Journal articles on the topic 'Developmentalism in India'
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Marwah, Inder S. "Provincializing Progress: Developmentalism and Anti-Imperialism in Colonial India." Polity 51, no. 3 (July 2019): 498–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704190.
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Scott, J. Barton. "Comic Book Karma." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 4, no. 2 (November 12, 2010): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v4i2.177.
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Virgin Comics, a transnational corporation with offices in India and the U.S., has tried to put its chosen medium—the comic book— to novel use. In 2006, Virgin (now Liquid Comics) began marketing titles that remobilize Hindu mythology for the global entertainment market. Paying particular attention to the series Devi (2006-), this article situates Virgin’s comics within several discursive and institutional conjunctures. First, I trace how Virgin’s chief “visionaries” sought to “modernize” the Indian comic. By bringing the vocabularies of Nehruvian developmentalism to bear on this popular cultural form, Virgin signals that in post-liberalization India the aesthetic has outpaced the industrial as the byword of global modernity. Second, I consider Virgin’s attempt to render the comic book a fully fungible medium, which facilitates the development and exchange of intellectual property across entertainment platforms. Newly dematerialized, Virgin’s ethereally cosmopolitan comics are nonetheless haunted by the material specificities of the postcolonial nation-state.
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Devika, J. "Egalitarian Developmentalism, Communist Mobilization, and the Question of Caste in Kerala State, India." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 3 (July 27, 2010): 799–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810001506.
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The article critiques the “Kerala model,” which holds up Kerala State, India, as a model that may be emulated by other developing countries, on account of its remarkable advances in social development. The dominant left in Kerala has often claimed credit for such achievements, leading to its glorification as a model for social democracy. This uncritical adoration, which has acquired the status of national commonsense in Kerala, has reduced marginalized people in Kerala, particularly the lower-caste Dalits and tribals, to a state of abjection. The present effort seeks to show how the marginalization of these social groups and their confinement to governmental categories was not a historical accident, but the effect of political strategies on the left that led to their exclusion from productive resources, and of the assertion of upper-caste agency in left-led anticaste struggle.
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Kumar, Dhiraj, and Dinabandhu Sahoo. "Natural Resources Matters: Capitalism and People’s Resistance Against Developmentalism in Adivasi Region of India." Oriental Anthropologist: A Bi-annual International Journal of the Science of Man 19, no. 1 (June 2019): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972558x19835373.
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Capitalist development and its fallout dispossession have been contested in various place-based struggles in India. It has intensified capital accumulation, enforcing the vast majority of population, particularly the Adivasis (tribal people) in resource-rich territories, to displace and has affected their livelihoods by accumulating their cultural rights to land, water, and forests. The prerequisite capitalist logic of investment-induced dispossession has been contested in various place-based local struggles raising important questions about mass mobilization, resistance, politics of protest, identity, and solidarity. The study provides theoretical and empirical insight of the interrelationship between culture, power, and politics of corporate state developmentalism and the way it works in Adivasi resource-rich region. By discussing how different ploys and tactics employed by corporate to establish clientelist relation with nature, backed by the state through policy, have led to poverty and dispossession of the commons, this article argues that accumulation of the growth and national development subsume various discourses facilitated by different players involving populist belief and intentions which gradually develop a class character that corresponds with dialectic of the capitalism under the rubric and politics of imperial stage of capitalism. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and case studies, the article explores the process of how the Adivasis as a class encounter neoliberal capitalist development in Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex and West Singhbhum. Initiatives like everyday resistance ‘from below’ in response to corporate land accumulation for developmental projects have further enhanced the ecological politics and class politics that will also be discussed in shadow of different theories of political economy and critical agrarian studies.
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BAYLY, C. A. "THE ENDS OF LIBERALISM AND THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF NEHRU'S INDIA." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 3 (January 23, 2015): 605–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000754.
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The period immediately following Independence when Jawaharlal Nehru was prime minister of India (1947–64) has been described conventionally as an era dominated by “socialist” developmentalism. This article contends that an examination of the ideas of Nehru and his closest colleagues reveals a much more complex amalgam of political ideologies and sentiments. Ideas of small-scale development through local bodies and cooperative societies, typical of earlier “communitarian” liberals such as G. K. Gokhale, were blended, and sometimes contended, with visions of rapid industrialization more obviously based on the Soviet model. Nehru himself remained distinctly liberal in his political stance, musing that he could not impose further socialist measures “because most Indians were not socialists.” The article considers the importance of the events of India's partition for this ideological amalgam and the examines the ideas of key figures in Nehru's circle, notably G. B. Pant, D. R. Gadgil, P. C. Mahalanobis and S. Radhakrishnan.
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Ningthoujam, Rameshchandra. "Disturbed valley: a case of protracted armed conflict situation in Northeast India." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 11 (December 11, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-11-2013pp185-205.
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<p>India’s northeastern region has been experiencing the least known but one of the longest-lasting armed conflict situation in South Asia. New Delhi government has been trying to control the situation through some restrictive or economic incentives such as the Armed Forces Special Power Act-1958 (AFSPA) or the Look East Policy (LEP) and others. However, these policies have been contested by many of the human rights activists, civil societies for their disruptive character, who have unmasked the disruptive substance of human rights violation and the militaristic developmentalism. The proposed paper will rather be a <em>tour d’ horizon </em>of India’s political dispensation at its northeastern frontier in general and Manipur in particular, that shapes the political affairs of this region since India’s Independence.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>
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Ghosh, Devleena. "Water out of fire: Novel women, national fictions and the legacy of Nehruvian developmentalism in India." Third World Quarterly 22, no. 6 (December 2001): 951–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590120099731.
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Parashar, Swati. "Discursive (in)securities and postcolonial anxiety: Enabling excessive militarism in India." Security Dialogue 49, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2018): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617746527.
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This article queries the intimate relationship between militarism and the state, which is seen as the by-product of ‘postcolonial anxiety’ (Krishna, 1999) related to the survival of the nation-state in the Third World. This anxiety enables militarism at various levels of governance and state interventions in the everyday lives of the citizenry. The article engages with the historical trajectory of the Indian state to argue that its ‘postcolonial anxiety’ engenders militarism not in the immediate aftermath of independence from colonial rule, as in other postcolonial states, but as an anomaly since the end of the Cold War and the advent of globalization. The Indian state rejected militarism immediately after independence, but subsequently used it sporadically to deal with armed insurgencies in the 1970s and 1980s. The popular endorsement of militarism in India coincides with the globalized world order of the 1990s, the move to democratize ‘security’ in discourse and practice, and the adoption of neoliberal developmentalism to ‘catch up’ with the ‘modern’ trajectory of the European nation-states. I argue that this has led to ‘excessive militarism’ that thrives on the shared consensus between the state and citizens that security is a collective enterprise in which the material and affective labour of militarism must be performed by both sides. Citizens embrace military logics and military ethos, both to contest the state’s violence and to confer legitimacy on the state and secure development benefits. The article concludes that militarism opens up new spaces for understanding the complex statebuilding processes of postcolonial societies, the fraught and textured relationship between the state and citizens, and the constant tensions and negotiations between civilian lives and military culture.
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Akhter, Majed. "Adjudicating infrastructure: Treaties, territories, hydropolitics." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 2, no. 4 (July 31, 2019): 831–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2514848619864913.
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In 2013, an international Court of Arbitration delivered a two-part decision on the legality of the Kishenganga Hydro-Electric Plant, located in the internationally disputed territory of Kashmir. The court was convened under procedures detailed in the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960, a landmark international water treaty between Pakistan and India mediated by the World Bank in the 1950s. The Kishenganga case is part of the ongoing hydropolitical competition between Pakistan and India over the use of Indus waters and the development of new infrastructures on the river system. This paper draws on critical water geography and geopolitical theory to guide a close, critical, and contextual reading of competing interpretations of the purpose and objective of the Indus Waters Treaty made during the Kishenganga case. It argues that two specific geopolitical imperatives powerfully shaped the legal strategies of state elites: downstream territorialism and basin developmentalism. Pakistani lawyers drew on the treaty negotiation archives to argue that its primary objective and purpose was the protection of vulnerable downstream territories. Indian lawyers, however, drew on the text of the treaty and the archives to argue the primary objective was the maximum economic development of the Indus Basin. I also discuss the relationship of these imperatives with David Harvey’s influential understanding of capitalist states acting under the dual pressures of the “territorial” and “capitalist” imperatives. By analyzing how geopolitical imperatives shape strategies of treaty interpretation, the paper develops a legal and geopolitical contribution to critical water geography. The paper also makes a methodological contribution by demonstrating how treaty negotiation archives represent a rich and underutilized resource for hydropolitical analysis.
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WILLIAMS, Alexander. "Imagining the Post-colonial Lawyer: Legal Elites and the Indian Nation-State, 1947–1967." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 15, no. 1 (May 22, 2020): 156–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2020.7.
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AbstractA key feature of British rule in India was the formation of a class of elite metropolitan lawyers who had an outsized role within the legal profession and a prominent position in Indian politics. This paper analyzes the response of these legal elites to the shifting social and political terrain of post-colonial India, arguing that the advent of the Indian nation-state shaped the discursive strategies of elite lawyers in two crucial ways. First, in response to the slipping grasp of lawyers on Indian political life and increasing competition from developmentalist economics, the elite bar turned their attention towards the consolidation of a national professional identity, imagining an ‘Indian advocate’ as such, whose loyalty would ultimately lie with the nation-state. Second, the creation of the Supreme Court of India, the enactment of the Constitution of India, and the continuous swelling of the post-colonial regulatory welfare state partially reoriented the legal elite towards public law, particularly towards the burgeoning field of administrative law.
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Sinha, Subir. "Lineages of the Developmentalist State: Transnationality and Village India, 1900–1965." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 1 (January 2008): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000054.
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On 2 October 1952, marking Gandhi's fourth birth anniversary after his assassination in 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of postcolonial India, launched the Community Development (CD) Programs. Dedicating the programs to Gandhi's memory allowed Nehru to claim symbolic legitimacy for them. At the same time, this centerpiece of Nehruvian policy in the Indian countryside was heavily interventionist, billed as “the method ... through which the [state] seeks to bring about social and economic transformation in India's villages” (Government of India 1952). In its heyday, CD preoccupied the Planning Commission, was linked to the office of the Prime Minister, had a ministry dedicated to it, and formed part of the domain of action of the rapidly proliferating state and other development agencies. Fifteen pilot projects, each covering 300 villages, were launched in all the major states. Planning documents of the day register high enthusiasm and optimism for these programs. However, by the mid-1960s, barely a decade after the fanfare of its launch, the tone of planners toward CD turned first despairing and then oppositional. They called for abandonment of its ambitious aim of the total development of Indian villages in favor of more focused interventions to achieve a rapid increase in food-grain production.
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SULTAN, NAZMUL S. "Self-Rule and the Problem of Peoplehood in Colonial India." American Political Science Review 114, no. 1 (November 7, 2019): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000601.
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This article theorizes the colonial problem of peoplehood that Indian anticolonial thinkers grappled with in their attempts to conceptualize self-rule, or swaraj. British colonial rule drew its legitimacy from a developmentalist conception of the colonized people as backward and disunited. The discourse of “underdeveloped” colonial peoplehood rendered the Indian people “unfit” for self-government, suspending their sovereignty to an indefinite future. The concept of swaraj would be born with the rejection of deferred colonial self-government. Yet the persistence of the developmentalist figuration of the people generated a crisis of sovereign authorization. The pre-Gandhian swaraj theorists would be faced with the not-yet claimable figure of the people at the very moment of disavowing the British claim to rule. Recovering this underappreciated pre-Gandhian history of the concept of swaraj and reinterpreting its Gandhian moment, this article offers a new reading of Gandhi's theory of moral self-rule. In so doing, it demonstrates how the history of swaraj helps trace the colonial career of popular sovereignty.
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Parajuli, Pramod. "Ecological ethnicity in the making: Developmentalist hegemonies and emergent identities in India." Identities 3, no. 1-2 (October 1996): 14–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.1996.9962551.
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Singh, Mahendra Prasad. "The Crisis of the Indian State: From Quiet Developmentalism to Noisy Democracy." Asian Survey 30, no. 8 (August 1, 1990): 809–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644500.
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Singh, Mahendra Prasad. "The Crisis of the Indian State: From Quiet Developmentalism to Noisy Democracy." Asian Survey 30, no. 8 (August 1990): 809–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1990.30.8.01p0409r.
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Damodaran, Vinita, and Sangeeta Dasgupta. "Special issue: Multiple worlds of the Adivasi. An introduction." Modern Asian Studies 56, no. 5 (September 2022): 1353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x22000361.
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On 6 December 1959, the image of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru inaugurating the Damodar Valley Corporation dam project in Bihar with a 15-year-old Adivasi girl called Budhini Manjhiyan was flashed across the national newspapers. This was an iconic moment in the national debate around development and change which was to dominate modern India on whether lands, predominately rural and tribal, were to be flooded to benefit the nation. Years later, in 2016, when the newspapers caught up with Budhini, she had returned to Jharkhand and was struggling to make ends meet for herself and her children. Her story resonates with the ways in which, in recent times, Adivasis are becoming increasingly visible as subjects in debates around indigeneity, identity, conversion, development, and climate change. The post-colonial Indian state and its allies, with a developmentalist agenda uppermost in their minds, have made loss of land, displacement, migration, and forced resettlement a part of Adivasi experiences. Forces of globalization, often in tandem with the policies of the Indian state, are engulfing marginal spaces. The increasingly powerful majoritarian narrative of the state subsumes alternate voices with easy nonchalance. The foregrounding of planetary narratives on the fate of humanity in the era of the Anthropocene erases the importance of particular locales and specific communities that could offer an alternative to declensionist narratives. But amid this marginalization, there also lies a story of the assertion of Adivasi agency. Voices of Adivasis—although multiple and fractured—can be heard as they assert their identity, express their politics, and creatively negotiate with the state and its institutions. Scattered across India in geographically differentiated terrains, pursuing different occupations, and speaking different languages, the experiences of Adivasis are varied, as they inhabit many worlds. Their stories point to the multiplicity of cultures and myriad ways of thinking that must be accommodated within the ambit of the nation, and yet offer the possibilities of different ways of living and being on this earth.
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Shaw, Padmaja. "Book Review: Community Radio Policies in South Asia by Preeti Raghunath." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 19, no. 1 (February 7, 2021): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v19i1.1249.
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Padmaja Shaw reviews “Community Radio Policies in South Asia” by Preeti Raghunath. Raghunath applies “deliberative policy ecology approach” to study how policy frameworks evolved in four South Asian nations, India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. Raghunath argues that the “deliberative policy ecology approach” is rooted in emancipatory politics that brings in the stakeholders at the bottom of the policy food chain. Raghunath’s intricate map of policy formulation in post-colonial societies is an engaging revelation of the continued contradictions between the developmentalist instincts of the state and the push of grassroots voices to claim their legitimate space in decision making.
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Sinha, Subir. "‘Strong leaders’, authoritarian populism and Indian developmentalism: The Modi moment in historical context." Geoforum 124 (August 2021): 320–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2021.02.019.
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T.V., Venkateswaran. "‘Science for social revolution’: People’s Science Movements and democratizing science in India." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 06 (November 24, 2020): C08. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19060308.
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Often, new social movements engaged with science and society are characterised as contesting objectivity; the neutrality of modern science seeking to legitimise ‘lay perspectives’. It has been an article of faith among scholars to view third world movements as anti-science, anti-modernity and post-developmentalist. This commentary describes ideological framework, modes of action and organisation of the All India People’s Science Network (AIPSN), one of the People’s science movement (PSMs) active for more than the past four decades. They dispute the dominant development trajectory and science and technology-related policies for reinforcing the existing inequities. Nevertheless, they see ‘science’ as a powerful ally for realising their radical emancipatory vision of ‘science for social revolution’. Mobilising ‘science activists’ as unique alternate communicators, they strive for lay-expert collaboration. The canonical framing of third world social movements as postcolonial and anti-modern does not capture this unique case from India. Further studies are required to tease out such strands of social movements elsewhere.
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Serrano, Omar, and Ivo Krizic. "Exporting Intellectual Property Rights to Emerging Countries: EU and US Approaches Compared." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Special Issue (August 1, 2017): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017020.
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This article focuses on the EU’s and the US’s relationship with Brazil, India and China (BIC) in the area of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR). The comparison of EU and US approaches yields the interplay between hierarchical (coercive) and horizontal (network-based) strategies used by both sides to advance a maximalist IP agenda vis-à-vis the BIC. We furthermore find the EU taking inspiration (i.e. ‘learning’) from the US in the process of strengthening its external IP policy. Switching the angle to the ‘demand-side’ of emerging countries, China comes out as the most accommodative among the BIC in terms of aligning its IP (especially patent) legislation and enforcement practices with standards promoted by the EU and the US. India and Brazil, on the other hand, have shown more signs of contestation, not only in domestic implementation but also in terms of opposing and seeking alternatives to EU- and US-induced global IP norms. Variation between the BIC is explained, inter alia, by domestic concerns related to innovation in China, the role of the (generics) pharmaceutical industry in India, and the persistence of developmentalist ideas in parts of the Brazilian public administration.
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McNeish, John-Andrew. "Beyond the Permitted Indian? Bolivia and Guatemala in an Era of Neoliberal Developmentalism1." Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 3, no. 1 (March 2008): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17442220701865838.
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Raman, K. Ravi. "Subaltern Modernity: Kerala, the Eastern Theatre of Resistance in the Global South." Sociology 51, no. 1 (February 2017): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516660041.
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In engaging with the debate on modernity, this article constructs the notion of a ‘subaltern modernity’ as a process of epistemological – spatial/temporal/agential – coalescence constituting a transverse solidarity politics. This is empirically informed by the narratives of the livelihood-environmental resistance launched by subalterns in the Indian state of Kerala, known for its twin legacies – of communist government and social development – which have proved to be a direct challenge to the state/corporate-led developmentalism in the region. The article thus attempts to contribute to the debate on modernity more from the perspective of resisting subjects and agents, with their particular subjective experience and understandings of science and reasoning. However, their resistance generates transformative events of universal relevance and thereby global issues of epistemology. As such, the article develops a theory of knowledge that takes subaltern resistance itself as modernity.
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Apffel-Marglin, Frédérique, and Julia A. Jean. "Weaving the Body and the Cosmos." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 24, no. 3 (July 7, 2020): 245–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685357-02402001.
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Abstract This paper explores the cultural context and ecological implications of two menstrual festivals in northeastern India: Rajaparba in Orissa and Ambuvaci in Kamakhya, Assam. We argue that these festivals are extremely fruitful sites to explore questions of women and power in religious communities where the Goddess is a central focus as well as their ecological implications for an integral worldview. These festivals, usually held at the beginning of the monsoon when the Hindu Goddess menstruates, are times when the earth is regenerated, when the body of the Goddess is regenerated, and when women and communities are regenerated in various ways. Participants report that pilgrimages to these festivals are indeed transformative and have positive impacts on their lives. As a result, we critique feminist arguments that claim that Hinduism is the basis for women’s social disempowerment, and as a result, the only meaningful social change must occur on a secular basis. We also use these festivals to critique contemporary feminist developmentalist ideologies.
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Kaur, Raminder. "A nuclear cyberia: interfacing science, culture and ‘e-thnography’ of an Indian township’s social media." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 3 (July 9, 2016): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443716643156.
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The article’s aims are twofold – to investigate the potentials and limitations of online ethnography and to delineate the discursive dynamics of Indian technoscientific cultures as evident on a nuclear township’s online social network site. Technoscientific cultures of the south cannot be simply seen through a postcolonial lens in terms of north–south tensions over the global political economy or merely through a developmentalist paradigm. There are more complex and illuminating territories with which to appreciate such cultures through the eyes of their protagonists. I note that while Weberian trends towards bureaucratisation are discernible among Indian nuclear technocrats, there is also a considerable counter-narrative in which there is a ‘reconstitution of the cultural’ that demonstrates a strong proclivity towards reinventing particular strains of religio-cultural discourse. I illustrate these dynamics by providing an ‘e-thnography’ of the material posted on the social network site set up in 2010 by scientists who live in a nuclear township in Mumbai. In so doing, I diverge from liberal human-centric understandings of the context of media technologies to consider critical junctures where the subject interfaces with informational technologies in such a manner that notions of the centred and corporeal self dissipate, but traces of his or her embodied self remain.
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Orchard, Steven. "Sustainable developmentality: Interrogating the sustainability gaze and the cultivation of mountain subjectivities in the central Indian Himalayas." Geoforum 127 (December 2021): 209–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2021.11.004.
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Mawani, Renisa, and Iza Hussin. "The Travels of Law: Indian Ocean Itineraries." Law and History Review 32, no. 4 (September 9, 2014): 733–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000467.
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I believe that no country ever stood so much in need of a code of laws as India; and I believe also that there never was a country in which the want might so easily be supplied. I said that there were many points of analogy between the state of that country after the fall of the Mogul power, and the state of Europe after the fall of the Roman empire. In one respect the analogy is very striking.As there were in Europe then, so there are in India now, several systems of law widely differing from each other, but coexisting and coequal. The indigenous population has its own laws. Each of the successive races of conquerors has brought with it its own peculiar jurisprudence: the Mussulman his Koran and the innumerable commentators on the Koran; the Englishman his Statute Book and his Term Reports. As there were established in Italy, at one and the same time, the Roman Law, the Lombard law, the Ripuarian law, the Bavarian law, and the Salic law, so we have now in our Eastern empire Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other, varying with the person, varying with the place.–Thomas Babington MacaulayOn July 10 1833, in his lengthy and famous speech on the “Government of India” delivered to the House of Commons, Thomas Babington Macaulay offered a brief but fascinating spatial-temporal assessment of the exigencies confronting British legal reform in India. As his above-cited remarks suggest, Macaulay was well acquainted with the subcontinent's rich landscape of multiple legalities and was particularly attuned to the challenges this legal plurality posed to British rule. At the same time, his observations serve as an astute testament to law's travels. Macaulay's speech addressed a range of politically charged issues, including allegations of scandal and corruption surrounding the East India Company's administration. By the end, however, he turned from justifying and defending Company pursuits to persuading an attentive Parliament about the necessity and merits of legal codification. Given Macaulay's unwavering belief in the superiority of Britain (and Europe)—most clearly articulated in his developmentalist analogy between “Europe then” and “India now”—the most plausible itinerary of law's movements was a unidirectional one: law originated in metropolitan London and moved outward to India and elsewhere. However, in advancing his case for codification, Macaulay inadvertently exposed many other laws and their respective circuits of travel. India was difficult to govern precisely because it was a terrain of legal mobility; the residues of other people, places, and times produced a polyglot existence of “Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other.” What India needed most, Macaulay urged, was a systematized, standardized, and codified rule of law that was to be introduced and imposed by the British: “A code is almost the only blessing, perhaps it is the only blessing, which absolute governments are better fitted to confer on a nation than popular governments.”
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Patel, Sujata. "The nationalist-indigenous and colonial modernity: an assessment of two sociologists in India." Journal of Chinese Sociology 8, no. 1 (January 4, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40711-020-00140-9.
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AbstractThis paper analyzes the work of two Indian sociologists who defined the contours of sociology in India in the immediate post-independence decades, M. N. Srinivas and A. R. Desai. It argues that their scholarship can be linked to sociology’s legacy as anthropology in India and its embeddedness in the episteme of colonial modernity. It contends that Srinivas’s methodology, the field view, attempted to make a break with earlier methods, such as book view. However, his three concepts, that of dominant caste, Sanskritization and Westernization were perceived as civilizational attributes and which had organized social change in India. A. R. Desai, a Marxist historical sociologist, made an incisive critique of capitalist exploitation and elaborated the material conditions that led to peasant and working-class revolts. However, his sociology could not unravel the caste-class linkages that organized the Indian ‘social’ which was embedded in Indian nationalism. This paper suggests that a definitive understanding of modernity emerges in Indian sociology in the late 70s when the feminist, dalit and tribal movements interrogated the material basis of contemporary India’s developmentalism and its capitalist and exploitative character.
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Chatterjee, Elizabeth. "New Developmentalism and its Discontents: State Activism in Modi's Gujarat and India." Development and Change, February 19, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12579.
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KIM, CHANWAHN, and RAJIV KUMAR. "New Directions in Indian Political Economy: Reflections on Development, Welfare, and Governance." Journal of Indian and Asian Studies, December 14, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2717541322020016.
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In this introductory paper of the Special Issue, we explore how India’s political economy is moving in a new direction by focusing on three key political economy issues: development, welfare, and governance. India has undergone a substantial political transformation in recent years, especially since Bharatiya Janata Party led by Narendra Modi formed the first majoritarian government in three decades in 2014. In this paper, we first demonstrate that this political transformation has a significant impact on the Indian political economy, given that the country is witnessing the rise of a new developmentalism, a new welfarism, and the new modes of governance. After that, we summarize the collections of articles of the Special Issue and situate them in relation to our central theme, new directions in the Indian political economy. This paper, and this Special Issue more broadly, seeks to contribute to the existing literature by introducing new analytical frameworks to understand recent changes in the Indian political economy and providing new empirical evidence on this topic drawing on content analysis and field research.
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VISAKH, M. S., R. SANTHOSH, and C. K. MOHAMMED ROSHAN. "Islamic Traditionalism in a Globalizing World: Sunni Muslim identity in Kerala, South India." Modern Asian Studies, February 1, 2021, 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x20000347.
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Abstract In our ethnography among traditionalist Sunni Muslims of Kerala, South India, we observe the emergence of new intellectual critiques of Islamic reformism and a revival of ‘traditional’ Islamic articulations. A new class of traditionalist Sunni ulama, claiming to be ‘turbaned professionals’, plays an instrumental role in providing epistemic sanctioning to ‘traditional’ Islamic piety while simultaneously grounding it within the discourses and processes of neoliberal developmentalism. Such assertions of traditionalist Sunni Muslim identity challenge the conventional understanding of Islamic reformism as a hallmark of the progressive understanding of faith and traditionalism as its ‘anti-modern’ other. The article argues that this discursive shift of Sunni Islamic traditionalism in Kerala since the 1980s from defensive to more assertive forms has to be located in the context of wider socio-economic change within the community facilitated by structural as well as cultural forces of globalization. We point out that this process traverses the local, national, and global scales of identification, and results in intense negotiations between local identifications and ‘true Islamicate global imaginations’. These negotiations bring in new discourses around the question of ‘authentic’ Islamic practices and sensibilities among the traditionalist Sunni Muslims, forcing us to locate the question of their identity formation beyond the boundaries of communities and the nation states that ensconce them.
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Narayanan, Yamini. "‘A pilgrimage of camels’: Dairy capitalism, nomadic pastoralism, and subnational Hindutva statism in Rajasthan." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space, December 13, 2021, 251484862110620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/25148486211062005.
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Hindu nationalists and NGOs proffer camel dairying as an employment strategy for Rajasthan's nomadic pastoralists, akin to the commodification of bovine milk for poverty alleviation in India. Commercial dairying however is inconsistent with pastoralist ethics though it is consistent with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party's broader agenda to consolidate Hindutva at the national and subnational levels in India, and with developmentalism that regards animals as capital. In an original contribution bringing together pastoralist studies and critical animal geographies, this paper introduces species to the ‘conjugated oppressions’ in agrarian economies, currently composing caste, tribes, and class, through the suturing of (dairy) capitalism and right-wing ultranationalism. Focussing the camels and the Raika herders in the subregions of Jaisalmer, and Sirohi, home to India's only camel sanctuary, the paper delineates how the camel is entrapped in the coalescing and conflicts of dairy-based development and Hindutva nationalism. Interconnected oppressions upon the camels and herders are conceptualised and enacted through the control and appropriation of rangelands, understood as yatra or pilgrimage by the pastoralists. However, the camel is also enmeshed in the older violent histories of domestication, raising difficult questions about how nomadic and camel sovereignties may be imagined, together. Arguing that dairy capitalism will discipline the nomads and camels while strengthening Hindutva in Rajasthan, the paper draws on pastoralist worldviews as a starting point to re-imagine human–animal relations, based on an ethic of de-commodification.
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Arora, Bharti. "Rethinking powers of political: The national emergency and the J. P. movement in Rahi Masoom Raza’s Katra Bi Arzoo." Journal of Commonwealth Literature, May 16, 2020, 002198942091594. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989420915944.
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In this reading of Rahi Masoom Raza’s Katra Bi Arzoo (1978), the article proposes that the imposition of the National Emergency in India on 25–26 June 1975 should be perceived in the light of the politics of the preceding decades. The 1960s and early 1970s were riven by social movements such as the Naxalite movement, the women’s movement, and especially the J. P. movement. In highlighting this context, the article argues that Raza’s novel cognitively registers the making and unmaking of these sociopolitical movements to contest the dominant trajectories of Nehruvian developmentalism and its attendant processes of nation making. The fiction inscribes an alternative, performative aspect of the nation which has been marginalized by the grand rhetoric and dominant historiography of the nation state. Such an engagement will help locate the selected fiction in the interstices between ethics and politics so pertinent to the discourses on and around the social movements of 1970s. As Jessica Berman suggests: “Ethics as an attitude or activity within the sphere of community, rather than a set of common principles or a narrative domain, becomes essential to the ordering of our lives together, and to the ‘ensemble of human relations in their real, social structure’ that we might call politics” (2011: 25).
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Kumar, Dhananjay, and Dhiraj Kumar. "Gender Matters: Reappraising the Issues of Equity, Participation and Ownership in Watershed Management." Contemporary Voice of Dalit, January 30, 2022, 2455328X2110630. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x211063068.
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Equal share in governance of managing natural resources is one of the strategic aspects of neoliberal developmentalism. Additionally, this process of natural resource governance (NRG) considers communities as a homogeneous entity by ignoring the cultural politics of gender division to maintain the latency and equilibrium of the existing gendered order and regime. Watershed developmental project is no exceptional in this regard. The existing empirical literature shows that the gender governance (GG) issues in development projects such as watershed is disproportionate between men and women. This article talks about GG by discussing the issues of equity, participation and ownership in NRG, and it argued that GG cannot be synonymous with gender mainstreaming. Watershed development in India has been taken to address the issues of conservation and production, but it doesn’t address the cultural politics of gendered division. Women are more inclined to be marginalized in the governance of watershed management due to the cultural politics of control and access over the ownership of the natural resource (land) which comes under the hegemonic control of their male counterparts. Women participation in watershed activities is merely for fulfilling the custom of the official quota. Considering the potential function of women participation in watershed activities, the present article seeks to explore the issues and approaches through which the participatory institutions must meet the emerging challenges. This study concludes that the role of women participation in NRG will help in the integration of various form of capital more effectively.
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Donner, Henrike. "Liminal states: Propertied citizenship and gendered kin work in middle-class Kolkata families." Critique of Anthropology, November 5, 2022, 0308275X2211391. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x221139158.
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This article traces the way the intersection between gender, class and family values is reorganised in relation to state policies that enable propertied citizenship through home-ownership. Focusing on ethnographic data from Kolkata, India, it discusses how women realise propertied citizenship in exchange for care work rather than through employment as developmentalist and liberal feminist discourses suggest. Here the way women’s lives are envisaged and represented through investment in high levels of educational attainment is in contrast to low levels of employment, symptomatic of what I call ‘liminal states’ – a gendered state of immaturity and dependence on kin. Home-ownership as a means of ‘empowerment’ configures the home as the economic and affective focus of gendered care work, which reproduces Berlant’s ‘cruel optimism’, whereby the desire to own a home and the practices of homemaking hamper autonomy and restrict the efficacy of agency.
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Chatterjee, Arup. "Lord Ram’s Own Sethu: Adam’s Bridge envisaged as an aquapelago." Shima: The International Journal of Research into Island Cultures, September 4, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21463/shima.136.
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Taking the current geological, environmental and religious controversy around the iconic Adam’s Bridge or Ram Sethu (as it is referred to in Hindu sacred mythography) and the proposed Sethusamudram canal project—which has been delayed since the late-20th century over several administrative terms, due to litigious procedures and protests by religious groups—this paper examines the Ram Sethu as an aquapelago. The Ram Sethu is an aquapelagic zone, not merely in geo-historical terms but also in psychological ways, that is largely experienced in the Indian consciousness through the evolution of ancient folkloric motifs in contemporary media-loric polemic. As an aquapelagic imaginary, or indeed a performed aquapelago, the Ram Sethu is sustained by accumulating epistemic plurality from multiple geological, secularist, sacred and environmentalist interpretations. This epistemological plurality or transcendence of (geo-)logocentric meanings is an inevitable function of aquapelagic imaginaries, even more so of the Ram Sethu, which is reproduced by multiple determinate negations of religion (negating ambitions of economic development), developmentalism (negating themes of environmental sustainability), and environmentalism (negating majoritarian discourses of what constitutes the sacred).