CONSIDERATION OF THE FAMILY AND OTHERS FORMS OF BONDS HAVE BEEN IMPOSED UPON THE EQUALITY PRINCIPLE. THE PARTICULAR SITUATION OF THE ADULTEROUS CHILD IS THE ONLY WHICH RESISTS. BUT THE PARENTS OBLIGATIONS HAVE KNOWN A SLACKENING TOO BECAUSE OF THE HUMAN BEEING LIFE lengthHENING. THE AFFECTIVES BONDS ARE ACKNOWLEDGDED A BIT, EXCEPT RECOMPOSED FAMILIES. THE SECOND REASON OF THE EVOLUTION IS THE EMERGENCE OF THE DIFFERENTS OBLIGATIONS OF THE KINSHIP NOTION. THIS IS IMPORTANT FOR THE SURVIVING WEDDED WITH OBLIGATION BASED ON CONJUGAL ELEMENTS. THE LEGISLATOR WISHED TO REFORM THE SUCCESSIONS LAW. THIS IS A REAL ACCURACY OF THE PRINCIPLE GROUNDWORK , BY CONFIRMING HIS KINSHIP NATURE AND THE EXISTENCE OF THE OBLIGATIONS BASED ON CONJUGAL BONDS
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Shaw, Kelly B. "The Scottish lobby in contemporary Britain : devolution and European integration /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060143.

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Barr, Robert Rennie. "Between success and survival devolution and concentration in Latin America /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077404.

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Sprick, David Matthew Skidmore Max J. "Puzzling in the administrative (welfare) state devolution and Medicaid waiver reform /." Diss., UMK access, 2004.

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Thesis (Ph. D. )--Dept. of Political Science and School of Business and Public Administration. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2004.
"A dissertation in political science and public affairs and administration." Advisor: Max J. Skidmore. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 435-458). Online version of the print edition.
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30

Pompana, Yvonne E. "Devolution to indigenization, the final path to assimilation of First Nations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23459.pdf.

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31

Sanche, Andrea. "Toronto the Good: devolution and the transformative power of municipal regulation." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=92407.

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This paper outlines how the devolution of power from federal and provincial governments to municipalities has expanded and the role of municipal law. This shift in power to municipalities was supported by courts and buttressed by a shift in political philosophy. This paper demonstrates that although many critics have argued that municipal regulation has been used to marginalize already marginalized groups, it may also have a transformative effect on cities and their residents. Using the case study of municipal regulation passed in the City of Toronto, this paper argues that while this transformation may result in marginalization, it may also allow for the inclusion of more and more diverse voices in municipal decision-making.
Ce document décrit la façon dont la décentralisation du pouvoir des gouvernements fédéral et provincial aux municipalités s'est élargie et le rôle du droit municipal. Ce transfert de pouvoir aux municipalités a été appuyée par les tribunaux et étayée par un changement de philosophie politique. Le présent document démontre que, bien que de nombreux critiques ont fait valoir que le règlement municipal a été utilisé pour marginaliser les groupes déjà marginalisés, elle mai également avoir un effet transformateur sur les villes et leurs habitants. Utilisation de l'étude de cas du règlement municipal adopté dans la ville de Toronto, ce document fait valoir que, si cette transformation mai fait à l'exclusion, elle mai également permettre l'inclusion des voix de plus en plus diverses dans le processus décisionnel municipal.
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Kenny, Meryl. "Gendering institutions : the political recruitment of women in post-devolution Scotland." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4044.

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Both feminist and mainstream political science has taken an institutional ‘turn’, opening up possibilities for dialogue between the two fields. Yet, despite sharing a number of common interests and preoccupations, there has been little interplay between mainstream new institutionalist scholars and feminist political scientists working on institutions. This thesis attempts to fill this gap and evaluates the potential for theoretical synthesis between feminist gender analysis and new institutional theory. It argues that there is potential for mutual benefit from a synthesis of these two approaches, and that a ‘feminist institutionalism’ offers a promising theoretical approach for the study of gender and institutions. The thesis evaluates the potential of a feminist institutionalist approach in the context of the comparative literature on gender and political recruitment. It critically evaluates the supply and demand model (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995), one of the only models that attempts to systematically integrate gender into the dynamics of the recruitment process. The thesis contends that a feminist institutionalist approach offers a way to take the supply and demand forward, developing the theoretical interconnections that are present implicitly in Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski’s work on political recruitment and reintegrating and reformulating the key features of the model into a feminist and institutionalist framework. The thesis develops this theory-building project through an illustrative case study – the institutions of political recruitment in post-devolution Scotland. Using a multi-method approach – including discourse analysis, process tracing, and political interviewing – the thesis combines a macro-level analysis of gendered patterns of selection and recruitment in Scottish political parties over time with a micro-level case study of a Scottish Labour Party constituency seat selection contest in the run-up to the 2007 Scottish Parliament elections. The case study finds some evidence of institutional innovation and reform in the candidate selection process, but also highlights underlying continuities in the institutions of political recruitment. The case study illustrates the specific and gendered difficulties of institutionalizing a ‘new’ more gender-balanced politics within a pre-existing institutional context. Findings from the case study suggest that the ‘success’ of institutional innovation in candidate selection is a complex and contingent question, and that elements of the ‘old’ continue to co-exist with elements of the ‘new’, constraining and shaping each other. The Scottish case, then, underscores the need to rethink conventional models of political recruitment, illustrating the difficulties of reforming and redesigning the institutions of political recruitment in the face of powerful institutional and gendered legacies. As such, the thesis generates new theoretical and empirical insights into the gendered dynamics of institutional power, continuity and change that contribute to the growing body of research on gender and institutions and inform the wider literature on both new institutional theory and feminist political science.
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Giovannini, Arianna. "UK devolution : the 'English Question' and the case of Northern England." Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619257.

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In the context of political devolution within the UK, this thesis addresses the conundrum of the 'English Question', placing it within the discourse of English regionalism, accompanied by an empirical investigation of decentralisation measures in England. The North of England, being the only area where attempts were made at devolution in 2004, is the locus of the case-study supporting this. The timescale is largely 1997-2010, the years in which devolution policies were initiated across the UK. Chapter 1 sets out the methodology (an interpretative paradigm and qualitative enquiry) and its rationale. Chapters 2 to 5 contain the theoretical framework. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the creation of the UK and the pressure for devolution from the Celtic nations. Chapter 3 focuses on England, examining the question of Englishness; exploring the nature of territorial cleavages in the country; and proposing a new coreperiphery model. Chapter 4 examines the problems and political issues confronting any attempt at devolution within England. Chapter 5 considers the selected regional area, the North, identifying it as a 'vast region', analysing the north-south divide; and presenting the region. as one comprised of contested political spaces and divisions. Finally, chapter 6 contains the results of the empirical investigation; offering a full analysis of the progress and outcomes of the devolution experiment in the North of England. Adopting a political sociological perspective, this thesis focuses on the relationship between politics, territory and identity, and shows how the presence of core-periphery power-relations and territorial fractures are key to explaining the inception of devolution to the Celtic nations of the UK as well as the exclusion of England from this process. In England territorial cleavages have never been politicised and are overtly dismissed by the political centre - which is why the latter struggles to accommodate England within the devolution settlement. The analysis of the primary data collected in the North of England shows how the attitude of the labour Party together with the logic driving Whitehall's activity, endorse centripetal structures, and never conceived regional devolution as a means of passing political powers to the English regions, recognising their territorial distinctiveness. Top-down narratives of power in the approach to devolution in England are also mirrored in the way in which regional movements responded to proposals for regional assemblies. Taking the shape of elite-groups, they focussed on influencing the political centre, leaving behind the regional electorate. It is concluded that political regionalism could have been the best way to address the English Question - however, neither the centre nor the regional movements proved able to take up this challenge in full.
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McCafferty, Patricia. "Working the 'third way' : New Labour, employment relations and Scottish devolution." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2004. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1537/.

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Labour’s election victory in 1997 was heralded as a new era, the dawn of a Third Way, a novel attempt to chart a unique political course overcoming the perceived limitations of both New Right and Old Labour. In this thesis, I explore that era of New Labour generally and, in particular, the impact of the Third Way on working lives. Key to my analysis is New Labour’s attempt to synthesise oppositional interests, in particular those of capital and labour. This involves a crucial rhetoric of flexibility, competitiveness and partnership. My research explores the rhetoric of New Labour in relation to the reality of this new force in power. It does this by: drawing out key features in the development of New Labour, especially its relation to Old Labour; examining central elements of New Labour ideology; arguing that Scotland should be seen as central to the transition from Old to New Labour; utilising a case study of industrial relations developments in a major electronics factory in the West of Scotland and, to a lesser extent, key developments in public sector employment. My main finding is that where New Labour’s ideology promises positive benefits, the form of its implication has negative impacts for workers. Since I take New Labour as a process, my thesis concludes with a more speculative exploration of possible future developments, both in relations to New Labour’s role in them, and their possible impact on the New Labour project.
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Simpson, Mark. "The social citizenship of lone parents 2010-2015 : evolution and devolution." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.686441.

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The Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government of 2010-2015 oversaw profound change in the nature of social citizenship - the right of the citizen to enjoy, and the duty of the state to ensure, a minimum acceptable standard of living. At the level of the UK government, the evolution of social citizenship has been driven by the principle (also central to New Labour social security policy) that paid employment is the best means of ensuring one's economic welfare and that labour market participation should, for most, be a precondition to accessing social protection. Consequently, conditions associated with the receipt of benefit have been tightened and extended to a wider range of claimant groups, penalties for non-compliance stiffened and the level of many benefits reduced. The rise of the workerist model is illustrated by an examination of the increasing conditionalisation of access to social security for lone parents, a group that until 2007 was largely exempt from compulsory 'welfare-to-work' programmes. Meanwhile, in Scotland and Northern Ireland, pressure has grown for greater devolution of social citizenship through meaningful regional control of social security, the main social right of citizenship to remain effectively centralised in 2010. Through qualitative interviews with elite actors in both regions, the thesis explores possible drivers of demand for regionalisation, including dissatisfaction with UK-Ievel developments, differences in ideologies of social citizenship and the specific circumstances of Scotland and Northern Ireland. Consideration is given to the extent to which divergence in social security policy and regionalisation of social citizenship are likely outcomes. Given the importance of opposition to aspects of coalition welfare reform policy and the associated austerity agenda in stimulating regional discontent, it is concluded that the processes of evolution and devolution are intimately linked, and are likely to remain so as further controversial policies are pursued by the new Conservative government.
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Schofield, Emma. "Independent Wales? : the impact of devolution on Welsh fiction in English." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2014. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/71581/.

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This thesis traces the relation between Anglophone Welsh fiction and politics, in light of the campaign for, and introduction, of devolution. Focusing primarily on the period 1970 – 2011, the thesis analyses a range of novels, short stories and journal articles produced in this period. The Introduction begins with an analysis of the history of devolution in Wales and considers theories of nationalism proposed by theorists including Benedict Anderson and Raymond Williams, both of whom suggest that heightened awareness of a wider national community is integral to the development of a cohesive nationalist impulse. Chapter I commences with an analysis of the relation between literature and politics in the years prior to the 1979 referendum on Welsh devolution. Taking as its starting point Fredric Jameson’s theory of political allegory in literature, this chapter considers the way in which the presentation of politics in Anglophone Welsh fiction becomes gradually more overt by the close of the 1970s. Chapter II examines the way in which Anglophone Welsh fiction writers responded to the outcome of the 1979 referendum, alongside other political events of the 1980s such as the Falklands War and widespread industrial decline. Chapter III charts the development of the relation between fiction and politics in 1990s Wales, suggesting that the years preceding the 1997 referendum on devolution witnessed a more overt engagement between Anglophone Welsh fiction and politics than had been evident in the 1970s. The final chapter argues that in the wake of devolution fiction from Wales has responded by presenting an increasingly diverse and multi-faceted image of Wales, characterised by a more overt engagement with politics and nationalism. The Conclusion considers how the changes outlined in this thesis relate to wider cultural developments in Wales and suggests how this research may be expanded to incorporate broader areas of the arts in Wales.
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Ahram, Ariel I. "Devolution from above the origins and persistence of state-sponsored militias /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436265260/viewonline.

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38

Ghashat, Hesham. "The governance of Libyan ports : determining a framework for successful devolution." Thesis, Edinburgh Napier University, 2012. http://researchrepository.napier.ac.uk/Output/5729.

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Following a period of isolation, and particularly since the lifting of sanctions imposed by the United Nations at the beginning of the 1990s in 2003, Libya's economy has witnessed a remarkable growth with a corresponding increase in external trade. The country's economic policy has changed and become more liberalised; involving a move towards a market economy, an increase in the participation of the private sector in all economic activities, and diversification of the sources of national income. At the port sector level Libya aims to rehabilitate and modernise the container port sector, in order to cope with the technological development that has occurred in the global shipping and port industry. The future of the sector will also involve moving beyond serving the local trade; there is a desire to convert one or more of country's ports into a hub in the Mediterranean region, and as a gateway serving the trade oflandlocked countries. Many researchers have suggested that to handle changes in the operational environments at the ports the structure of the port should be an organic one in order to secure port responsiveness. Organic structure can be achieved via implementation of a devolution policy, and over the past two decades, devolution of port governance has proved to be one way of enhancing the efficiency of ports and of handling port authorities/governments strategy shifts. Furthermore; thus far changes in governance structure, via the implementation of devolution policy, have assisted in resolving port problems, which include physical, management and administration. This research contributes significantly to the literature in the field of ports' studies; offering the policy makers of Libya with a guide for the best way to govern the port sector in Libya and outlining the steps that need to be followed to achieve this. To achieve this, the thesis reviews the policy of port devolution, and the current situation within Libya's port industry in detail; discussing the challenges' facing the Libyan port sector (container and general cargo ports). Empirically, the necessity for the devolution of Libya's ports is examined with a matching framework analysis and this is further demonstrated via a stakeholders' attitudinal survey, including suggestions for the best future governance structure and the expected impact of adopting a devolution policy. The findings are validated using a Delphi survey; the technique was utilised to deduce the critical determinants for the successful implementation of a port devolution policy in Libya. The findings reveal that in order to help the sector to survive in the existing competitive environment, the technical performance of Libya's ports needs to be improved. A fundamental change to the governance structure of the sector is perceived as a top priority for enhancing its performance; the results confirm that the allocation of responsibility for port functions does not fall neatly into the categories proposed in the widely-accepted port privatisation matrix, and is instead subject to different factors, e.g. the country's financial capabilities. A further contribution is that stakeholder interests were used as a basis for measuring the performance of the new governance structure. The analysis indicates that changes in port governance structure are widely expected to have a positive impact, leading to benefits for the majority of port stakeholders. However, the success of the devolution policy was found to be determined by factors beyond the selection of an appropriate governance structure and stakeholder satisfaction; some of the success factors identified relate to the institutional environment of the port sector. By combining the findings of the primary surveys with the literature, a systematic integrated vision for the success of port devolution in Libya is proposed.
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Dinan, William. "Lobbying and devolution : policy and political communication in Scotland, 1997-2003." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26826.

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This thesis examines the growth of commercial lobbying in Scotland with the devolution of political power to Edinburgh in 1999. The study analyses the nascent public affairs community in Edinburgh in the lead up to, and during, the first session of the Scottish Parliament. This period covers the public debate at Holyrood over the registration and regulation of outside interests, and examines both the public and private political communication of those actors involved. The evidence base for this thesis is drawn from archival and documentary research, extended observational fieldwork in Edinburgh, and in depth interviews with informants from lobbying consultancies, corporations, voluntary sector organisations, elected representatives and public servants. A key focus of this study is the role of commercial and corporate lobbyists in Scottish public affairs and the Scottish public sphere. The analysis concludes that the Scottish Parliament's founding principles of openness, equality and accountability could be served through the regulation of lobbying.
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Revelant, Andrea <1978&gt. "Tax policy in taisho Japan: a study on the devolution question." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/593.

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41

Mitchell, June. "Skirting Scottish issues : an investigation of how Scottish women explore national and gender identities in contemporary novels, newspaper articles and informational television programmes 1997-2000." Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364826.

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42

Yahya, Mastora. "Can the Malaysian Inland Revenue Board become a learning organisation : issues of bureaucracy, culture and change." Thesis, University of Bath, 2001. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343764.

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43

Bosire, Conrad M. "Devolution for development, conflict resolution, and limiting central power: an analysis of the constitution of Kenya 2010." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2013. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4114_1380725514.

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State practice and literature suggest that devolution of power can address the main challenges of underdevelopment, internal conflict and abuse of centralised power in developing states. However, this thesis advances the argument that the design features of devolved government for these purposes are not always compatible. Accordingly, while there are complementary and neutral design features in the three designs, trade-offs have to be made between the unique design features in order to ensure the effective pursuit of the three purposes through a single system of devolved government. Kenya, the case study for this inquiry, confirms the international trend as its major challenges over the last 50 years have been underdevelopment, internal conflict and abuse of central power. As such, development, ethnic harmony, and the limiting of central power featured prominently throughout the entire constitutional review process as purposes to be pursued by means of devolution of power. To this end, the devolution of state power is one of the central elements of the current constitutional dispensation in Kenya. There are trade-offs made in Kenya‟s devolution design in order to accommodate the three purposes of devolution. However, the overall result has been that the emphasis falls on development at the expense of conflict resolution and limiting central power. Nevertheless, regardless of the trade-offs and nature of the final design, the design‟s effectiveness or lack thereof may depend very much on factors external to the design. Lack of political will to make devolution work can negate the effectiveness of even the most perfect design
by same token, political will could make an apparently bad design effective. In practice, therefore, effectiveness depends on an array of other context-specific factors.

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Nguyen, Lan Phuong. "Educational stratification in Viet Nam during the evolution and devolution of socialism /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8927.

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45

Yau, Wai-keung. "A study on fire protection policy in Hong Kong devolution from bureaucracy /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B36443311.

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46

Adams, Sandiswa. "Investigating the devolution of decision-making in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1006783.

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The research investigates the devolution of decision-making at the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). The research sets out to investigate the extent to which the Municipality offers resources to its politically elected representatives and whether the support enables a devolution that includes local citizens in decision-making. The study was demarcated within the NMBM, using an empirical survey, a population group composed of councillors and officials who work very closely with politicians in mobilizing the community in public participation. The data collection tool of choice for the study was a selfadministered questionnaire, supplemented by document analysis, unstructured interviews and the researcher’s observations. The purpose of the study is to investigate reasons why devolution is not having the desired results at NMBM, Investigate and find alternatives to how devolved decision-making can be enhanced, using the viable local political process at the NMBM and similar municipalities. The study argues from a theoretical base of good governance and public participation. The findings made were inter alia: Politicians in public office are not using the resources at their disposal optimally; tussles amongst politicians and with officials do have a negative effect on devolved decision-making; and vandalism and closing down of ward council offices are not purely a reflection of a ward councillor’s failure to account to the constituency, and the ward committee system at NMBM has not since 2009. The recommendation is that deliberate efforts need to be made to establish democratically elected ward committees in all sixty wards of NMBM. The establishment of ward committees has to be a joint effort between political office bearers, the broader political landscape and officials as previous efforts have failed to produce legitimate structures. The politicians and officials need to work together to win over public opinion and community buy-in towards the establishment of ward committees that are representative and functional.
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Meisch, Simon [Verfasser]. "Devolution in Schottland : Institutionelle Entwicklung zwischen Pfadabhängigkeit und graduellem Wandel / Simon Meisch." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1107606640/34.

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48

Palmer, Rosanne. "Devolution and European policy-making in the United Kingdom : a comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509696.

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Hughes, Mairi. "The changing face of environmental groups in post-devolution Scotland : 1992-2006." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.501799.

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This study examines the changing face of environmental groups in Scotland between 1992 and 2006. It capitalises on the unique opportunity presented by the availability of 1992 data on various aspects of the groups in operation within the Scottish environment movement. Collection of the equivalent data in 2006, using a postal questionnaire, presented the chance to examine these issues during a time period in which important structural changes had occurred. A range of hypotheses were generated from two key theoretical approaches, namely resource mobilisation and political opportunity structures and also from the interaction between these two approaches. Results showed that groups have undertaken the process of professionalisation over this time period, with the aim of maximising their potential to mobilise resources. Moreover, they have also responded to the changing political opportunity structures, particularly in relation to Scottish devolution. The combination of these two processes has resulted in growing institutionalisation in relation to the aims and strategies of groups within the Scottish environment movement.
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Liu, Kwok-leung, and 廖國良. "Open government, devolution of power and education policy-making in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964813.

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